The practice of armed conflict has changed radically in the last decade. With eminent contributors from legal, government and military backgrounds, this Research Handbook addresses the legal implications of remote warfare and its significance for combatants, civilians, policymakers and international lawyers. Primarily focused on the legality of all forms of remote warfare, including targeted killings by drone, cyber-attacks, and autonomous weapons, each chapter gives a compelling insight beyond the standard and reactionary criticisms of these technologies. Current assumptions of remote warfare are challenged and discussed from a variety of international perspectives. These include governing the use of force, humanitarian law, criminal law, and human rights law. Contributors consider the essential features of current warfare regulations, and test their strength for controlling these new technologies. Suggestions are made for the future development of law to control the limits of modern remote warfare, with a particular focus on the possibility of autonomous weapons. This is an essential read for academics and students of jus ad bellum, international humanitarian law, criminal law and human rights. Students of political science, governance and military studies will also find this a thought-provoking insight into modern warfare techniques and the complex legal issues they create. Contributors include: W. Banks, G. Corn, E. Crawford, A. Cullen, L. Davies-Bright, G. Gaggioli, R. Geiss, T.D. Gill, R. Heinsch, I.S. Henderson, P. Keane, M. Klamberg, H. Lahmann, J. Liddy, P. Margulies, M.W. Meier, J.D. Ohlin, M. Roorda, J. van Haaster, N. White

This book addresses the issue of privacy and confidentiality in the broader context of the Egyptian legal system. The volume opens with an overview of the major approaches to confidentiality adopted in various jurisdictions. It goes on to examine the duties of confidentiality and privacy in arbitration law and practice on the basis of interviews with 30 law professors and practitioners who often act as arbitrators or counsel for parties in arbitral disputes together with the relevant Egyptian arbitration law provisions. The book takes into account the relevant provisions in the arbitration laws of Syria, Saudia Arabia and Yemen. It moves on to explore the relation between arbitration and the judicial system, and the extent to which the former should borrow its rules from the latter with regard to publicity and the rule of public trial. Finally, this book looks at the right to privacy as (a) a constitutional right, as a potential basis for a legal duty of confidentiality in arbitration, and the duties stemming from this constitutional right in the various laws of Egypt, as well as (b) the constraints imposed on the right to privacy, in particular those stemming from the constitutional principles of freedom of speech and freedom of the press. The main conclusion is that confidentiality does indeed exist in arbitration. However, its legal basis is not the law on arbitration or the arbitration agreement. It is in fact a corollary of the fundamental right to privacy granted in the Egyptian legal system to both natural and legal persons.

Since the early 1900s, the manager form of municipal government has had enthusiastic support. Today, it is one of the most popular forms of municipal government and brought greater efficiency and accountability to municipal operations. However, as Coppa makes clear, this wave of reform has not fully impacted the counties. The commission form, widely criticized for its lack of accountability, remains the most popular form of county government. Coppa suggests greater accountability and efficiency can be achieved if the commission form is replaced with the Union plan and existing county administrators are given greater executive power. The manager plan in Union County can serve as a model for counties without an elected executive, much the same way the Lakewood plan in California symbolizes county and municipal cooperation.

Although Coppa provides a guide to efficient and accountable county government, the book goes beyond its subtitle. It treats neglected topics, such as the legal status of counties, forms of county government, row officers, autonomous bodies, and the central role played by counties in reapportionment litigation. Supreme Court cases involving counties and critical issues such as free speech, elections, tax immunity, and the commerce clause are analyzed. Major issues such as the battle over ratables, revenue limits, and declining population are explored as well. Coppa examines the most critical issues faced by counties today--such as mandated expenditures--and raises the possibility of a constitutional amendment to treat unfunded federal mandates. Coppa recommends creative programs as well as an agenda for achieving efficient and accountable county government. To this end, he examines charter revision and the noncharter route as approaches to achieving economical and responsible county government. This work is an important analysis for students, scholars, researchers, and policy makers involved with local and state government issues.

As in all periods of swift economic development and political upheaval, our era of globalization has brought corruption and conflicts of interest into the spotlight. This comprehensive study highlights the difficulties of devising global legislative and judicial responses to these issues.The papers gathered in this volume demonstrate how global regulations tend to meet strong cultural resistance, in particular when dealing with the more subtle patterns of conflicts of interest. It is a notion that is far from successfully regulated in every country or addressed in compatible ways. In fact, the comparisons offered demonstrate that even international organizations such as the European Union have failed to fully consolidate their systems for mitigating their own risks of corruption and conflicts of interest. Providing a comprehensive study of the phenomenon of corruption and conflicts of interest from a comparative perspective, this book will prove vital for academics, NGOs and practitioners. Contributors: S.A. Aaronson, M.R. Abouharb, J.-B. Auby, M. Benedetti, E. Breen, E. Chiti, E. D'Alterio, H. Delzangles, L. Folliot-Lalliot, D. Gordon, G. Houillon, P. Lascoumes, Y. Marique, B.G. Mattarella, R.E. Messick, C. Moser, T. Paris, T. Perroud, C. Rose, S. Rose-Ackerman, P. Szarek Mason, C. Tansug, S. White

This timely book examines the field of European and global standardisation, showing how standards give rise to a multitude of different legal questions. Each chapter offers in-depth analysis of a number of key policy areas such as food safety, accounting, telecommunications and medical devices. These multi-disciplinary contributions go beyond the field of law, and provide cross-disciplinary comparisons. Demonstrating how standards enter the European legal system in a variety of ways, the book studies their relevance for public and private law alike. While the trade advantages of using standards in regulation are undeniable, the contributors elucidate how standard-setting processes have departed from the purely private realm to enter the stage of public regulation. This inevitably raises the issue of whether standardisation is supported by sufficient legitimacy guarantees. The contributions provide valuable insights to answering this question, highlighting cross-cutting reflections on the topic, and case studies on specific policy areas. This analytical book will be of interest to students and scholars researching in the fields of EU and global standardisation, EU law and trade law. It will also be a useful resource for practitioners focusing on regulation and standardisation. Contributors include: D. Bevilacqua, M. Cantero Gamito, C. Cauffman, P. Cuccuru, M. De Bellis, M. Eliantonio, M. Faure, M. Gerardy, C. Glinski, N. Philipsen, S. Roettger-Wirtz, P. Rott, S. Schoenmaekers, L. Senden, B. Van Leeuwen, A. Volpato

This book provides a conceptual and legal analysis of one of the most important challenges facing international organizations today: their exercise of sovereign powers. The book examines the exercise of sovereign powers by organizations such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, and the European Union. It makes a significant contribution to the content of the law that governs both the exercise of sovereign powers by international organizations and the relationships between organizations and their Member States. The book also tackles the fundamental question of what values should constrain international organizations in their exercise of sovereign powers. These sovereign powers have been conferred on international organizations by States and may include the full range of executive, legislative, and judicial powers. Sarooshi develops an innovative three-tiered typology of conferrals which ranges from agency relationships, to delegations of powers, to full transfers of powers. These categories prove useful in answering a number of legal issues that arise out of the relationships between international organizations and their Member States. These include: When an international organization exercises conferred powers, does it do so on its own behalf or on behalf of the State? Whose legal relations are changed by the exercise of powers: the State's or the organization's? In the case where the State has retained the right to exercise powers it has conferred on an organization, whose interpretation of the powers will prevail in the case of a conflict that arises from the concurrent exercise of powers? What fiduciary duties are owed by the organization and Member States towards each other? And who is responsible for breaches of international law that may occur as a result of the organization's exercise of conferred powers: the State or the organization or both? These issues lead on to a consideration in the book of the measures available to a State under international law when it wants to try and change the way that an organization is exercising conferred powers.

The United States Constitution provides in Article II, Section 4 that the President and other civil officers of the federal government are subject to removal from office upon impeachment by the House of Representatives and conviction by the Senate of treason, bribery and "other high Crimes and Misdemeanors." However, no authoritative definition of "high crimes and misdemeanors" was provided by the Framers either in the Constitution itself or in the debates at the constitutional convention. As a consequence, the meaning of "high crimes and misdemeanors" has been a subject of controversy beginning with the first impeachment and trial of Judge John Pickering in 1804 and continuing through the impeachment of President William Jefferson Clinton. The study seeks to discern the meaning of "high crimes and misdemeanors" not only from the record of the constitutional convention and the state ratifying conventions, together with history of British parliamentary impeachments and the experience of the American colonies and states which informed the Framers' adoption of "high crimes and misdemeanors" as grounds for removal of the President, but also from the circumstances that resulted in the impeachments of Presidents Andrew Johnson, Richard M. Nixon and Clinton, as Congress labored to give substance to the "high crimes and misdemeanors" standard.

A true story that reads like a novel set in war torn South Korea. This book reflects the best and the worst of our military and shows how political motives can impact those in command of the military. It exemplifies the expendability of the rank and file to advance the careers of the powerful.

This revised and updated casebook comprehensively compares the U.S. legal approach to problems of inequality and discrimination with the approaches of a variety of other legal systems around the world, including those in Europe, South Africa, China, Colombia, India and Brazil. This book provides an introduction to theories of equality and sources of equality law, and examines inequality and discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation and identity, religion and disability. Key features: Extensive chapter notes add critical context to areas of developing law Analysis of a range of sources: each chapter includes case law, treaty law, statutory law, regulatory law and legal scholarship A comparative problem-based approach, using concrete issues of inequality and discrimination to help students focus on real world concerns Examination of key contested topics such as marriage inequality, the rights of persons with disabilities, affirmative action, reproductive rights, employment discrimination and hate speech A supplementary online course with additional content and guidance for both students and instructors is available through Stanford Law School. Written in a thorough yet accessible style and with contributions from leading international legal scholars, this casebook is ideal for lecture courses, seminars and summer programs in equality and anti-discrimination in law schools, as well as undergraduate courses in law, political science and sociology. Contributors include: D. Allen, P.L. Cherian, D. Collier, J. Damamme, T. Degener, R. Ford, S. Foster, S. Han, K. Loper, S. Misra, D.B. Oppenheimer, M.-C. Pauwels, S. Robin-Olivier, B. Wang, W. Zhou

First published in 1989, Michael's Foley's book deals with the 'abeyances' present in both written and unwritten constitutions, arguing that these gaps in the explicitness of a constitution, and the various ways they are preserved, provide the means by which constitutional conflict is continually postponed. Abeyances are valuable, therefore, not in spite of their obscurity, but because of it. The author illustrates his point with analyses of constitutional crises from both sides of the Atlantic. He examines the period leading up to the English civil war in the seventeenth century, and the 'imperial presidency' episode under Richard Nixon in the late 1960s and 1970s in the USA. In both cases there was no constitutionally correct solution available but, as the author demonstrates, the political skill of the participants in their use of constitutional devices allowed the anomalies of the American system to survive in a way that contrasted markedly with the plight of Charles I and the Stuart constitution. This reissue of a landmark study will be welcomed by all those interested in the interpretation and construction of constitutional law.

Commonwealth Caribbean Administrative Law comprehensively explores the nature and function of administrative law in contemporary Caribbean society. It considers the administrative machinery of Caribbean States; Parliament, the Executive and the Judiciary. It then examines the basis for judicial review of executive and administrative action in the Caribbean by looking at the statutory provisions that underpin this and the plethora of case law emerging from the region. The book will also look to how the courts in the Commonwealth Caribbean have sought to define principles of administrative law. This book will also consider the alternative methods by which the rights of citizens are protected, including the use of tribunals and inquiries, as well as looking forward to the increasingly significant role of Caribbean Community law and bodies such as CARICOM and the OECS.

This book's principal aim is to critically address the institutional and substantive legal issues resulting from European enlargement, chiefly those relating to the legal foundations on which the enlarged Union is being built. The accession of new Member States creates the potential for a stronger and more powerful Europe. Realising this potential, however, will depend on the ability of the EU to develop functional and effective governance structures, both at the European level and at the level of the individual Member States. While the acquis communautaire will ensure that formal laws in the new Member States will be aligned with those of existing members, the question remains as to how effective institutions will be in implementing changes, and what effects the imposed changes will have on the legitimacy of the new legal framework. This book, containing the work of leading scholars in law and social sciences, examines the current and future legal framework for EU governance, and the role that new members will - or will not - play in the creation of that framework, paying particular attention to the specific challenges membership in the EU poses to the acceding states of Central and Eastern Europe. It is a book which will contribute to and influence debates over constitutionalism and legal harmonisation in the EU.

This book offers a comprehensive systematic analysis of the European Union 's Early Warning System (EWS) for subsidiarity, which was introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon. The book includes both a detailed theoretical analysis of the EWS as well as an assessment of how national parliaments have responded to EU legislative proposals under the system. Philipp Kiiver explores whether the EWS could function as a mechanism of legal accountability offering a partial remedy to the European Union 's much-discussed accountability deficit. The Early Warning System for the Principle of Subsidiarity provides an overview of the historical developments of national parliamentary involvement in the EU and also considers the broader implications of the EWS, including its relationship to democracy and legitimacy.

The book will be of particular interest to academics and students of EU Law, Constitutional Law and Political Science.

The process of European integration is at a crossroads. As the Union becomes larger in terms of members, the institutional structures and decision making procedures will have to change in order for it to make policy initiatives. To meet these challenges, the Union will need an effective institutional and constitutional structure which must be both democratic and acceptable to its citizens. This major book evaluates recent developments, considers the present situation and assesses the prospects for the future of the European Union. A wide variety of institutional and constitutional issues are addressed, with special attention being paid to three main topics; decision making and including a critique of attempts to analyse European decision making using traditional power indices and a discussion of the different procedures laid down in the comitology decision; federal structures, with an analysis of the politics of European federalism among other issues; institutional change which compares the relative merits of enlarging or deepening the Union, suggesting a fifth freedom by a single European market for governments and discussing non-technical aspects of legislation in the European Union. Constitutional Law and Economics of the European Union will of interest to policymakers, academics and students of European economic and political affairs and institutional and constitutional structures.

Transconstitutionalism is a concept used to describe what happens to constitutional law when it is emancipated from the state, in which can be found the origins of constitutional law. Transconstitutionalism does not exist because a multitude of new constitutions have appeared, but because other legal orders are now implicated in resolving basic constitutional problems. A transconstitutional problem entails a constitutional issue whose solution may involve national, international, supranational and transnational courts or arbitral tribunals, as well as native local legal institutions. Transconstitutionalism does not take any single legal order or type of order as a starting-point or ultima ratio. It rejects both nation-statism and internationalism, supranationalism, transnationalism and localism as privileged spaces for solving constitutional problems. The transconstitutional model avoids the dilemma of 'monism versus pluralism'. From the standpoint of transconstitutionalism, a plurality of legal orders entails a complementary and conflicting relationship between identity and alterity: constitutional identity is rearticulated on the basis of alterity. Rather than seeking a 'Herculean Constitution', transconstitutionalism tackles the many-headed Hydra of constitutionalism, always looking for the blind spot in one legal system and reflecting it back against the many others found in the world's legal orders.

Juliano Z. Benvindo investigates the current movement of constitutional courts towards political activism, especially by focusing on the increasing use of the balancing method as a rational justification for this process. From the critical perception of the serious risks of this movement to democracy, the book takes as examples two constitutional realities, Germany and Brazil, in order to discuss the rationality, correctness, and legitimacy of constitutional decisions within this context.Through a dialogue between Jacques Derrida 's deconstruction and J rgen Habermas 's proceduralism, the author confronts Robert Alexy 's defense of the balancing method as well as those two constitutional realities. This confrontation leads to the introduction of the concept of limited rationality applied to constitutional democracy and constitutional adjudication, which affirms the double bind of history and justice as a condition for a practice of decision-making committed to the principle of separation of powers.

Corruption, being the abuse of public office for private or political gain, currently receives an increasing amount of attention from scholars and practitioners in various disciplines, including law. While the phenomenon is as old as mankind, the last fifteen years saw the rise of many anti-corruption treaties, aimed at criminalisation, prevention and cooperation. At the same time, there seems to be relatively little work done on corruption in the field of human rights law or international criminal law. This book argues that these areas of law can certainly contribute to fighting corruption, by giving a human face to both victims and perpetrators. The study commences with Part A, containing a broader analysis of the 'multi-headed monster' named corruption, looking into issues of definition, measurement, and consequences. This is followed by an overview of the content and functioning of the global and regional anti-corruption treaties that are currently in force, including the United Nations Convention Against Corruption. Hereafter, Part B considers whether or not types of corruption can be qualified as a violation of internationally recognised human rights, enshrined in the International Bill of Rights. It is argued that corruption, especially in the public sector, can have a severe negative impact upon both civil and political rights, as well as upon economic, social and cultural rights. Moreover, the study examines to what extent this is recognised by the human rights supervisory mechanisms at the global and regional level. The concluding observations and case law of the human rights treaty bodies are scrutinised, as well as the outcomes of the various Special Procedures and the Universal Periodic Review System of the UN Human Rights Council. At the regional level, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, the Inter-American Commission and Court of Human Rights, as well as the cases of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights are discussed. Furthermore, Part C of the book aims to view corruption from the angle of international criminal law, inter alia by examining whether or not types of corruption can be qualified as a crime under international criminal law. In this context, the question is answered whether corruption can fall under the current provisions of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court de lege lata. Also, the various possibilities offered by international criminal law de lege ferenda to combat corruption are touched upon. Finally, Part D draws conclusions and formulates recommendations as to how human rights law and international criminal law can best be used to address corruption. This includes a draft General Comment on corruption and human rights, with the purpose of providing a starting point for further reflection on the topic.

According to Braveman, the federal courts are being systematically closed to individuals challenging the constitutionality of the conduct of state officials. Debate over the role of the federal court system in upholding constitutional rights is not new to readers of law journals and scholarly articles. Braveman now presents this crucial issue to the general public, who will find it of grave concern. His book brings together information that has previously been available only in separate articles. Beginning with an historical overview of the emergence of the federal courts as the guardian of constitutional rights, Braveman then focuses on specific cases and doctrines to illustrate a radical change in our judicial philosophy. His book brings together information that has previously been available only in separate articles.

Historiography, Empire and the Rule of Law considers the intersection of these terms in the historical development of what has come to be known as the 'rule of law'. The separation of governmental powers, checks and balances, and judicial independence signified something entirely new in the way in which politics was imagined and practiced. This 'rule of law' cannot, as it often is, be traced to the justification and practice of government as originating in a social contract among the governed; but rather, by analogy with a popular conveyancing innovation of the era, to the trust - a device by which the power of ownership of land could be restrained. But how could the restraint of power remain consistent with the avoidance of anarchic disagreement among those granted the task of supervision and restraint? In response, it is argued here, the central legal and political task became one of managing disagreement and change peacefully and constructively - by drawing on a colonial tradition that emphasised civility, negotiation and compromise. And the study of all of these qualities as they evolved, Ian Duncanson contends, is vital to understanding the emergence of the 'rule of law'. Historiography, Empire and the Rule of Law will be invaluable for all those engaged in research and the postgraduate study of socio-legal and constitutional studies, and early modern and modern history.

First published in 1989, Michael's Foley's book deals with the 'abeyances' present in both written and unwritten constitutions, arguing that these gaps in the explicitness of a constitution, and the various ways they are preserved, provide the means by which constitutional conflict is continually postponed. Abeyances are valuable, therefore, not in spite of their obscurity, but because of it. The author illustrates his point with analyses of constitutional crises from both sides of the Atlantic. He examines the period leading up to the English civil war in the seventeenth century, and the 'imperial presidency' episode under Richard Nixon in the late 1960s and 1970s in the USA. In both cases there was no constitutionally correct solution available but, as the author demonstrates, the political skill of the participants in their use of constitutional devices allowed the anomalies of the American system to survive in a way that contrasted markedly with the plight of Charles I and the Stuart constitution. This reissue of a landmark study will be welcomed by all those interested in the interpretation and construction of constitutional law.

This edited volume is a comprehensive examination of the legal framework in which environmental policy is fashioned in the major English-speaking federations-the United States, Canada, and Australia. The need for national solutions to environmental problems emerged long after the largest share of governmental power was allotted to states or provinces. This volume attempts to solve the paradox of how a country can have effective laws protecting the environment, vigorously enforced, when legislative and administrative powers are divided between two tiers of government. The contributors analyze environmental lawmaking along three dimensions. Part I describes the formal constitutional allocation of powers between states or provinces and the federal government, concluding that on paper environmental protection is essentially a local responsibility, although the reality is far different. In Part II the contributors explore the extent to which governments resort to informal negotiations among themselves to resolve environmental disputes. Part III is a thorough canvassing of the judiciary's role in making environmental policy and resolving disputes between levels and branches of government. In Australia and Canada, the courts play a relatively less important role in formulating policy than in the United States. In conclusion, the work shows that the level of environmental protection is relatively high in these three federations. Environmental politics, the work suggests, may be less divisive in federations than in unitary systems with comparable levels of development.

Enlargement and treaty reform have moved Europe's constitutional debate into the political spotlight. This important new text outlines the main themes of constitutional debate in the EU, analyzes formal and informal constitution-building since the early days of European integration, and introduces the actors and structures behind treaty change.

An overarching question of contemporary constitutionalism is whether equilibriums devised prior to the emergence of the modern administrative-industrial state can be preserved or recreated by means of fundamental law. The book approaches this problem indirectly, through the conceptual lens offered by constitutional developments relating to the adoption of normative limitations on the delegation of law-making authority. Three analytical strands (constitutional theory, constitutional history, and contemporary constitutional and administrative law) run through the argument. They merge into a broader account of the conceptual ramifications, the phenomenon, and the constitutional treatment of delegation in a number of paradigmatic legal systems. As it is argued, the development and failure of constitutional rules imposing limits on legislative delegation reveal the conditions for the possibility of classical limited government and, conversely, the erosion of normativity in contemporary constitutionalism.

This book examines the far-reaching changes made to the constitution in the United Kingdom in recent decades. It considers the way these reforms have fragmented power, once held centrally through the Crown-in-Parliament, by means of devolution, referendums, and judicial reform. It examines the reshaping of the balance of power between the executive, legislature, and the way that prerogative powers have been curtailed by statute and judicial ruling. It focuses on the Human Rights Act and the creation of the UK Supreme Court, which emboldened the judiciary to limit executive action and even to challenge Parliament, and argues that many of these symbolised an attempt to shift the 'political' constitution to a 'legal' one. Many virtues have been ascribed to these reforms. To the extent that criticism exists, it is often to argue that these reforms do not go far enough. An elected upper chamber, regional English parliaments, further electoral reform, and a codified constitution are common tonics prescribed by commentators from this point of view. This volume adopts a different approach. It provides a critical evaluation of these far-reaching reforms, drawing from the expertise of highly respected academics and experienced political figures from both the left and right. The book is an invaluable source of academic expertise and practical insights for the interested public, students, policymakers, and journalists, who too often are only exposed to the 'further reform' position.