Title 29 presents regulations addressing labor management standards; wages and hours; equal employment; occupational safety; and pension and welfare benefits.

Constitutional Rights after Globalization juxtaposes the globalization of the economy and the worldwide spread of constitutional charters of rights. The shift of political authority to powerful economic actors entailed by neo-liberal globalization challenges the traditional state-centred focus of constitutional law. Contemporary debate has responded to this challenge in normative terms, whether by reinterpreting rights or redirecting their ends, e.g. to reach private actors. However, globalization undermines the liberal legalist epistemology on which these approaches rest, by positing the existence of multiple sites of legal production, (e.g. multinational corporations) beyond the state. This dynamic, between globalization and legal pluralism on one side, and rights constitutionalism on the other, provides the context for addressing the question of rights constitutionalism's counterhegemonic potential. This shows first that the interpretive and instrumental assumptions underlying constitutional adjudication are empirically suspect: constitutional law tends more to disorder than coherence, and frequently is an ineffective tool for social change. Instead, legal pluralism contends that constitutionalism's importance lies in symbolic terms as a legitimating discourse. The competing liberal and 'new' politics of definition (the latter highlighting how neoliberal values and institutions constrain political action) are contrasted to show how each advances different agenda. A comparative survey of constitutionalism's engagement with private power shows that conceiving of constitutions in the predominant liberal, legalist mode has broadly favoured hegemonic interests. It is concluded that counterhegemonic forms of constitutional discourse cannot be effected within, but only by unthinking, the dominant liberal legalist paradigm, in a manner that takes seriously all exercises of political power.

On July 21, 1990, Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., announced his resignation from the nation's highest court. The judicial career of the man who Wat Hopkins considers the United States Supreme Court's premier protector of expression came to an end. Hopkins examines the body of Justice Brennan's free expression jurisprudence and shows how Justice Brennan's theory of free expression was built on the metaphor of a marketplace of ideas.

Hopkins' analysis is based primarily on an examination of the significant free expression cases during Brennan's thirty-four year term. He concludes that Brennan developed a philosophically sound First Amendment theory that was accepted by the Court, but is not being applied today with the force necessary to make it truly effective. This detailed examination of Justice Brennan's jurisprudence is a noteworthy addition to legal history and scholarship.

Title 7 presents regulations governing the Office of the Secretary of Agriculture and forty subordinate departments and agencies. Regulated activities include: marketing services, food and consumer services, crop insurance, plant and animal inspection, agricultural research, natural resources, etc. Additions and revisions to this section of the code are posted annually by January. Publication follows within six months.

Title 46 presents regulations applied by the Coast Guard to merchant marine officers and seamen, uninspected vessels, tank vessels, load lines, marine engineering, documenting and measuring vessels, passenger vessels, cargo and miscellaneous vessels, offshore supply vessels, mobile offshore drilling units, electrical engineering, small passenger vessels, oceanographic vessels, occupational safety and health standards, and lifesaving systems. Maritime Administration regulations cover policies, practices and procedures, maritime carriers, subsidized vessels, vessel financing assistance, emergency operations, training, and ports. The Maritime Commission also holds the responsibility for maritime carriers, terminals, tariffs, domestic offshore commerce, and foreign commerce.

At a time when the operation and reform of federal relations within Australia is squarely on the political agenda, this volume brings together eminent lawyers, economists and political scientists who explain, analyse and evaluate the theory and principles underpinning the Australian federal system. Topics covered include the High Court's approach to the interpretation of the Constitution and how this has influenced federal relations in practice; different forms of inter-governmental co-operative arrangements; fiscal relations between the Commonwealth and the States; and emergent ethno-cultural and socioeconomic diversity within the Australian Federation. Comparative perspectives from Germany, America, Canada, Switzerland, India and the European Union provide unique prisms through which to view the operation of the Australian system and to contemplate its reform.

This book examines the subject of constitutional unamendability from comparative, doctrinal, empirical, historical, political and theoretical perspectives. It explores and evaluates the legitimacy of unamendability in the various forms that exist in constitutional democracies. Modern constitutionalism has given rise to a paradox: can a constitutional amendment be unconstitutional? Today it is normatively contested but descriptively undeniable that a constitutional amendment-one that respects the formal procedures of textual alteration laid down in the constitutional text-may be invalidated for violating either a written or unwritten constitutional norm. This phenomenon of an unconstitutional constitutional amendment traces its political foundations to France and the United States, its doctrinal origins to Germany, and it has migrated in some form to all corners of the democratic world. One can trace this paradox to the concept of constitutional unamendability. Constitutional unamendability can be understood as a formally entrenched provision(s) or an informally entrenched norm that prohibits an alteration or violation of that provision or norm. An unamendable constitutional provision is impervious to formal amendment, even with supermajority or even unanimous agreement from the political actors whose consent is required to alter the constitutional text. Whether or not it is enforced, and also by whom, this prohibition raises fundamental questions implicating sovereignty, legitimacy, democracy and the rule of law.

The debate on law, governance and constitutionalism beyond the state is confronted with new challenges. In the EU, confidence in democratic transnational governance has been shaken by the authoritarian and unsocial practices of crisis management. The ambition of this book, which builds upon many years of close co-operation between its contributors, is to promote a viable interdisciplinary alternative to these developments. "Conflicts-law constitutionalism" is a concept of transnational governance which derives democratic legitimacy from the supranational control of the external impact of national decision-making, on the one hand, and the co-operative responses to problem interdependencies on the other. The first section of the book contrasts Europe's new modes of economic governance and crisis management with the conditionality of international investments, and reflects upon the communalities and differences between emergency Europe and global exceptionalism. Subsequent sections substantiate the problematique of executive and technocratic rule, explore conflict constellations of prime importance in the fields of environmental and labour law, and discuss the impact and limits of liberalisation strategies. Throughout the book, European and transnational developments are compared and evaluated.

Recent controversies surrounding the war on terror and American intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan have brought rule of law rhetoric to a fevered pitch. While President Obama has repeatedly emphasized his Administration's commitment to transparency and the rule of law, nowhere has this resolve been so quickly and severely tested than with the issue of the possible prosecution of Bush Administration officials. While some worry that without legal consequences there will be no effective deterrence for the repetition of future transgressions of justice committed at the highest levels of government, others echo Obama's seemingly reluctant stance on launching an investigation into allegations of criminal wrongdoing by former President Bush, Vice President Cheney, Secretary Rumsfeld, and members of the Office of Legal Counsel. Indeed, even some of the Bush Administration's harshest critics suggest that we should avoid such confrontations, that the price of political division is too high. Measured or partisan, scholarly or journalistic, clearly the debate about accountability for the alleged crimes of the Bush Administration will continue for some time.

Using this debate as its jumping off point, When Governments Break the Law takes an interdisciplinary approach to the legal challenges posed by the criminal wrongdoing of governments. But this book is not an indictment of the Bush Administration; rather, the contributors take distinct positions for and against the proposition, offering revealing reasons and illuminating alternatives. The contributors do not ask the substantive question of whether any Bush Administration officials, in fact, violated the law, but rather the procedural, legal, political, and cultural questions of what it would mean either to pursue criminal prosecutions or to refuse to do so. By presuming that officials could be prosecuted, these essays address whether they "should."

When Governments Break the Law provides a valuable and timely commentary on what is likely to be an ongoing process of understanding the relationship between politics and the rule of law in times of crisis.

Contributors: Claire Finkelstein, Lisa Hajjar, Daniel Herwitz, Stephen Holmes, Paul Horwitz, Nasser Hussain, Austin Sarat, and Stephen I. Vladeck.

This is a search of a model for a humane law - where the cruelty ban is still in force. This book however is not intended as an utopian enterprise; the humane law which is looked for is not for the future, nor is it meant as a reform project, or as a programme for new institutions to come. Here the contention is that positive law is better understood, if it is not too easily equated with power, force, or command. Law - it is shown - is more a matter of discourse and deliberation, than of sheer decision or of power relations. Constitutionalism, legal argumentation, legal ethics - three fundamental moments of our daily experience with the law - are there to witness that this view may be right. Now a constitutional view of the law and its practice and the connected discoursive approach to legal reasoning can offer interesting solutions also to legal ethics.

This book examines the structures of power and jurisdiction that operated in Tudor England. It explains what the institutions of central government were designed to do, and how they related to each other. It discusses how order and obedience were supposed to be preserved in the countryside, and it shows how the offices designed for that purpose worked in practice. In doing so, Professor Loades highlights the complex links between the formal and informal systems of peace-keeping that functioned throughout the country and examines the critical relationship between Church and State, providing readers with an important context for the social and political developments of the age.

The book shows the extent to which changes to the monarch's status affected his real power both within the Church and within his kingdom as a whole. It explores the tensions surrounding his position: the king administered the law, but he did not make it; he could claim revenue, but it had to be granted to him; he was head of the government and the Lords Annointed, but limited by innumerable customs and obligations. In unravelling the mysteries of this ancient and cumbersome system of government," Tudor Government" offers a valuable introduction to this complex yet pivotal aspect of early modern British history.

This is an ambitious work on constitutional theory. Influenced by the views of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Sean Wilson tackles the problem of how a judge can obey a document written in ordinary, flexible language. He argues that whether something is "constitutional" is not an historical fact, but is an artisan judgment. Criteria are set forth showing why some judgments represent superior connoisseurship and why others do not. Along the way, Wilson offers a potent critique of originalism. He not only explains this belief system, but shows why it is inherently incompatible with the American legal system. His conclusion is that originalism can only be understood as a legal ideology, not a meaningful contribution to philosophy of law. The ways of thinking about constitutional interpretation provided in the book end up challenging the scholarship of Ronald Dworkin and numerous law professors. And the findings also challenge the way that professors of politics often think about whether a judge has "followed law."

Miller proposes that we focus our energies on the question of how the Constitution is to function in an era of rapid and fundamental social change. He introduces this provocative collection of essays with the observation that American constitutional theory has arrived at a dead-end, largely because it has been perceived as "constitutional law" rather than a form of political theory. He puts this view into sharp perspective by looking at what are in effect, three constitutions--the political, the economic, and the emergent corporate instrument. He analyzes important issues that confront the Supreme Court, policymakers, and theorists, such as the expansion of government control, the Court as a political mechanism, the power of corporations, politics and the First Amendment, the challenge of nuclear weapons, and questions relating to social justice, including equal protection and the right to employment.

There is growing judicial, academic and political interest in the concept of common law constitutional rights. Concurrently, significant public law judgments, including R (Miller) v The Prime Minister, R (Begum) v Special Immigration Appeals Commission and R (Privacy International) v Investigatory Powers Tribunal, continue to sustain and enrich the academic debate on the nature of the UK constitution. Bringing these two highly topical themes together, the book argues, firstly, that neither common law constitutionalism nor political constitutionalism adequately capture the nature of public law litigation because neither is fully able to account for the co-existence and interplay between parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law. Advancing the idea of a 'nuanced' constitution instead, the book then provides an in-depth analysis of common law constitutional rights, looking at their history, conceptual foundations, contemporary characteristics, coverage and resilience. In doing so, this book highlights and re-conceptualises the dynamics and mechanisms of constitutional law adjudication and provides the first comprehensive critique of common law constitutional rights jurisprudence. It is centred around extensive case law analysis which focuses predominantly on recent Supreme Court judgments.

This book brings together academics and experts on Turkish network industries. It provides fundamental information on the current developments regarding regulation of the different network industries in Turkey. Turkey has gone through a liberalization process in most of the network industries during the past 20 years. In most of them, independent regulatory authorities have been established, but some network industries are still remaining under the central or local government regulatory regime. As a result, there is now a very complicated regulatory regime in place which makes Turkey's regulatory system difficult to understand for practitioners, academics, lawyers, researchers and investors. This book offers unique insight into Turkey's regulatory regime in various network industries. It also offers a historical background to regulation, a description of the current regulatory regimes, as well as an analysis of the foreseeable evolutions. The book covers all the important network industries in Turkey. No similar book is available on the market to date. Moreover, the book provides an extensive analysis of the current regulatory regimes in the energy, the transport, and the telecommunications industries. This book should be of interest to anyone wishing to understand Turkish regulation and will be very helpful handbook to researchers who are interested in regulation of network industries not only in Turkey but also in other developing countries, as Turkey is quite representative of other emerging countries. Readers will acquire a thorough understanding of the state of play of the Turkish network industries and their regulation.

The dot-com revolution has brought many advances before unimagined. Of them all, it may be said that none have surpassed e-government in attracting a significant number of researchers and practitioners from around the world. However, the question remains whether everyone is ready to join the e-government movement, or if some are just blindly following the latest trend. Digital Solutions for Contemporary Democracy and Government touches on several key issues and challenges surrounding the recent e-government boom and offers practical solutions from those who have been a part of implementing e-government programs internationally. Due to its breadth of discussion on a variety of topics relating to the intersection of technology with politics, democracy, and government, this authoritative book is a valuable reference source for professionals, researchers, and students in the field of e-government, information management, or knowledge management.

Abortion is a quasi-eternal problem of humanity. For decades it has been - and continues to be - a highly debated political and legal issue in the Western world on both sides of the Atlantic. The contending political camps are often defined as 'pro-life' or 'pro-choice'. From a more legal perspective, the opposing positions may be described by the terms 'indication model' - where terminations are permitted in certain circumstances - and 'time limitation model' - where termination within a certain period of pregnancy is permitted on demand. Based upon a worldwide survey on abortion law and practice in a total of 64 countries carried out by the Max-Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law in Freiburg (Germany), the authors developed a 'third way'. This 'third way', which may be described as a 'discourse model', reflects the conviction that the decision to terminate must, in the final analysis, be taken by the pregnant woman herself subject to her own responsibility and that the legal system must treat her decision with respect. Along with a summary of social conditions and historical developments and a detailed comparison of legal regulations, supplemented by statistics on the termination of pregnancy, the authors arrive at their concluding reflections. Important findings, insights and trends are summarized and starting points and guidelines for reforms are pointed out. The book ends with a proposed regulation intended to provide those interested in an optimal regulation of the issue with food for thought. Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. mult., M.C.J. (New York) Albin Eser is presently a Judge at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and Director em. of the Max-Planck-Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law, Freiburg, Germany. Dr. jur. Hans-Georg Koch is senior researcher, Head of the medical law department of the Max-Planck-Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law, Freiburg, Germany.

All nation states, whether ancient or newly created, must examine their constitutional fundamentals to keep their constitutions relevant and dynamic. Constitutional change has greater legitimacy when the questions are debated before the people and accepted by them. Who are the peoples in this state? What role should they have in relation to the government? What rights should they have? Who should be Head of State? What is our constitutional relationship with other nation states? What is the influence of international law on our domestic system? What process should constitutional change follow? In this volume, scholars, practitioners, politicians, public officials, and young people explore these questions and others in relation to the New Zealand constitution and provide some thought-provoking answers. This book is recommended for anyone seeking insight into how a former British colony with bicultural foundations is making the transition to a multicultural society in an increasingly complex and globalised world.

Compulsory voting has operated in Australia for a century, and remains the best known and arguably the most successful example of the practice globally. By probing that experience from several disciplinary perspectives, this book offers a fresh, up-to-date insight into the development and distinctive functioning of compulsory voting in Australia. By juxtaposing the Australian experience with that of other representative democracies in Europe and North America, the volume also offers a much needed comparative dimension to compulsory voting in Australia. A unifying theme running through this study is the relationship between compulsory voting and democratic well-being. Can we learn anything from Australia's experience of the practice that is instructive for the development of institutional bulwarks in an era when democratic politics is under pressure globally? Or is Australia's case sui generis - best understood in the final analysis as an intriguing outlier?

Comitology is the most important form of multi-level governance in the European Union. Member State and Commission actors together create roughly 2,500 executive acts per year, amounting to about half of all European laws together. But to what degree is this unknown and invisible committee system being held to account for its decisions? This book for the first time addresses accountability in truly multi-level terms. It looks at accountability foreseen in the constitutional setup of the comitology system, as well as at how this plays out in practice at the European level and within national governments. Controlling Comitology combines findings from different levels of government, and analyses a plurality of data sources including interviews, survey data of committee participants and their superiors, legislative databases and meeting documents. The book argues that accountability has steadily improved over time, but also that unexpected gaps have emerged. This books is important reading for student and scholars of comitology as well as accountability and law-making in the European Union.