Le travail s'inscrit dans une perspective de sociologie politique et s'interesse a l'engagement politique des militants de la Decroissance. Il a permis de mettre a jour la construction d'une identite ideologique forte qui avait comme effet d'inciter a l'engagement. La suite du travail s'interessait au rapport qu'entretiennent les militants au politique. Il ne s'agit pas pour ces militants de subvertir les regles du jeu du champ politique (comme ont essaye de le faire les Poujadistes, Communistes ou plus pres de nous les Motives, en essayant d'integrer de nouvelles normes sociales ou de comportements a l'interieur de ce champ). Certes, les militants revendiquent la volonte de faire de la politique autrement mais ils envisagent neanmoins d'exister dans ce champ tel qu'il est afin de faire entendre leur - projet de societe -. En somme, les militants de la Decroissance, dans leur but d'arriver a une - majorite culturelle - n'envisagent la politique que comme une modalite supplementaire d'un repertoire d'actions large fait notamment d'actions concretes dont beaucoup les considerent deja comme actions - politiques - a part entiere"

On attend aujourd'hui des societes transnationales qu'elles assument, au dela de leur role economique, une responsabilite sociale. Dans les pays en developpement ou elles sont implantees et ou les autorites locales ne remplissent pas correctement leurs fonctions, elles sont confrontees a des problemes sociaux et sanitaires touchant leurs salaries ou ceux de leurs fournisseurs. Pour les resoudre, elles peuvent faire appel a des structures competentes, les ONG. A travers trois experiences concretes de partenariat ONG-entreprise, ce travail presente les conditions d'entente de l'economie de marche, representee par l'entreprise et de l'economie sociale et solidaire, representee par l'ONG. On realise que les ONG presentent, en tant que partenaires, plusieurs atouts tels que leur implantation geographique, leur connaissance du milieu local, leur reseau relationnel et leur expertise de problematiques sociales et sanitaires.

Dans les dernieres decennies, les ONG ont pris une place centrale dans la gouvernance mondiale, notamment dans les projets de developpement. Elles sont en effet liees aux principaux centres de decision mondiale, soit en tant que consultantes, soit en tant qu'institutions executrices des projets sur le terrain. Conjointement a ce foisonnement associatif, se developpent de nombreuses theories contemporaines mettant l'accent sur les liens de confiance et sur l'engagement civique en tant que declencheurs du developpement economique, et sur les bienfaits des associations en tant qu'espaces createurs/reproducteurs de ces caracteristiques. Ce travail de recherche repose sur la conviction de que cette place centrale prise par les ONG dans le developpement est etroitement liee a l'evolution des propres theories sur le developpement. Nos annees de recherches montrent la predominance d'une vision culturaliste du developpement (associant plus ou moins directement les conditions de vie aux caracteristiques culturelles), les ambitions de developpement personnel, et le vide organisationnel existant dans les communautes concernees.

The growth of think tanks with uniquely Asian characteristics. Policy research institutes better known as think tanks ;are long established and well known in Western countries but have developed only in recent years in much of the rest of the world. Globalization is partly responsible for the new growth in think tanks, since few issues are totally domestic and governments and citizens increasingly understand the need for well-informed policy advice. Think tanks have become especially important in many Asian nations over the past decade, coinciding with their rise to new prominence in international affairs. Asia's major players China, India, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and more recently countries in Central Asia like Kazakhstan now have major think tanks. These institutions have become the go-to organizations for proposals and policy advice on key economic, security, social and environmental issues. This book by a noted expert in the field traces the growing influence of these policy actors in Asia, places the trend in historical context, and explores how the region's countries have fostered the growth of think tanks with uniquely Asian characteristics.

How do religious groups, operating as NGOs, engage in the most important global institution for world peace? What processes do they adopt? Is there a "spiritual" UN today? This book is the first interdisciplinary study to present extensive fieldwork results from an examination of the activity of religious groups at the United Nations in New York and Geneva. Based on a three and half-year study of activities in the United Nations system, it seeks to show how "religion" operates in both visible and invisible ways. Jeremy Carrette, Hugh Miall, Verena Beittinger-Lee, Evelyn Bush and Sophie-Helene Trigeaud, explore the way "religion" becomes a "chameleon" idea, appearing and disappearing, according to the diplomatic aims and ambitions. Part 1 documents the challenges of examining religion inside the UN, Part 2 explores the processes and actions of religious NGOs - from diplomacy to prayer - and the specific platforms of intervention - from committees to networks - and Part 3 provides a series of case studies of religious NGOs, including discussion of Islam, Catholicism and Hindu and Buddhist NGOs. The study concludes by examining the place of diplomats and their views of religious NGOs and reflects on the place of "religion" in the UN today. The study shows the complexity of "religion" inside one of the most fascinating global institutions of the world today.

Cet ouvrage vise a reveler les difficultes des acteurs non etatiques a remplir les nouvelles exigences des financeurs, en envisageant les relations qui se nouent entre l'Etat, la societe civile et la communaute internationale. Il explore les effets du paradigme actuel des bailleurs de fonds, reposant sur la participation de la societe civile aux politiques publiques des etats recipiendaires de l'aide, sur le travail des organisations non gouvernementales au Honduras. Ce questionnement general est aborde sous l'angle specifique de la construction de la maternite precoce en probleme public au Honduras, tiree de l'experience directe de l'auteure dans le pays.

The end of the Cold War created an opportunity for the United Nations to reconceptualize the rationale and extent of its peacebuilding efforts, and in the 1990s, democracy and good governance became legitimizing concepts for an expansion of UN activities. The United Nations sought not only to democratize disorderly states but also to take responsibility for protecting people around the world from a range of dangers, including poverty, disease, natural disasters, and gross violations of human rights. National sovereignty came to be considered less an entitlement enforced by international law than a privilege based on states' satisfactory performance of their perceived obligations. In Governing Disorder, Laura Zanotti combines her firsthand experience of UN peacebuilding operations with the insights of Michel Foucault to examine the genealogy of post-Cold War discourses promoting international security. Zanotti also maps the changes in legitimizing principles for intervention, explores the specific techniques of governance deployed in UN operations, and identifies the forms of resistance these operations encounter from local populations and the (often unintended) political consequences they produce. Case studies of UN interventions in Haiti and Croatia allow her to highlight the dynamics at play in the interactions between local societies and international peacekeepers.

Humanitarianism and Modern Culture is a timely and fascinating book which cuts across reportage of pop literary references to illuminate our understanding of the role of popular culture in shaping humanitarian discourse. --Ruti Teitel, Ernst C. Stiefel Professor of Comparative Law, New York Law School. ""In all the frenzy of celebrity humanitarianism, where famous idols call attention to the world's suffering--and to themselves--Keith Tester's trenchant book provides the critical eye necessary to understand how Western culture exploits humanitarian crisis. In the field of human rights today, there is a disturbing trend toward making human rights another cause celebre, packaged for the consumption of the world's fortunate consumers. How has the commercialization and consumerization of human rights affected the course of global emancipation from suffering? Tester's book provides some unsettling but crucial answers."" --Thomas Cushman, Wellesley College. It seems paradoxical that in the West the predominant mode of expressing concern about suffering in the Third World comes through participation in various forms of popular culture--such as buying tickets to a rock concert like Live Aid in 1985--rather than through political action based on expert knowledge. Keith Tester's aim in this book is to explore the phenomenon of what he calls ""commonsense humanitarianism,"" the reasons for its hegemony as the principal way for people in the West to relate to distant suffering, and its ramifications for our moral and social lives. As a remnant of the West's past imperial legacy, this phenomenon is most clearly manifested in humanitarian activities directed at Africa, and that continent is the geographical focus of this critical sociology of humanitarianism, which places the role of media at the center of its analysis.

Le present ouvrage se veut une analyse du comportement du CICR face aux conflits etatiques internes. Ces derniers sont marques, de nos jours, par l'apparition de nouvelles formes de violences (victimes tuees, blessees, privees de liberte, separees de leur famille ou portees disparues). Face a cette situation, le CICR, organisation humanitaire impartiale et neutre, agit conformement a son mandat juridique international. De ce fait, il a pour mission, entre autres, de fournir protection et assistance aux victimes civiles et militaires des conflits armes. A cela s'ajoute sa mission d'intermediaire entre les Parties belligerantes et de promoteur du DIH. Cependant, le CICR rencontre des obstacles d'ordre juridique, politique et operationnel dans la mise en uvre de son mandat. Ce qui rend de plus en plus difficile son intervention, d'ou la necessite de degager des perspectives pour que l'action du CICR reponde a mieux aux besoins humanitaires des populations dans les conflits etatiques internes."

Das Parteienrecht der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ist eine eher unubersichtliche Materie. Es gibt sehr oberflachliche Vorschriften, die in erster Linie das Verhaltnis zwischen Partei und Staat betreffen, im Grundgesetz. Allgemein bestimmen sich organisatorische Regeln fur Parteien nach dem Vereinsrecht im BGB, da es sich bei ihnen ja auch um (eingetragene oder nicht eingetragene) Vereine handelt. Sehr detaillierte Spezialregelungen ausschliesslich fur politische Parteien kennt das Parteiengesetz. Und das Herzstuck der Tatigkeit einer Partei, der Antritt zu Wahlen, richtet sich wiederum nach eigenen Wahlgesetzen, deren Bestimmungen die Parteien stets im Auge haben mussen. Diese komplexe Materie verlangt ein hohes Wissen von parteipolitisch Tatigen, das man ihnen im Grunde kaum abverlangen kann. Vor allem den vielen tausend ehrenamtlich in den Parteien engagierten Personen in Deutschland kann es kaum zugemutet werden, dass sie jede Nuance des Parteienrechts kennen. Und doch konnen kleine Fehler hier fatale Folgen haben. Die schlimmste Vorstellung ist sicher, dass aufgrund eines organisatorischen Versehen die Wahlteilnahme versagt wird und damit die Arbeit vieler Jahre dahin ist. Im Gegensatz zu einem Kommentar, der von Juristen fur Juristen geschrieben wurde, sind unsere Zielgruppe die Aktiven in den Parteien. Sie sind es, die das Parteienrecht Tag fur Tag anwenden mussen. Wir wollen aber auch die unterstutzen, die eine eigene Partei grunden wollen, und stellen gerade hierfur zahlreiche Informationen bereit. Nicht zu vergessen sind schliesslich auch Gebietsverbande bereits bestehender Parteien: Auch ein Kreisvorsitzender hat fur seine Abteilung eine extreme Verantwortung und muss nicht selten grundlegende Entscheidungen treffen, so, als wurde er seine ganz eigene Partei fuhren. Es geht uns also nicht darum, wie in einem Kommentare alle bestehenden Meinung durchzudeklinieren, ihr Fur und Wider zu diskutieren und dann dem Leser die Wahl zu lassen, welcher Meinung er den Vorzug gibt. Wir schreiben fur den Anwender in der Praxis und geben ihm klare Auskunfte an die Hand. Naturlich kann es nicht immer und bei jeder Detailfrage diese klare Auskunft" geben. In dem Falle merken wir dies aber deutlich an und geben Ratschlage, um auf der sicheren Seite zu sein."

Why should we listen to celebrities like Bono or Angelina Jolie when they endorse a politician or take a position on an issue? Do we listen to them? Despite their lack of public policy experience, celebrities are certainly everywhere in the media, appealing on behalf of the oppressed, advocating policy change-even, in one spectacular case, leading the birther movement all the way to the White House. In this book Mark Harvey takes a close look into the phenomenon of celebrity advocacy in an attempt to determine the nature of celebrity influence, and the source and extent of its power. Focusing on two specific kinds of power-the ability to "spotlight" issues in the media and to persuade audiences-Harvey searches out the sources of celebrity influence and compares them directly to the sources of politicians' influence. In a number of case studies-such as Jolie and Ben Affleck drawing media attention to the civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo; Bob Marley uniting warring factions in Jamaica; John Lennon networking with the new left to oppose Richard Nixon's re-election; Elvis Presley working with Nixon to counter anti-war activism-he details the role of celebrities working with advocacy groups and lobbying politicians to affect public opinion and influence policy. A series of psychological experiments demonstrate that celebrities can persuade people to accept their policy positions, even on national security issues. Harvey's analysis of news sources reveals that when celebrities speak about issues of public importance, they get disproportionately more coverage than politicians. Further, his reading of surveys tells us that people find politicians no more or less credible than celebrities-except politicians from the opposing party, who are judged less credible. At a time when the distinctions between politicians and celebrities are increasingly blurred, the insights into celebrity influence presented in this volume are as relevant as they are compelling.

In most post-conflict countries nongovernmental organizations are everywhere, but their presence is misunderstood. In The NGO Game Patrice McMahon investigates the unintended outcomes of what she calls the NGO boom in Bosnia and Kosovo. Using her years of fieldwork and interviews, McMahon argues that when international actors try to rebuild and reconstruct post-conflict countries, they often rely on and look to NGOs. Although policymakers and scholars tend to accept and even celebrate NGO involvement in post-conflict and transitioning countries, they rarely examine why NGOs have become so popular, what NGOs do, or how they affect everyday life.After a conflict, international NGOs descend on a country, local NGOs pop up everywhere, and money and energy flow into strengthening the organizations. In time, the frenzy of activity slows, the internationals go home, local groups disappear from sight, and the NGO boom goes bust. Instead of peace and stability, the embrace of NGOs and the enthusiasm for international peacebuilding turns to disappointment, if not cynicism. For many in the Balkans and other post-conflict environments, NGOs are not an aid to building a lasting peace but are part of the problem because of the turmoil they foster during their life cycles in a given country. The NGO Game will be useful to practitioners and policymakers interested in improving peacebuilding, the role of NGOs in peace and development, and the sustainability of local initiatives in post-conflict countries.

Non-governmental organizations have increased dramatically in China since the 1970s, despite operating in a restrictive authoritarian environment. With labour migrants moving to the cities en masse in search of higher wages and better standards of living, the central and local states now permit migrant NGOs to deliver community services to workers in cities such as Beijing and Shanghai. Engaging a new conceptual framework, Jennifer Hsu reveals how NGOs are interacting with the layers and spaces of the state and navigating a complex web of government bodies, lending stability to, and forming mutually beneficial relationships with, the state.

Voluntary associations have been ubiquitous in our society for hundreds of years. Efforts to develop a classification scheme have often overlooked one important segment: membership-based organizations (MBOs). MBOs are created voluntarily by a group of like-minded individuals who seek to advance their interests by organizing to promote and protect a specific domain. A number have earned the reputation for operating as "special interests." To accept that notion would not be telling the full story and would overlook the many contributions they have made. A central thesis of Special Interest Society: How Membership-based Organizations Shape America is that no modern democratic society can function without them. With a focus on how they emerge and the steps they take to advance their mutual interests, the book also provides a sober account of how MBOs can be slow to accept important and necessary changes. It also reveals the less flattering role they have played in denying access or limiting acceptance to eligible individuals based on their race, gender, ethnicity, and more. In Special Interest Society, James R. Hudson analyzes over 400 published histories of MBOs to report on their emergence, growth, and development. Many provide essential services within our society of which we are unaware that we have come to rely upon. Employing several sociological theories, he explains why their actions have enabled these organizations to thrive in a democratic society as well as affect significant social change. Throughout, he demonstrates how open and democratic societies provide a fertile ground for their continued emergence. He explains why their numbers have increased over the last two hundred years as occupations and personal interests have become more specialized and complex. Written for students and scholars working in sociology, public policy, business, community development, and nonprofit management, as well as association professionals and their staff, this book provides an unparalleled insight into the history, purpose, and challenges of associations in America.

Many NGOs are mobilizing transnationally in order to form new social networks that enable them to better interact with nation-state policies on migrant and refugee inclusion. This book empirically investigates the rich varieties of cooperative cross-border activity, and compares how the same groups behave at both the national and transnational levels. It uses an original survey - the Survey of European Migrant Inclusion NGOs - to document four types of cooperative political tactics used by NGOs cross the European Union: information-sharing, technical expertise-sharing, resource-sharing, and coordination of common projects. It also looks across the current EU member states to analyze how differences in the national policy context specific to migrants' issues facilitate and constrain these varied forms of transnational cooperation. In doing so, the book argues that to understand the overall prevalence of transnational mobilization and the extent to which it represents the emergence of a global civil society, we need to expand the focus of social movement studies beyond just visible, public displays of contentious activity.

"Viewed from a global scale, steady progress has been made in reducing extreme poverty-defined by the $1.25-a-day poverty line-over the past three decades. This success has sparked renewed enthusiasm about the possibility of eradicating extreme poverty within a generation. However, progress is expected to become more difficult, and slower, over time. This book will examine three central changes that need to be overcome in traveling the last mile: breaking cycles of conflict, supporting inclusive growth, and managing shocks and risks. By uncovering new evidence and identifying new ideas and solutions for spurring peace, jobs, and resilience in poor countries, The Last Mile in Ending Extreme Poverty will outline an agenda to inform poverty reduction strategies for governments, donors, charities, and foundations around the world. Contents Part I: Peace: Breaking the Cycle of Conflict External finance for state and peace building, Marcus Manuel and Alistair McKechnie, Overseas Development Institute Reforming international cooperation to improve the sustainability of peace, Bruce Jones, Brookings and New York University Bridging state and local communities through livelihood improvements, Ryutaro Murotani, JICA, and Yoichi Mine, JICA-RI and Doshisha University Postconflict trajectories and the potential for poverty reduction, Gary Milante, SIPRI Part II: Jobs: Supporting Inclusive Growth Structural change and Africa's poverty puzzle, John Page, Brookings Public goods for private jobs: lessons from the Pacific, Shane Evans, Michael Carnahan and Alice Steele, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Government of Australia Strategies for inclusive development in agrarian Sub-Saharan countries, Akio Hosono, JICA-RI The role of agriculture in poverty reduction, John McArthur, Brookings, UN Foundation, and Fung Global Institute Part III: Resilience: Managing Shocks and Risks Environmental stress and conflict, Stephen Smith, George Washington University and Brookings Toward community resilience: The role of social capital after disasters, Go Shimada, JICA-RI Social protection and the end of extreme poverty, Raj Desai, Georgetown University and Brookings "

It seems paradoxical that in the West the predominant mode of expressing concern about suffering in the Third World comes through participation in various forms of popular culture--such as buying tickets to a rock concert like Live Aid in 1985--rather than through political action based on expert knowledge. Keith Tester's aim in this book is to explore the phenomenon of what he calls "commonsense humanitarianism," the reasons for its hegemony as the principal way for people in the West to relate to distant suffering, and its ramifications for our moral and social lives. As a remnant of the West's past imperial legacy, this phenomenon is most clearly manifested in humanitarian activities directed at Africa, and that continent is the geographical focus of this critical sociology of humanitarianism, which places the role of the media at the center of its analysis.

Theorizing NGOs examines how the rise of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) has transformed the conditions of women's lives and of feminist organizing. Victoria Bernal and Inderpal Grewal suggest that we can understand the proliferation of NGOs through a focus on the NGO as a unified form despite the enormous variation and diversity contained within that form. Theorizing NGOs brings together cutting-edge feminist research on NGOs from various perspectives and disciplines. Contributors locate NGOs within local and transnational configurations of power, interrogate the relationships of nongovernmental organizations to states and to privatization, and map the complex, ambiguous, and ultimately unstable synergies between feminisms and NGOs. While some of the contributors draw on personal experience with NGOs, others employ regional or national perspectives. Spanning a broad range of issues with which NGOs are engaged, from microcredit and domestic violence to democratization, this groundbreaking collection shows that NGOs are, themselves, fields of gendered struggles over power, resources, and status. Contributors. Sonia E. Alvarez, Victoria Bernal, LeeRay M. Costa, Inderpal Grewal, Laura Grunberg, Elissa Helms, Julie Hemment, Saida Hodzic, Lamia Karim, Sabine Lang, Lauren Leve, Kathleen O'Reilly, Aradhana Sharma