In this book, Julia Berger examines internal meaning-making structures and processes driving NGO behavior, identifying constructs from within a religious tradition that forge new ways of pursuing social change. She evaluates the operation of a distinct rationality, arguing that action is guided not simply by beliefs and values, but also by a combination of elements so intrinsic as to constitute an "organizational DNA." These hidden structures and rationalities manifest themselves in new modes of engagement and agency; they help us to see the pivotal role of religion in shaping notions of peace, progress, and modernity. To demonstrate the operation and salience of such a rationality, Berger draws on the example of the worldwide Baha'i community. Emerging in 19th century Iran, the community's theological engagement with questions of justice, the unity of humankind, and the emerging global order, constitute one of the most distinct and compelling, yet least-researched examples of religious engagement with the pressing questions of our time. Analyzing events spanning a 75-year period from 1945-2020, this book provides a unique historical and contemporary perspective on the evolving role of religion and civil society in the modern world.

The Western world's responses to genocide have been slow, unwieldly and sometimes unfit for purpose. So argues David Patrick in this essential new contribution to the aid and intervention debate. While the UK and US have historically been committed to the ideals of human rights, freedom and equality, their actual material reactions are more usually dictated by geopolitical 'noise', pre-conceived ideas of worth and the media attention-spans of individual elected leaders. Utilizing a wide-ranging quantitative analysis of media reporting across the globe, Patrick argues that an over-reliance on the Holocaust as the framing device we use to try and come to terms with such horrors can lead to slow responses, misinterpretation and category errors - in both Rwanda and Bosnia, much energy was expended trying to ascertain whether these regions qualified for 'genocide' status. The Reporting of Genocide demonstrates how such tragedies are reduced to stereotypes in the media - framed in terms of innocent victims and brutal oppressors - which can over-simplify the situation on the ground. This in turn can lead to mixed and inadequate responses from governments. Reporting on Genocide also seeks to address how responses to genocides across the globe can be improved, and will be essential reading for policy-makers and for scholars of genocide and the media.

This study examines and compares the important work on global human rights advocacy done by religious NGOs and by secular NGOs. By studying the similarities in how such organizations understand their work, we can better consider not only how religious and secular NGOs might complement each other but also how they might collaborate and cooperate in the advancement of human rights. However, little research has attempted to compare these types of NGOs and their approaches. NGOs and Human Rights explores this comparison and identifies the key areas of overlap and divergence. In so doing, it lays the groundwork for better understanding how to capitalize on the strengths of religious groups, especially in addressing the world's many human rights challenges. This book uses a new dataset of more than three hundred organizations affiliated with the United Nations Human Rights Council to compare the extent to which religious and secular NGOs differ in their framing, discussion, and operationalization of human rights work. Using both quantitative analysis of the extensive data collected by the authors and forty-seven in depth interviews conducted with members of human rights organizations in the sample, Charity Butcher and Maia Carter Hallward analyze these organizations' approaches to questions of culture, development, women's rights, children's rights, and issues of peace and conflict.

A career in the non-governmental organization (NGO) sector is an ideal and ambitious choice for anyone who is committed to applying their skills and professional effort to identifying, examining, and helping to resolve the problems confronting the world around them. From combatting human abuses, alleviating famine, working to save the environment, protecting animals, ensuring a safe world for children-locally, nationally, or internationally, a career within the NGO sector can make you a part of the solution. This book walks you through the steps of deciding whether an NGO career is right for you and understanding the types of roles available within the sector. It also explains the educational requirements you will need to fulfill as well as how to plan your academic track, as well as get your career started after graduation. A career within the NGO sector is an exciting one. A competitive field, it offers the opportunity for life-long learning and challenge.

A peine la Seconde guerre mondiale terminee, un nouveau conflit larve se fait jour opposant l'Union sovietique aux Etats-Unis d'Amerique. Comme les partis politiques, les syndicats d'Europe s'adaptent a la nouvelle donne. En France, la CGT subit une scission qui donne naissance a Force ouvriere, laquelle rejoint la Confederation internationale des syndicats libres (CISL) creee par la puissante American Federation of Labor. La CGT reste dans une Federation syndicale mondiale (FSM) dominee par l'Union sovietique et la CFTC participe a la reconstruction de la Confederation internationale des syndicats chretiens (CISC). Ainsi, la logique des blocs impregne-t-elle la vie des travailleurs francais jusque dans leur adhesion syndicale. Quelle est la place des syndicalistes francais dans ces organisations internationales? Et comment les evolutions geopolitiques vont-elles influer sur le panorama syndical hexagonal? Cette these exploite les archives des confederations francaises mais egalement les archives des organisations syndicales internationales disseminees en Europe et aux Etats-Unis.

How is transnational cooperation practically conducted in the East African country of Rwanda, and how is it organised? Can the worlds of development aid and private business be compared? In this ethnography, Robin Pohl identifies the organisational patterns used by Rwandan, European and Indian partners. Different types of agencies, companies or projects each relate foreign activities differently to their local environment. The effects of potential divisions at the global level turn into assets or liabilities on the operative level of transboundary cooperations, depending on their context.

Cet ouvrage a pour objectif de faire ressortir au mieux la realite actuelle de la relation en perpetuelle evolution entre la Commission Europeenne (CE) et les organisations non-gouvernementales (ONG). Les ONG sont reconnues comme etant des contributeurs cles dans le secteur de l'aide humanitaire et du developpement. Pour agir, les ONG ont besoin de fonds et tres peu parmi elles peuvent pretendre a l'autonomie. La CE, un des plus importants bailleurs de fonds (9,8 milliards dedies a l'aide exterieure en 2004), se doit de controler les ONG subventionnees. Ce travail presente et critique tout d'abord les organismes qui agissent dans le cadre de cette relation entre la CE et les ONG ainsi que leur methodologie de controle. Ensuite, des solutions et des recommandations sont proposees pour repondre aux problemes rencontres. Afin d'aller au-dela d'une analyse qualitative de methodologie, le travail veut egalement approcher une autre dimension plus politique et economique. C'est pourquoi cet ouvrage se penche sur une autre question qui est de savoir quelles sont les veritables intentions de la CE au sujet de la cooperation au developpement ?"

How do religious groups, operating as NGOs, engage in the most important global institution for world peace? What processes do they adopt? Is there a "spiritual" UN today? This book is the first interdisciplinary study to present extensive fieldwork results from an examination of the activity of religious groups at the United Nations in New York and Geneva. Based on a three and half-year study of activities in the United Nations system, it seeks to show how "religion" operates in both visible and invisible ways. Jeremy Carrette, Hugh Miall, Verena Beittinger-Lee, Evelyn Bush and Sophie-Helene Trigeaud, explore the way "religion" becomes a "chameleon" idea, appearing and disappearing, according to the diplomatic aims and ambitions. Part 1 documents the challenges of examining religion inside the UN, Part 2 explores the processes and actions of religious NGOs - from diplomacy to prayer - and the specific platforms of intervention - from committees to networks - and Part 3 provides a series of case studies of religious NGOs, including discussion of Islam, Catholicism and Hindu and Buddhist NGOs. The study concludes by examining the place of diplomats and their views of religious NGOs and reflects on the place of "religion" in the UN today. The study shows the complexity of "religion" inside one of the most fascinating global institutions of the world today.

Le present ouvrage se veut une analyse du comportement du CICR face aux conflits etatiques internes. Ces derniers sont marques, de nos jours, par l'apparition de nouvelles formes de violences (victimes tuees, blessees, privees de liberte, separees de leur famille ou portees disparues). Face a cette situation, le CICR, organisation humanitaire impartiale et neutre, agit conformement a son mandat juridique international. De ce fait, il a pour mission, entre autres, de fournir protection et assistance aux victimes civiles et militaires des conflits armes. A cela s'ajoute sa mission d'intermediaire entre les Parties belligerantes et de promoteur du DIH. Cependant, le CICR rencontre des obstacles d'ordre juridique, politique et operationnel dans la mise en uvre de son mandat. Ce qui rend de plus en plus difficile son intervention, d'ou la necessite de degager des perspectives pour que l'action du CICR reponde a mieux aux besoins humanitaires des populations dans les conflits etatiques internes."

Les droits sociaux en Europe ne sont pas completement communautarises. La communaute a laisse a chaque etat la liberte d'assurer le niveau de protection qu'il desire. En revanche, l'Europe a tenu a pleinement communautariser les libertes de concurrence et de circulation. La resultante en est une protection des droits sociaux dependante des restrictions communautaires liees a la liberte du marche. Le deficit social ainsi cree, a pousse la societe civile a reagir vigoureusement, et a gagner la confiance du citoyen Europeen par rapport aux autres formes de representation politique classique. La societe civile a egalement pu gagner la reconnaissance des institutions europeennes qui lui font appel a travers le Comite economique et social europeen, le dialogue social et civil, ou dans les differentes consultations. C'est un collaborateur reconnu explicitement dans les traites europeens.C'est aussi un avocat qui plaide pour un changement du droit en vigueur et qui surveille le respect des obligations en vertu du droit international. Sa participation aux decisions est devenu un element de la legitimite democratique en Europe."

On attend aujourd'hui des societes transnationales qu'elles assument, au dela de leur role economique, une responsabilite sociale. Dans les pays en developpement ou elles sont implantees et ou les autorites locales ne remplissent pas correctement leurs fonctions, elles sont confrontees a des problemes sociaux et sanitaires touchant leurs salaries ou ceux de leurs fournisseurs. Pour les resoudre, elles peuvent faire appel a des structures competentes, les ONG. A travers trois experiences concretes de partenariat ONG-entreprise, ce travail presente les conditions d'entente de l'economie de marche, representee par l'entreprise et de l'economie sociale et solidaire, representee par l'ONG. On realise que les ONG presentent, en tant que partenaires, plusieurs atouts tels que leur implantation geographique, leur connaissance du milieu local, leur reseau relationnel et leur expertise de problematiques sociales et sanitaires.

Le travail s'inscrit dans une perspective de sociologie politique et s'interesse a l'engagement politique des militants de la Decroissance. Il a permis de mettre a jour la construction d'une identite ideologique forte qui avait comme effet d'inciter a l'engagement. La suite du travail s'interessait au rapport qu'entretiennent les militants au politique. Il ne s'agit pas pour ces militants de subvertir les regles du jeu du champ politique (comme ont essaye de le faire les Poujadistes, Communistes ou plus pres de nous les Motives, en essayant d'integrer de nouvelles normes sociales ou de comportements a l'interieur de ce champ). Certes, les militants revendiquent la volonte de faire de la politique autrement mais ils envisagent neanmoins d'exister dans ce champ tel qu'il est afin de faire entendre leur - projet de societe -. En somme, les militants de la Decroissance, dans leur but d'arriver a une - majorite culturelle - n'envisagent la politique que comme une modalite supplementaire d'un repertoire d'actions large fait notamment d'actions concretes dont beaucoup les considerent deja comme actions - politiques - a part entiere"