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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism > Non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
Why are some international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
more politically salient than others, and why are some NGOs better
able to influence the norms of human rights? Internal Affairs shows
how the organizational structures of human rights NGOs and their
campaigns determine their influence on policy. Drawing on data from
seven major international organizations the International Committee
of the Red Cross, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch,
Medecins sans Frontieres, Oxfam International, Anti-Slavery
International, and the International League of Human Rights Wendy
H. Wong demonstrates that NGOs that choose to centralize
agenda-setting and decentralize the implementation of that agenda
are more successful in gaining traction in international
politics.
Challenging the conventional wisdom that the most successful
NGOs are those that find the "right" cause or have the most
resources, Wong shows that how NGOs make and implement decisions is
critical to their effectiveness in influencing international norms
about human rights. Building on the insights of network theory and
organizational sociology, Wong traces how power works within NGOs
and affects their external authority. The internal coherence of an
organization, as reflected in its public statements and actions,
goes a long way to assure its influence over the often tumultuous
elements of the international human rights landscape. "
The voluntary sector is made up primarily of not-for-profit and
non-governmental organizations that engage with social issues.
Voices from the Voluntary Sector contains reasoned reflections by
practitioners on some of the significant challenges faced by
today's not-for-profit organizations in Canada. Broad in scope,
these essays present a rich, multi-dimensional set of vignettes
that as a whole express the vitality and humanity of the voluntary
sector in Canada.
The contributors discuss organizational and managerial
challenges, social entrepreneurship, and how to foster effective
global movements. The essays include a reflection on the ways that
young people can find the courage to become leaders, an exploration
of the absence of First Nations peoples within voluntary sector
organizations, and a consideration how parental incarceration
affects the life prospects of children. Voices from the Voluntary
Sector is a valuable resource that addresses a wide range of
concerns related to the responsiveness, character, and leadership
of third sector organizations.
This accessible book provides a concise introduction to the way in
which non-governmental organizations (NGOs) work. By bringing
together a range of literature - including ideas from international
relations and organizational analysis - Hudock is able to develop a
new conceptual framework for understanding both the strengths and
weaknesses of NGOs as they operate in the development field.
Healthy democracy depends on a strong and vibrant civil society.
NGOs have a central role to play in this process, especially those
which empower disadvantaged and under-represented groups. However,
Hudock shows that over recent years, NGOs have become heavily
dependent on development agencies and governments for their
funding, jeopardizing their effectiveness. The book argues that we
need a thorough organizational and political understanding of the
way in which NGOs in the north and south work in order to
comprehend fully both the opportunities they can offer and the
serious constraints under which they operate. Using many examples
and two case studies, Hudock highlights the difficulties faced by
NGOs and outlines possible solutions for the future.
"NGOs and Civil Society" will be indispensable reading for all
those studying the role of NGOs in development studies,
international relations and the sociology of development, as well
as for practitioners.
After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's
government encouraged substantial American investment in education
and aid. It was argued that Turkey needed the technical skills and
wealth offered by American education, and so a series of American
schools was set up across the country to educate the Turkish youth.
Here, Ali Erken, in the first study of its kind, argues that these
organizations had a huge impact on political and economic thought
in Turkey - acting as a form of `soft power' for US national
interests throughout the 20th Century. Robert College, originally a
missionary school founded by US benefactors, has been responsible
for educating two Turkish Prime Ministers, writers such as Orhan
Pamuk and a huge number of influential economists, politicians and
journalists. The end result of these American philanthropic
efforts, Erken argues, was a consensus in the 1970s that the
country must `westernize'. This mindset, and the opposition
viewpoint it engendered, has come to define political struggle in
modern Turkey - torn between a capitalist `modern' West and an
Islamic `Ottoman' East. The book also reveals how and why the
Rockefeller and Ford foundations funneled large amounts of money
into Turkey post-1945, and undertook activities in support of
`Western' candidates in Turkey as a bulwark against the Soviet
Union. This is an essential contribution to the history of
US-Turkish relations, and the influence of the West in Turkish
political thought.
World orders are increasingly contested. As international
institutions have taken on ever more ambitious tasks, they have
been challenged by rising powers dissatisfied with existing
institutional inequalities, by non-governmental organizations
worried about the direction of global governance, and even by some
established powers no longer content to lead the institutions they
themselves created. For the first time, this volume examines these
sources of contestation under a common and systematic
institutionalist framework. While the authority of institutions has
deepened, at the same time it has fuelled contestation and
resistance. In a series of rigorous and empirically revealing
chapters, the authors of Contested World Orders examine
systematically the demands of key actors in the contestation of
international institutions. Ranging in scope from the World Trade
Organization and the Nuclear Non-proliferation Regime to the
Kimberley Process on conflict diamonds and the climate finance
provisions of the UNFCCC, the chapters deploy a variety of methods
to reveal just to what extent, and along which lines of conflict,
rising powers and NGOs contest international institutions.
Contested World Orders seeks answers to the key questions of our
time: Exactly how deeply are international institutions contested?
Which actors seek the most fundamental changes? Which aspects of
international institutions have generated the most transnational
conflicts? And what does this mean for the future of world order?
Since 1951 thousands of volunteers from all over Australia have
worked in developing countries across the world. This is the story
of the organisation that made this possible, the Overseas Service
Bureau later known as Australian Volunteers International. From its
origins as a community-based association expressing solidarity with
people in newly independent countries, it grew into a significant
organisation managing a suite of international development
programs. The organisation's activist impulses and principles were
evident as it responded to the critical international issues of the
times. It supported opponents of apartheid in Southern Africa,
worked in Cambodia when Australia had no diplomatic representation
there and in Vietnam when Australian aid had been suspended,
nurtured relationships with Indonesian NGOs during Suharto's reign,
supported civil society across the Pacific Islands, and provided
significant and timely support for East Timor's self-determination.
This book explores the organisation's growth with increased
government funding and the accompanying challenge of maintaining
its own values and identity in an era when decolonisation presented
increasingly complex demands.
This book presents a rigorous empirical study of various aspects of
poverty alleviation in rural Bangladesh. The themes include the
trend and structure of rural poverty and the role of microfinance
in alleviating rural poverty through participation of the rural
poor in NGOs and microfinance institutions (MFIs). It also includes
different challenges of participation of rural poor women in
NGO-MFIs. In probing those issues, this book employs a different
approach of investigation. In comparison with other poverty
studies, this book can claim a number of distinct features. First,
this book probes the participation behavior of rural poor women who
face different socioeconomic, cultural and psycho-attitudinal
challenges to participate in NGO-MFIs which ultimately prevented
the attainment of the prime objective of poverty alleviation in
Bangladesh. In analyzing those issues, this book uses a social
psychological theory named the theory of planned behavior (TPB) as
a theoretical model upon which the research framework was grounded
upon. Second, unlike other studies which are based on relatively
small and unrepresentative samples, this book is based on a
nationally representative large-scale survey. Third, even though it
employs a cross-sectional survey, the study explored in this book
attempts to infuse an element of dynamics by employing information
on both current and initial condition of resources of households
being defined as the resource-base a household had inherited at the
time it was formed. This type of data-set helped analyze the
dynamics of resource adequacy of the participants in NGO-MFIs which
yielded key insights into the challenges of poverty alleviation.
Fourth, a concern with the possible influence of microfinance in
the economy runs as an intrinsic theme throughout the book. In
addition to devoting a long chapter of emergence of NGO-MFIs in
Bangladesh, the author analyzes the role of microfinance in its
specific contexts in each subsequent chapter, for example, in
shaping the trends in poverty, inequality, resource accumulation
and in influencing participation of the rural poor in NGO-MFIs and
in affecting the ability of the rural poor to be free from poverty
and to cope with environmental shocks. Some remarks on possible
prospects or recommendations are provided at the end of the book.
After World War II dozens of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
emerged on the global scene, committed to improving the lives of
the world's most vulnerable people. Some focused on protecting
human rights; some were dedicated to development, aimed at
satisfying basic economic needs. Both approaches had distinctive
methods, missions, and emphases. In the 1980s and 90s, however, the
dividing line began to blur. In the first book to track the growing
intersection and even overlap of human rights and development NGOs,
Paul Nelson and Ellen Dorsey introduce a concept they call "new
rights advocacy." New rights advocacy has at its core three main
trends: the embrace of human rights-based approaches by influential
development NGOs, the adoption of active economic and social rights
agendas by major international human rights NGOs, and the surge of
work on economic and social policy through a human rights lens by
specialized human rights NGOs and social movement campaigns. Nelson
and Dorsey draw on rich case studies of internationally well-known
individual NGOs such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch,
Oxfam, CARE, ActionAid, and Save the Children, and employ
perspectives from the fields of human rights, international
relations, the sociology of social movements and of complex
organizations, and development theory, in order to better
understand the changes occurring within NGOs. In questioning
current trends using new theoretical frameworks, this book breaks
new ground in the evolution of human rights-development
interaction. The way in which NGOs are reinventing themselves has
great potential for success--or possibly failure--and profound
implications for a world in which theenormous gap between the
wealthiest and poorest poses a persistent challenge to both
development and human rights.
Back to America is an ethnography of local activist groups within
the Tea Party, one of the most important recent political movements
to emerge in the United States and one that continues to influence
American politics. Though often viewed as the brainchild of
conservative billionaires and Fox News, the success of the Tea
Party movement was as much, if not more, the result of everyday
activists at the grassroots level. William H. Westermeyer traces
how local Tea Party groups (LTPGs) create submerged spaces where
participants fashion action-oriented collective and personal
political identities forged in the context of cultural or figured
worlds. These figured worlds allow people to establish meaningful
links between their own lives and concerns, on the one hand, and
the movement’s goals and narratives, on the other. Collectively,
the production and circulation of the figured worlds within LTPGs
provide the basis for subjectivities that often nurture political
activism. Westermeyer reveals that LTPGs are vibrant
and independent local organizations that, while
constantly drawing on nationally disseminated cultural images and
discourses, are far from simple agents of the larger organizations
and the media. Back to America offers a welcome anthropological
approach to this important social movement and to our understanding
of grassroots political activism writ large.
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