A major study of the Communist party of Great Britain between the wars, when it adopted the military strategy of class against class, in its struggle to be the effective alternative to both the Labour Party and the TUC. This revisionary study, based on newly-discovered material in the Manchester archive of the Communist Party, shows that far from losing influence and being driven to the brink of collapse, the CPGB then consolidated its position, led national hunger marches and organized social and cultural events, while membership grew and the party developed as an effective and valued body in the pantheon of leftwing British politics.

This book presents the results of a new comparative research project on the trajectories, motivations, perceptions and attitudes of young members (aged 18-25) of 15 different European political parties in the UK, France, Germany, Spain, Norway and Hungary. The project combined a mass survey of 2919 young party members with 517 in-depth interviews.

What happened to the usage of common sense in the decision making process? In "The Invisible Man" writer James Leonard Nobles offers some new perspectives on and insightful resolutions for the challenges confronting modern society in the 21st century. And he refuses to submit to the political correctness being forced upon us by the "Powerbrokers of Hypocrisy." Through persuasive arguments and satire, Mr. Nobles takes on the "Institutions" that have betrayed the American people. He says, ""The history that is written is not always the history that was, and the truth is often hidden beneath ideological propaganda."" With candor seldom shown today, Jim openly discusses the controversial issues tearing at the hearts and souls of most decent men and women. "The Invisible Man" examines the declining social values and the consequences of our choices. For we stand at the fork of fate. One path is the end and the other path is a new beginning. Choose wisely for there is no going back.

About the Author:
Author James Leonard Nobles is a new voice from a section of the population often forgotten by society. But he represents the majority of Americans who are fed up with their government, both political parties, irresponsible corporations, and the greed of a few. Born with congenital cataracts in 1960, he knows firsthand how difficult the struggles in life can be. After dropping out of college, Jim returned at the age of 40, where he became the first college graduate in his family. Graduating in August of 2005 with a B.S. in Communications and Information Technology ("New Media"), he has been working tirelessly on "The Invisible Man" for close to four years (first year writing; last three years editing and publishing).

Politicians are polarized. Public opinion is volatile. Government is gridlocked. Or so journalists and pundits constantly report. But where are we, really, in modern American politics, and how did we get there? Those are the questions that Byron E. Shafer aims to answer in The American Political Pattern. Looking at the state of American politics at diverse points over the past eighty years, the book draws a picture, broad in scope yet precise in detail, of our political system in the modern era. It is a picture of stretches of political stability, but also, even more, of political change, one that goes a long way toward explaining how shifting factors alter the content of public policy and the character of American politicking. Shafer divides the modern world into four distinct periods: the High New Deal (1932-1938), the Late New Deal (1939-1968), the Era of Divided Government (1969-1992), and the Era of Partisan Volatility (1993-2016). Each period is characterized by a different arrangement of the same key factors: party balance, ideological polarization, issue conflict, and the policy-making process that goes with them. The American Political Pattern shows how these factors are in turn shaped by permanent aspects of the US Constitution, most especially the separation of powers and federalism, while their alignment is simultaneously influenced by the external demands for governmental action that arise in each period, including those derived from economic currents, major wars, and social movements. Analyzing these periods, Shafer sets the terms for understanding the structure and dynamics of politics in our own turbulent time. Placing the current political world in its historical and evolutionary framework, while illuminating major influences on American politics over time, his book explains where this modern world came from, why it endures, and how it might change yet again.

The politics of Unionism is central to the success or failure of any political settlement in Northern Ireland. The aim of this book is to place the politics of Unionism in its proper historical context and understand its dynamics with relation to its internal structures, including identity, ideology, social structures and political parties; and its external environment, including the policy of the British and Irish governments; its relationship with Irish Nationalists and Irish Nationalism and the wider influences on the peace process such as those of the US, South Africa, and civil society.

Have you ever seen a politician fiercely attacking his opponent? Sure you have. Election campaigns without attacks on the rival candidate's performance, policy propositions and traits simply do not exist. Negative campaigning makes up a substantial part of election campaigns around the world. Though heavily covered in election news, the practice is strongly disliked by political pundits, journalists and voters. Some are even concerned that negative campaigning damages democracy itself. Negative campaigning has inspired numerous scholars in recent decades. But much of the existing research examines the phenomenon only in the United States, and scholars disagree on how the practice should be defined and measured, which has resulted in open-ended conclusions about its causes and effects. This unique volume presents for the first time work examining negative campaigning in the US, Europe and beyond. It presents systematic literature overviews and new work that touches upon three fundamental questions: What is negative campaigning and can we measure it? What causes negative campaigning? And what are its effects?

Moreland and Steed bring an overall analysis of presidential politics in the South together with a state-by-state analysis and updated data on the 1996 presidential elections in each southern state. The 1996 elections are placed within the context of recent party and electoral developments in the South, particularly as those relate to fundamental changes in the party system and the ascendancy of the Republican Party.

The South is a region undergoing significant partisan change, and that change has substantial implications for national politics. This volume analyzes the South's role in the 1996 presidential nomination process, issues as southerners saw them in 1996, and the role of third parties in the South. The volume also analyzes the results of the 1996 presidential election in each of the eleven states of the Old Confederacy. The 1996 elections are placed within the context of recent party and electoral developments in the South, particularly as those relate to fundamental changes in the party system and the ascendancy of the Republican Party.

This volume is unique in that there is no other analysis of the 1996 elections that has a southern regional focus. This is the fourth of a series of volumes on presidential elections in the South edited by Moreland and Steed, and together these studies constitute a valuable resource for those interested in Southern politics, presidential elections, and American political parties in general.

The first serious study analysing Labour's impact on Whitehall. It offers a theoretical engaged, but empirically rich account drawing from an extensive set of primary interview material to examine a 'New Labour' effect on the Civil Service, including its reforms to improve policy delivery and whether it has politicised Whitehall. It concludes by arguing that New Labour's approach to Whitehall have been part of a broader strategy to reconstitute the power of the Westminster Model.

This text examines the debates and developments about House of Lords reform since 1911, and notes that disagreements have occurred within, as well as between, the main political parties and governments throughout this time. It draws attention to how various proposals for reform have raised a wider range of constitutional and political problems.

The Fall of Boris Johnson is the explosive inside account of how a prime minister lost his hold on power. From Sebastian Payne, Director of Onward and former Whitehall Editor for the Financial Times. Winner at the 2022 Parlimentary Book Awards A New Statesman, The Times, Daily Mail and FT Book of the Year 'Revelatory' - The Daily Telegraph 'Delicious detail' - The Times Boris Johnson was touted as the saviour of the country and the Conservative Party, obtaining a huge commons majority and finally "getting Brexit done". But within three short years, he was deposed in disgrace, leaving the country in crisis. Sebastian Payne tells the essential behind-the-scenes story, charting the series of scandals that felled Johnson: from the blocked suspension of Owen Paterson, through partygate and the final death blow: the Chris Pincher allegations. This is the full narrative of the betrayals, rivalries and resignations that resulted in the dramatic Conservative coup – and set in motion those events that saw the party sink to catastrophic new lows. With unparalleled access to those who were in the room when key decisions were made, Payne tells of the miscalculations and mistakes that led to Boris Johnson’s downfall. This is a gripping and timely look at how power is gained, wielded and lost in Britain today. 'Genuinely page-turning' - Andrew Marr 'Entertaining and illuminating' - Tim Shipman

The UK is going through a period of unprecedented constitutional change. There is much unfinished business, and further changes still to come. Where are these changes taking us? In this book, leading political scientists and lawyers forecast the impact of these changes on the UK's key institutions and the constitution as a whole.

The Nature of Party Government examines relationships between governments and supporting parties on a comparative European basis. The book does so at the level of principles: there is a major conflict between governments, which should govern and parties, which being representative, wish to shape the way governments operate. The book studies relationships empirically as well: it shows that they occur on three plans, appointments, policy-making and patronage and assesses the extent of two-way influences, from parties to governments and from governments to parties.

The Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats each allow their members to participate in the selection of the party leader. It also examines the consequences of all-member ballots in leadership elections. It looks at how parties remove leaders, showing that each of the major British parties sought to make it harder to evict incumbents.

Few Americans and even fewer citizens of other nations understand the electoral process in the United States. Still fewer understand the role played by political parties in the electoral process or the ironies within the system. Participation in elections in the United States is much lower than in the vast majority of mature democracies. Perhaps this is because of the lack of competition in a country where only two parties have a true chance of winning, despite the fact that a large number of citizens claim allegiance to neither and think badly of both. Or perhaps it is because in the U.S. campaign contributions disproportionately favor incumbents in most legislative elections, or that largely unregulated groups such as the now notorious 527 organizations have as much impact on the outcome of a campaign as do the parties or the candidates' campaigns. For instance, in two of the last six presidential elections, the winner of the popular vote lost the election in the Electoral College; in two others, a change of fewer than 100,000 votes in selected states would have led to the same result. These factors offer a very clear picture of the problems that underlie our much trumpeted electoral system. The third edition of this Very Short Introduction analyzes these issues and more. Accounting for changes in electoral coalitions and the extent to which the American electorate is polarized in the wake of Donald Trump, L. Sandy Maisel explains how the system actually works while shining a light on some of its flaws. He also looks closely at turnout questions; efforts both to ease access to the ballot in some states and to restrict access in others; and the role of social media in campaign strategy.

Between 1796 and 1800, Americans truly developed the forms of government that are recognized and continued today. This book examines the development of the two-party system, relationships between foreign and domestic affairs, and most importantly, the successes of the French Party in the light of the Quasi War, legal persecutions, and through Federalist popularity and bumbling. The leaders of the French Party were successful men committed to their vision of America's future. Even John Adams, a leading Federalist, successfully pursued his own course of action; his sacrifice stands as a remarkable example for political leaders today. Federalist leaders were, however, ultimately unable to harness previous success and to unite varied agendas to maintain their leadership in the new century. Although a majority decried party politics, in theory or in commentary, Americans failed and continue to fail at running a government in a bipartisan manner. Even Thomas Jefferson, a leading Republican, failed to escape the grasp of partisanship and the politics of opportunity. These developments would foreshadow current political practices and the use of foreign affairs to support domestic agendas. Bringing together personality, structure, and practical measures of nation building, this work proves that the more things change, the more they remain the same.

This book explains why the level of party presidentialization varies from one country to another. It considers the effects of constitutional structures as well as the party's original features, and argues that the degree of party presidentialization varies as a function of the party's genetics.

In "Peaceful Islamist Mobilization in the Muslim World: What Went Right, "Julie Chernov Hwang presents a compelling and innovative new theory and framework for examining for the variation in Islamist mobilization strategies in Muslim Asia and the Middle East. Based on extensive field research in Indonesia, Malaysia and Turkey, Hwang argues that states, through their policies, institutions, and capacities, can influence the mobilization strategies that Islamist groups choose, encouraging peaceful strategies, or sometimes, creating permissive conditions for violence. This book highlights the positive ways that states can influence Islamist group decision-making and answers the question--what went right?

This timely compilation of papers was originally presented at the 1987 Hofstra University Conference on the Nixon Presidency. Bringing together noted Nixon scholars, including Stephen Ambrose, Tom Wicker, and Hugh Sidey, and politicos such as Eliot Richardson, Maurice Stans, H.R. Haldeman, and Robert Finch, the editors have included essays primarily on domestic policies. A lively section on Nixon the man is followed by scholarly articles on all aspects of the domestic agenda. Notable contributions include David Caputo's analysis of revenue sharing and Michael Balzano's study of the adrift Democrats who emerged as Nixon's silent majority and ultimately as the Reagan coalition . . . . [A] worthy addition for specialized collections. Library Journal Thirteen years after Richard Nixon left office Hofstra University's sixth conference on the Modern American Presidency sets the stage for an exchange of views on Richard M. Nixon's presidency, his politics, and his administrative abilities. Leon Friedman and William F. Levantrosser bring together the papers and discussions presented at this conference by scholars, journalists, and Nixon administration officials in this first of a trilogy of volumes issuing from the conference. With the perspective of time, the commentary of leading administration figures such as H. R. Haldeman, Elliot Richardson, Maurice Stans, and Charles Colson takes on a special quality. Papers and discussions explore three major aspects of Richard Nixon: his capacity for greatness, his shortcomings, and his impact on today's youth; the scope and depth of his domestic policy; and his political acumen. Richard M. Nixon: Politician, President, Administrator records the interactions of scholars, journalists, and Nixon administration officials as they search for a better understanding of the Nixon phenomenon. Part I explores the man--his persona and his presidency. A special panel presents the reaction of today's youth to this segment of American history. Part II concentrates primarily on domestic policy. It uncovers the scope and depth of Nixon initiatives in revenue sharing, social welfare, civil rights, environment, and the economy. In Part III, papers and discussions on the silent majority, election campaigning, and the reorganization of the executive branch, disclose Richard Nixon's role in changing the face of American politics.

Labour's 1997 victory was widely credited to the party's reinvention of itself as New Labour. This book argues that the transformation of the Labour Party is best understood as the product of Thatcherism, and marks the emergence of a new consensus in British politics. Despite Labour's claim to be re-applying traditional values, Tony Blair's politics owe more to neo liberalism than any traditional social democratic perspective. This wide ranging and controversial assessment of both Thatcherism and New Labour is used to illustrate a new theory as to how the process of political change takes place in practice.

A comparative survey which discusses how national leaders in six Western democracies, Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, and the United States, are nominated for the highest office in their country. The combinations of methods each country utilizes to nominate their leaders are described. The text emphasizes that most national leaders have served a long apprenticeship in various public offices--sometimes having made several attempts--before actually being nominated to the nation's highest public office. Increasingly, the text shows that opinion polls, television, and professional campaign management are playing a greater role in the leadership selection process in all six countries. This book will be of interest to upper-level college and graduate students and faculty in comparative government, political parties, and public affairs and academic as well as public libraries.

Few parties have undergone such comprehensive organizational change as the Labour Party since 1983. Labour's organization once institutionalized the political exchange between office-seeking politicians and the party's policy-seeking trade union paymasters. Using accessible rational choice models, Thomas Quinn explores how consecutive election defeats prompted party leaders to modernize this structure to regain voters' trust, reducing union influence in policymaking, parliamentary candidate selection and leadership contests. The price may be a centralized party vulnerable to membership exit and union funding cuts.

On September 30, 1965, six of Indonesia's highest ranking generals were killed in an effort by President Sukarno to crush an alleged coup. The events of that were part of a rapidly growing power struggle pro and anti-Communist factions. The elimination of the generals, however, did little to increase and preserve Sukarno's power, though, and he was stripped of the presidency in 1967. Hunt's work is a unique and original examination of the events that culminated on that night in September, 1965. It is the first detailed account of the Indonesian Coup that reveals the previously unknown workings of the PKI's ultra-secret Special Bureau, a clandestine organization within the Communist Party that may be the prototype of other similar entities that flourished around the world in the mid-50's and 60s. No such expose of secret communist organizations committed to covert killings of the top military or political leaders of the country has ever been published. She establishes beyond any doubt that the PKI, under Chairman Aidit's direction, using the capabilities of a secret organization within the PKI that only Aidit and a handful of trusted high-level members of the Communist Party even knew about, and, most importantly, acting with President Sukarno's full knowledge and approval, planned and then-dramatically-failed to execute a bold plan to kill the top leadership of the Army and proclaim a new socialist state under President Sukarno's leadership with PKI Chairman Aidit as his proclaimed successor. At the time of the coup, government analysts as well as non-government scholars were of two minds. Some, like the group at Cornell University, were convinced that the PKI (Indonesian CommunistParty) had not been involved, that the coup was the action mid-level army officers against the top leadership. That was the official line at the time. Others were convinced that the PKI alone had planned and executed the coup in its long-held desire to remove the pro-U.S. army leadership. No one at the time saw the hand of Indonesia's world-famous President Sukarno in the affair.