With unprecedented access to the Cuban Government's archives and total co-operation from Che's widow, Aleida March, as well as access to hitherto unpublished documents, including several of Che's personal diaries, this biography of one of history's most fascinating figures by critically-acclaimed New York Times journalist Jon Lee Anderson is truly definitive and monumental - not least because its creation solved a twenty-eight-year-old mystery: the whereabouts of Che Guevara's body... 'Masterly and absorbing' -- The Sunday Times 'Brilliantly evoked... The portrait is now as complete as it will ever be' -- The Times Literary Supplement 'Absorbing and convincing... an indispensable work of contemporary history' ? Guardian 'Probably the best biography I have read' -- ***** Reader review 'It's hard to imagine that this work can be bettered' -- ***** Reader review 'Simply outstanding' -- ***** Reader review 'A terrific read and genuinely the type of book you can't put down after you start reading......' -- ***** Reader review *************************************************************** A myth in his own lifetime; an international martyr-figure upon his death; a revolutionary fighter; a military strategist; a social philosopher; an economist; a medical doctor; a friend and confidant of Fidel Castro. Che Guevara's dream was an epic one - to unite Latin America and the rest of the developing world through armed revolution, and to end once and for all the poverty, injustice and petty nationalisms that had bled it for centuries. In the end Che failed in his quest but he is recognized as that one-in-a-million personality who just might have pulled it off. Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life shuttles between the revolutionary capitals of Havana and Algiers to the battlegrounds of Bolivia and the Congo; from the halls of power in Moscow and Washington to the exile havens of Miami, Mexico and Guatemala, in a gripping tale of revolution, international intrigue and covert operations. It has an epic sweep as it evokes an era of tumultuous change, describing major events like the Bay of Pigs invasion, the October Missile crisis and Kennedy's assassination, weaving in a cast of historic personalities including Castro, Kennedy, Kruschev, Mao Tse-tung, Jean Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir. With its painstaking research, never-before-seen documentation and compelling narrative, this is really the ultimate biography of a unique man.

"Deep inside that T-shirt where we have tried to trap him," notes the celebrated Chilean novelist Ariel Dorfman, "the eyes of Che Guevara are still burning with impatience." Olivier Besancenot and Michael Lowy deftly capture this burning impatience, revealing Guevara as a powerful political and ethical thinker still capable of speaking directly to the challenges of our time.

In this masterful new study, Besancenot and Lowy explore and situate Guevara's ethical, revolutionary, and humanist legacy. They explicate Guevara's emphasis on the import of the individual coming to understand and accept socialism at a personal level. For Guevara, Besancenot and Lowy show, the revolutionary project demands more than a transformation of the mode of production; it demands a profound transformation of the individual, the birth of what Guevara termed the "new man." Besancenot and Lowy also explore Guevara's pragmatic approach to the question of state power and unique theoretical contributions to the question of the transition to socialism.

In Guevara, Besancenot and Lowy find a life that was lived as an example of revolutionary potential. Guevara's ethical and political sensibilities, unwavering anti-imperialism, and firm commitment to revolutionary social transformation still ignite hope in all who struggle for a better world."

Republicanism and the French Revolution provides a new interpretation of political thought and political economy in France from the death of Louis XVI to the July Revolution of 1830. The clash between modern republicanism and other theories of governing societies, typified by the antagonism between French and British intellectuals, is the background to a thorough reinterpretation of the life and writings of Jean-Baptiste Say, the most famous political economist of the post-revolutionary era.

The Wars of the French Revolution, 1792-1801 offers a comprehensive and jargon-free coverage of this turbulent period and unites political, social, military and international history in one volume. Carefully designed for undergraduate students, through twelve chapters this book offers an introduction to the origins and international context of the French Revolution as well as an in-depth examination of the reasons why war began. Aspects unpicked within the book include how France acquired a de facto empire stretching from Holland to Naples; the impact of French conquest on the areas concerned; the spread of French ideas beyond the frontiers of the French imperium; the response of the powers of Europe to the sudden expansion in French military power; the experience of the conflicts unleashed by the French Revolution in such areas as the West Indies, Egypt and India; and the impact of war on the Revolution itself. Offering extensive geographical coverage and challenging many preconceived ideas, The Wars of the French Revolution, 1792-1801 is the perfect resource for students of the French Revolution and international military history more broadly.

Sandinistas is about the Nicaraguan revolution and the party that leads it, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). In the early chapters of the book, author Dennis Gilbert tell who the Sandinistas are and what they believe. He probes the inner workings of the FSLN and the party's relations with the organized masses, the military and the revolutionary state. The second half of the book examines the Sandinistas in action, as they deal with peasants, businessmen, Christians, and Yankees. The final chapter covers the history of US-Nicaraguan relations from 1855-1988.
Sandinistas is a balanced, sophisticated, readable account of the most significant revolutionary experience of our day.

Introduite, etablie, annotee et commentee par Martial Poirson, Pamela, ou la Vertu recompensee fut l'une des comedies les plus populaires et les plus discutees du dix-huitieme siecle. Cette comedie, representee pour la premiere fois le 1er aout 1793, voit le jour en pleine Terreur. Concu par un ardent partisan des ideaux revolutionnaires, le spectacle est pourtant taxe par le Comite de Salut Public de 'contre-revolutionnaire'. Des la huitieme representation, et en depit d'un grand succes, l'auteur est mis en prison et la Comedie-Francaise fermee pour la seule et unique fois de son histoire. Cette edition critique etablie d'apres le manuscrit de souffleur original, et avec les variantes des differentes versions sceniques originales, offre de nouvelles perspectives sur la production et la reception du theatre francais pendant la Terreur. Cette comedie, fidele a toute la tradition francaise du veritable mythe litteraire europeen des Pamela (Boissy et Voltaire, La Chaussee, Mme Denis, Baculard d'Arnaud, Mauvillon, Villaret, Mme de Genlis), et a la structure dramatique de Goldoni, l'est notamment a l'intrigue romanesque de Richardson. Cette edition critique revele l'attitude des contemporains envers la Pamela de Richardson, et met en lumiere les attitudes des Francais de l'epoque envers la litterature anglaise.

A fascinating look at the British naval intervention in the Baltic in 1918-20, and at the British, Soviet and Baltic nationalist fleets that fought. Following the Russian Revolution of October 1917, the Baltic states became a battleground between Russian Reds and Whites, German troops and emerging Baltic independence forces. In November 1918, the British government decided to intervene, to protect British interests and to support the emerging Baltic states. This initial small force of cruisers and destroyers was eventually augmented by other British warships, including aircraft carriers, a monitor, as well as a handful of submarines and torpedo boats. Opposing them was the far more powerful Russian Baltic Fleet, now controlled by the Bolsheviks. The campaign that followed involved naval clashes between the two sides, the most spectacular of which was an attack on the Soviet naval base of Kronstadt in June 1919 by a force of small British torpedo boats. They torpedoed and sunk the Russian cruiser Oleg, an action which effectively bottled the Baltic fleet up in port for the remainder of the campaign. Finally, in early 1920, the British squadron was withdrawn, following Soviet recognition of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This New Vanguard title explores the naval side of this little-known but strategically crucial campaign fought by the war-weary navies of Britain and Russia and by warships of the emerging Baltic states. Describing the political background to the conflict, and the key points of the naval campaign as well as the warships involved, this is a concise and fascinating account of an overlooked naval campaign that helped reshape the map of Europe.

Mary S. Barton explores counterterrorism in the years between World War I and World War II, starting with the attempted assassination of French Prime Minister George Clemenceau in 1919, and taking the story up to and beyond the double assassination of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia and French Foreign Minister Jean Louis Barthou in 1934. In telling the story of counterterrorism over this period, Barton gives particular emphasis to Britain's attempts to quell revolutionary nationalist movements in India and throughout its empire, and to the Great Powers' combined efforts to counter the activities of the Communist International. Further to this, Barton discusses the establishment of the tools and infrastructure of modern intelligence, including the cooperation between the United Kingdom and United States which would evolve into the Five Eyes intelligence alliance. She gives weight to forgotten terrorism and arms traffic conventions, and explores the facilitating role which the Paris Peace Conference and the League of Nations played in this context. The stories told in Counterterrorism Between the Wars play out across the world, from the remains of the Austro-Hungarian, German, and Russian empires, to the Northwest Frontier and the Bengal Province of British India. A century after the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, Counterterrorism Between the Wars is the first comprehensive study to fit together the mass production of weapons during the Great War with the diplomacy of the interwar era and the rise of state-sponsored terrorism during the 1920s and 1930s.

The A to Z of the "Dirty Wars" covers the most recent period of military dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983), Chile (1973-1990), and Uruguay (1973-1985), when national-security regimes waged war against suspected subversives. The chief targets of these regimes were leftists, especially armed guerrillas and their supporters, though the term "subversive" came to include anyone perceived to be a threat to the status quo. Unlike a conventional war fought against a physical enemy, a "dirty war" (guerra sucia) is fought against an ideology. The difficulty of rooting out such an unconventional enemy was thought to justify unconventional tactics. As a result, thousands of citizens were abducted by security forces, illegally detained, and tortured. Although the term "dirty war" is most closely associated with Argentina during the 1970s, it has since become a byword for state-sponsored terror in other parts of the world and in other historical contexts. The reason for focusing on the Southern Cone of South America is threefold. First, these countries are often discussed together in the literature on dictatorship and its aftermath. Second, they were among the most notorious offenders in a region noted for human rights abuses. Third, their continuing efforts to bring "dirty war" participants to justice have renewed interest in the period, especially in the light of debate on how to prosecute human rights offenders in other parts of the world. Through a chronology for each country, an introduction, a lengthy bibliography, and cross-referenced dictionary entries, The A to Z of the "Dirty Wars" describes the period, including the background and aftermath.

Tartan Gangs and Paramilitaries is a new oral history of the loyalist backlash of the early 1970s in Northern Ireland. In the violent maelstrom of Belfast in 1971 and 1972 many young members of loyalist youth gangs known as 'Tartans' converged with fledgling paramilitary groups such as the Red Hand Commando, Ulster Volunteer Force and Young Citizen Volunteers. This fresh account focuses on the manner in which the loyalist community in Belfast reacted to an increasingly vicious Provisional IRA campaign and explores the violent role that young loyalist men played in the period from 1970 - 1975. Through the use of unique one-on-one interviews former members of Tartan gangs and loyalist paramilitaries explain what motivated them to cross the Rubicon from gang activity to paramilitaries. The book utilises a wide range of sources such as newspaper articles, loyalist newssheets, coroners' inquest reports and government memorandums to provide the context for a dynamic new study of the emergence of loyalist paramilitarism.

A memoir of a political prisoner from Mexico's 'dirty war' of the 1970s, this book provides an inside story of guerrilla activities and a gripping tale of imprisonment and torture at the hands of the Mexican governemnt.

The samurai radicals who overthrew the last shogun in 1868 promised to restore ancient and pure Japanese ways. Foreign observers were terrified that Japan would lapse into violent xenophobia. But the new Meiji government took an opposite course. It copied "best practice" from around the world, building a powerful and modern Japanese nation with the help of European and American advisors. While revering the Japanese past, the Meiji government boldly embraced the foreign and the new. What explains this paradox? How could Japan's 1868 revolution be both modern and traditional, both xenophobic and cosmopolitan? To Stand with the Nations of the World explains the paradox of the Restoration through the forces of globalization. Japan's leaders wanted to celebrate Japanese uniqueness, but they also sought international recognition. Rather than simply mimic world powers like Britain, they sought to make Japan distinctly Japanese in the same way that Britain was distinctly British. Rather than sing "God Save the King," they created a Japanese national anthem with lyrics from ancient poetry, but Western-style music. The Meiji Restoration was thus part of the global "long nineteenth century" during which ambitious nation states like Japan, Britain, Germany, and the United States challenged the world's great multi-ethnic empires - Ottoman, Qing, Romanov, and Hapsburg. The Restoration also resonated with Japan's ancient past. In the 600s and 700s, Japan was threatened by the Tang dynasty, as powerful as the Roman empire. In order to resist the Tang, Japanese leaders borrowed Tang methods, building a centralized Japanese state on Tang models, and learning continental science and technology. As in the 1800s, Japan coopted international norms while insisting on Japanese distinctiveness. When confronting globalization in 1800s, Japan looked back to that "ancient globalization" of the 600s and 700s. The ancient past was, therefore, not remote or distant, but immediate and vital.

Fully illustrated with specially commissioned artwork and mapping plus carefully chosen archive illustrations, many in color, this lively study investigates the Mexican soldiers and Texian volunteers who fought one another in three key battles during the Texas Revolution. Following unrest throughout Mexico, in 1835 a revolt began in Texas among the Anglophone and Tejano-speaking settlers, known as Texians. Having retreated after their defeat at Bexar in December 1835, Mexican troops were ordered to re-occupy Texas in early 1836. In this volume, US military history expert Ron Field explores in detail three key battles that ensued. From February 23, Mexican forces besieged the Texian forces at the Alamo at San Antonio de Bexar; in the subsequent battle on March 6, almost all of the Texian defenders were killed. On March 19, forces en route to join the main Texian army were surrounded by Mexican troops at Coleto Creek. Following their surrender, about 340 Texian prisoners were shot by Mexican soldiers in what became known as the Goliad Massacre. On April 21, a Texian force launched a surprise attack on a larger Mexican army near the San Jacinto River, the decisive Texian victory that resulted is the third battle to be investigated in this study. Featuring full-color artwork and maps and drawing upon the latest research, this book investigates the fighting men of both sides at the Alamo, Coleto Creek, and the San Jacinto River, casting light on the doctrine, tactics, weaponry, and combat record of the Texian and Mexican combatants who clashed in the first weeks of the emerging Republic of Texas.

An extraordinary selection of the letters of Che Guevara 'Always be capable of feeling deeply any injustice committed against anyone, anywhere in the world' Che Guevara was an inveterate letter writer and diarist throughout his short but extraordinary life. This selection of his letters begins with his youthful motorcycle travels around Latin America as a wide-eyed medical student, and goes on to cover the Cuban Revolutionary War - including his letter to Castro after its success - his subsequent role as a government leader, travels to the Congo and finally Bolivia at the end of his life. Together they map the emergence of a dedicated revolutionary, but also reveal him as a master narrator: honest and insightful, with a razor-sharp wit, an iron will and, in his intimate writings to his family, a great capacity to express affection for those closest to him.

Within a year after the triumphal entry into Havana at the beginning of 1959, Che Guevara began to set down the history of the guerrilla war. Fearful that the events would "dissolve into the past" and that an important part of the history of America would be lost, he urged other leaders of the Revolution to do the same, asking only "that the narrator be strictly truthful." His history of the war appeared episodically during the next few years in various Cuban periodicals such as Verde Olivo and Bohemia. In 1963, the Havana publishing house Ediciones Union collected nineteen episodes under the title Pasajes de la Guerra Revolucionaria. This volume, originally published in 1968, contains diagrams of several battles, photographs, and maps of the guerrilla itinerary in the Sierra Maestra. The introduction by Fidel Castro consists of the text of his speech in memory of Guevara at the Plaza de la Revolucion in 1967. "He wrote with the virtuosity of a master of our language," said Castro. "His narratives of the war are incomparable. The depth of his thinking is impressive. He never wrote about anything with less than extraordinary seriousness, with less than extraordinary profundity-and we have no doubt that some of his writings will pass on to posterity as classic documents of revolutionary thought."

Through 30 interpretative essays, The Bloomsbury Handbook of the Russian Revolution sees an international team of leading scholars comprehensively examine Russia's revolutionary years. In the wake of the 2017 centenary, this handbook is the first reference point for anyone wishing to learn more about the changes which took place in Russia between 1917 and 1921 and subsequently the 20th century. Split into six sections covering political crises, politicians and parties, social groups, identities, regions and peoples, and civil war, the volume covers the collapse of Tsarism and the February Revolution, the emergence of the Provisional Government, and major historical figures such as Lenin, Kerensky and the Socialist Revolutionary leader Viktor Chernov. It also explores the events surrounding the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917, the first year of Soviet Government until the Bolshevik dictatorship was established, and the impact on Russia of the subsequent civil war. The focus is broader than these issues of high politics, however, since this handbook also considers events in the provinces as well as revolutionary Petrograd, and examines the social impact of the revolution in terms of class, gender, age and culture.

The arrest in 1998 and subsequent detention in London of General Augusto Pinochet on the orders of Spanish Judge Baltasar Garzon occasioned worldwide debate and raised numerous issues of critical significance for politics, human rights and international law. This paper traces the progress of the case against Pinochet since its inception in Spain, through his 17-month detention in London, and up to its continuation in Chile. The work provides a survey of events and developments so far, and offers an initial review of some of the issues raised. It includes a detailed chronology of events from the time of Pinochet's arrest up to October 2000.

In world history, the Meiji Restoration of 1868 ranks as a revolutionary watershed, on a par with the American and French Revolutions. In this volume, leading historians from North America, Europe, and Japan employ global history in novel ways to offer fresh economic, social, political, cultural, and military perspectives on the Meiji Restoration and the subsequent creation of the modern Japanese nation-state. Seamlessly mixing meta- and micro-history, the authors examine how the Japanese state and Japanese people engaged with global trends of the early nineteenth century. They also explore the internal military conflicts that marked the 1860s and the process of reconciliation after 1868. They conclude with discussions of how new political, cultural, and diplomatic institutions were created as Japan emerged as a global nation, defined in multiple ways by its place in the world.

Because they were Marxists, the Bolsheviks in Russia, both before and after taking power in 1917, believed that the past was prologue: that embedded in history was a Holy Grail, a series of mysterious, but nonetheless accessible and comprehensible, universal laws that explained the course of history from beginning to end. Those who understood these laws would be able to mould the future to conform to their own expectations. But what should the Bolsheviks do if their Marxist ideology proved to be either erroneous or insufficient-if it could not explain, or explain fully, the course of events that followed the revolution they carried out in the country they called the Soviet Union? Something else would have to perform this function. The underlying argument of this volume is that the Bolsheviks saw the revolutions in France in 1789, 1830, 1848, and 1871 as supplying practically everything Marxism lacked. In fact, these four events comprised what for the Bolsheviks was a genuine Revolutionary Tradition. The English Revolution and the Puritan Commonwealth of the seventeenth century were not without utility-the Bolsheviks cited them and occasionally utilized them as propaganda-but these paled in comparison to what the revolutions in France offered a century later, namely legitimacy, inspiration, guidance in constructing socialism and communism, and, not least, useful fodder for political and personal polemics.

In this first examination of Lenin's genealogical and political connections to East European Jews, Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern reveals the broad cultural meanings of indisputable evidence that Lenin's maternal grandfather was a Jew. He examines why and how Lenin's Jewish relatives converted to Christianity, explains how Lenin's vision of Russian Marxism shaped his identity, and explores Lenin's treatment of party colleagues of Jewish origin and the Jewish Question in Europe. Petrovsky-Shtern also uncovers the continuous efforts of the Soviet communists to suppress Lenin's Jewishness and the no less persistent attempts of Russian extremists to portray Lenin as a Jew. In this fascinating book, Petrovsky-Shtern expands our understanding not only of Lenin, but also of Russian and Soviet handling of the Jewish Question.

Aylan, Isis, Begum, Grenfell, Trump. Harambe, Guantanamo, Syria, Brexit, Johnson. COVID, migrants, trolling, George Floyd, Trump! Gazing over the fractured, contested territories of the current global situation, Watkin finds that all these diverse happenings have one element in common. They occur when biopolitical states, in trying to manage and protect the life rights of their citizens, habitually end up committing acts of coercion or disregard against the very people they have promised to protect. When states tasked with making us live find themselves letting us die, then they are practitioners of a particular kind of force that Watkin calls bioviolence. This book explores and exposes the many aspects of contemporary biopower and bioviolence: neglect, exclusion, surveillance, regulation, encampment, trolling, fake news, terrorism and war. As it does so, it demonstrates that the very term 'violence' is a discursive construct, an effect of language, made real by our behaviours, embodied by our institutions and disseminated by our technologies. In short, bioviolence is how the contemporary powers that be make us do what they want. Resolutely interdisciplinary, this book is suitable for all scholars, students and general readers in the fields of IR, political theory, philosophy, the humanities, sociology and journalism.

Two Weeks In November is the thrilling, surreal, unbelievable and often very funny true story of four would-be enemies – a high- ranking politician, an exiled human rights lawyer, a dangerous spy and a low-key white businessman turned political fixer – who team up to help unseat one of the world's longest serving dictators, Robert Mugabe.

What begins as an improbable adventure destined for failure, marked by a mixture of bravery, strategic cunning and bumbling naiveté, soon turns into the most sophisticated political-military operation in African history. By virtue of their being together, the unlikely team of misfit rivals is suddenly in position to spin what might have been seen as an illegal coup into a mass popular uprising that the world – and millions of Zimbabweans – will enthusiastically support.

Impeccably researched, deftly written, and told in the style of a political thriller, Two Weeks In November is Ocean’s 11 meets Game of Thrones: a real-world life or death chess match for the future of a country where the political endgame is never a forgone conclusion.

Rethinking the Cuban Revolution offers new perspectives on the political and cultural life of the Cuban Revolution based on inter-disciplinary methods. Contributions reassess the national survival of the Revolution, and propose new approaches to cultural and political identity in Cuba. * Presents original research data based on contemporary fieldwork and archival research, which rethinks the political and cultural life of the Cuban Revolution * Innovative approaches question the assumption that Cuban revolutionary policy and practice function according to top-down structure * Combines an indispensable understanding of the importance of nation in the Cuban context with an awareness of regional or transnational actors and patterns * Reassesses the national survival of the Revolution beyond the Special Period, and propose new approaches to cultural and political identity in Cuba

A Maoist revolution has been raging in Nepal since 1996. In 1999, Li Onesto became the first foreign journalist to travel deep into the guerrilla zones of this Himalayan country. Allowed unprecedented access, she interviewed political and military leaders, guerrilla fighters, villagers in areas under Maoist control, and relatives of those killed by government forces. Dispatches provides invaluable analysis of the roots of an insurgency that is now on the threshold of seizing power. As journal and photo-essay, the book gives a vivid, first-hand look at the social and economic conditions that have fueled this revolution and allows readers to meet some of the key people involved. desperate measures. Women recount how they defied relatives, fled arranged marriages, and broke with social taboos to join the people's army. Guerrilla commanders and fighters fresh from military encounters discuss strategy and tactics. Millions of people now live in areas in Nepal under guerrilla control, where peasants are running grass-roots institutions, exercising what they call new 'people's power'. Dispatches describes these transformations -- the establishment of new governing committees and courts, the confiscation and re-division of land, new cultural and social practices, and the emergence of a new outlook. military support to the counter-insurgency efforts of the Nepalese regime and Onesto analyzes this developing in the larger international situation and the US 'war on terrorism'.

'a vital resource' TLS 'Compelling collection' Literary Review The Reformation was a seismic event in history whose consequences are still unfolding in Europe and across the world. Martin Luther's protests against the marketing of indulgences in 1517 were part of a long-standing pattern of calls for reform in the Christian Church. But they rapidly took a radical and unexpected turn, engulfing first Germany, and then Europe, in furious arguments about how God's will was to be 'saved'. However, these debates did not remain confined to a narrow sphere of theology. They came to reshape politics and international relations; social, cultural, and artistic developments; relations between the sexes; and the patterns and performances of everyday life. They were also the stimulus for Christianity's transformation into a truly global religion, as agents of the Roman Catholic Church sought to compensate for losses in Europe with new conversions in Asia and the Americas. Covering both Protestant and Catholic reform movements, in Europe and across the wider world, this compact volume tells the story of the Reformation from its immediate, explosive beginnings, through to its profound longer-term consequences and legacy for the modern world. The story is not one of an inevitable triumph of liberty over oppression, enlightenment over ignorance. Rather, it tells how a multitude of rival groups and individuals, with or without the support of political power, strove after visions of 'reform'. And how, in spite of themselves, they laid the foundations for the plural and conflicted world we now inhabit.