Unionism in the United States was quite successful during and after
World War II, especially during the golden years of American
capitalism (1947-73) as workers' wages increased quite dramatically
in a number of industries. For example, average hourly earnings for
workers in meatpacking rose 114% between 1950 and 1965, those in
steel 102%, in rubber tires by 96%, and in manufacturing 81%. At
the same time as union members' wages were increasing, union
membership was declining. Yet, the American Federation of
Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) argued that
organizing new members was not a priority. By concentrating on the
existing membership and bread-and-butter issues, and not organizing
new members, unionism could not deal with the attack on the social
contract by employers and the government beginning in the United
States in the late 1970s. However, while many people are claiming
that organized labor is a dinosaur, Schiavone argues that a strong
union movement is needed now more than ever. Unionism in the United
States was quite successful during and after World War II,
especially during the golden years of American capitalism (1947-73)
as workers' wages increased quite dramatically in a number of
industries. For example, average hourly earnings for workers in
meatpacking rose 114% between 1950 and 1965, those in steel 102%,
in rubber tires by 96%, and in manufacturing 81%. At the same time
as union members' wages were increasing, union membership was
declining. Yet, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of
Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) argued that organizing new
members was not a priority. By concentrating on the existing
membership and bread-and-butter issues, and not organizing new
members, unionism could not deal with the attack on the social
contract by employers and the government beginning in the United
States in the late 1970s. Following that attack, there was a
significant decline in U.S. workers' wages and conditions in real
terms, and there was a corresponding decline in union membership.
However, while many people are claiming that organized labor is a
dinosaur, Schiavone argues that a strong union movement is now
needed more than ever. If unions make major changes as outlined in
this book, the U.S. labor movement may regain some of its strength.
By fighting for workplace (such as higher wages) and non-workplace
issues (such as the fight for adequate childcare or against
racism), unions in America and Canada that embraced what Schiavone
calls social justice unionism have improved society for all. On
purely bread-and-butter issues, these unions have achieved better
collective bargaining agreements than their rival mainstream
unions, as well as organizing more new workers per capita. How much
strength organized labor will regain by embracing social justice
unionism is uncertain, but it is a beginning.
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