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Collective Action Theory and Empirical Evidence (Paperback, 2010 ed.)
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Collective Action Theory and Empirical Evidence (Paperback, 2010 ed.)
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shift and dramatic improvementfrom the yearly data of the 1970s.
For several years now, disaggregated methods (i. e. , single-case
comparisons) have been used to test theories (Davenport and Eads
2001; Rasler 1996; Francisco 1993, 1995, 1996). The single area of
Snyder's(Snyder 1978)demandsthat has faltered is in linking levels
of analysis in the eld of protest and repression. James DeNardo's
(DeNardo 1985) and Lichbach's (Lichbach 1996) formal models have
for the most part not
beentestedempirically,norhaveRonaldWintrobe's(Wintrobe1998)modelsofd-
tators' strategic behavior. The dif culty stems from the
disjuncture between game theory or micro models and macro,
aggregate data. Green and Shapiro (Green and Shapiro 1994) took an
extreme position on this problem: little empirical evidence from
rational choice and game theory exists. To the extent that
empirical evidence comprises our understanding of politics,
rational choice and game theory have - guably contributed as much
or more than any other approach. Think of interest group theory
before Olson's The Logic of Collective Action, of electoral theory
before Cox's (Cox 1997) Making Votes Count, or of coalition theory
before Riker's (Riker 1963) The Theory of Political Coalitions.
There are few social scientists who would not judge these books as
great for economics and political science. Cox's book alone has won
every major book prize appropriate in political science. On the
normative side, too few political scientists researching
democratization are aware of the theory of social choice. Its
ndings challenge the foundations of democratic theory (Riker 1982).
General
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