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This book deals with the ideational, cultural, political and
strategic aspects of the multifaceted Cold War. Drawing on the work
of numerous established scholars and experts, this volume of
collected essays combines knowledge of the subject with key
intellectual trends that have been developed over recent years. It
is an informative and updated account of the subject to familiarize
readers with the current state of the discipline.
This book deals with the ideational, cultural, political and
strategic aspects of the multifaceted Cold War. Drawing on the work
of numerous established scholars and experts, this volume of
collected essays combines knowledge of the subject with key
intellectual trends that have been developed over recent years. It
is an informative and updated account of the subject to familiarize
readers with the current state of the discipline.
A reassessment of the relationship between the UK and the USSR at a
troubled time. The then Labour government's efforts to promote
East-West detente and to improve Anglo-Soviet relations from 1964
to 1970 have been largely overlooked; yet they were of huge
significance. This book offers a major reappraisal. It challenges
the caricature of Harold Wilson's rigid subservience to America,
demonstrating that as a Prime Minister he intended to develop
closer contacts with the Soviet leadership, and to foster
co-operation on arms control, conflict resolution in Vietnam and
East-West trade. It illustrates how the Labour government
reconciled its policy towards the USSR and Warsaw Pact states with
its alignment with the USA and NATO membership. And it concludes
that Wilson's failure to improve relations between the UK and USSR
was due to both the impact of crises in Vietnam, the Middle East
and Czechoslovakia, and to the unwillingness of the Soviet
government to alter its fundamentally adversarial attitude to the
West. GERAINT HUGHES teaches at the Joint Services Command and
Staff College at Shrivenham.
The author examines historical and contemporary examples of
military involvement in counterterrorism, outlining the specific
roles which the armed forces of liberal democracies have performed
in combating terrorism, both in a domestic and international
context. He describes the political, strategic, conceptual,
diplomatic, and ethical problems that can arise when a state's
armed forces become engaged in counterterrorism, and argues that
military power can only be employed as part of a coordinated
counterterrorist strategy aimed at the containment and
frustration-rather than the physical elimination-of the terrorist
group(s) concerned.
The topic of proxy war is currently subject to intense debate with
reference to US, British and Israeli accusations that Iran is
sponsoring subversive and insurgent movements from Lebanon to
Afghanistan; contemporary academic and media controversies over the
effect of international assistance to the Afghan mujahidin in the
subsequent destabilisation of the country; and the contentious
circumstances surrounding the Russo-Georgian war of 2008, and the
'independence' of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. While there is no
shortage of academic literature dealing with specific cases of
proxy warfare, there is no work providing an overarching analysis
of the factors which lead to this type of conflict, or the
potential consequences for the states concerned, the non-state
proxies and their external patrons. Using examples from post-1945
history, and focusing on three case studies (the Afghan war of
1978-1989, Lebanon 1975-1990, Angola 1975-1991), Geraint Hughes
offers terminology intended to clarify scholarly understanding of
proxy warfare, a framework for understanding why states seek to use
proxies (insurgent groups, militias, terrorist movements,
mercenaries, and even organised criminal groups) in order to fulfil
strategic objectives, and an analysis of the potential impact of
such an indirect means of waging war on not only the states that
are subjected to this phenomenon, but also the proxies, their
sponsors and the wider international community. This book has a
historical focus, but will be of utility to contemporary security
scholars, and those involved in political/military policy.
The topic of proxy war is currently subject to intense debate with
reference to US, British and Israeli accusations that Iran is
sponsoring subversive and insurgent movements from Lebanon to
Afghanistan; contemporary academic and media controversies over the
effect of international assistance to the Afghan mujahidin in the
subsequent destabilisation of the country; and the contentious
circumstances surrounding the Russo-Georgian war of 2008, and the
'independence' of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. While there is no
shortage of academic literature dealing with specific cases of
proxy warfare, there is no work providing an overarching analysis
of the factors which lead to this type of conflict, or the
potential consequences for the states concerned, the non-state
proxies and their external patrons. ... Using examples from
post-1945 history, and focusing on three case studies (the Afghan
war of 1978-1989, Lebanon 1975-1990, Angola 1975-1991), Geraint
Hughes offers terminology intended to clarify scholarly
understanding of proxy warfare, a framework for understanding why
states seek to use proxies (insurgent groups, militias, terrorist
movements, mercenaries, and even organised criminal groups) in
order to fulfil strategic objectives, and an analysis of the
potential impact of such an indirect means of waging war on not
only the states that are subjected to this phenomenon, but also the
proxies, their sponsors and the wider international community. My
Enemy's Enemy has a historical focus, but will be of utility to
contemporary security scholars, and those involved in
political/military policy.
In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 (9/11) attacks, the U.S.
Government was criticized for adopting a militaristic response to
the threat posed by al-Qaeda and affiliated groups. As the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict and that in Northern Ireland
demonstrate, any liberal democracy that uses its armed forces to
combat terrorism will incur controversy both domestically and
internationally. The use of military power in counterterrorism is
contentious, because historical and contemporary examples suggest
that it can have the following negative strategic, political, and
ethical effects: The state can generate indigenous resentment that
terrorist groups can exploit, and can, by resorting to military
force, kill or maim a substantial number of civilians. It can also
encourage human rights abuses that are antithetical to the norms of
a liberal democracy-- such as the maltreatment and torture of
detainees --and can (as demonstrated by Uruguay in 1973 and Russia
currently) lead to the subversion of the constitutional order and
its replacement by authoritarian rule. While addressing these
criticisms, this Letort Paper also argues that there are
contingencies in which democratic states are obliged to employ
military means in order to protect their citizens from the threat
of terrorism, whether in a purely domestic context or when facing a
transnational terrorist network such as al-Qaeda. While outlining
the specific roles that armed forces can perform (including hostage
rescue, military aid to the civil authority, interdiction, and
intelligence-gathering), this paper also describes the strategic,
political, diplomatic, and ethical challenges that arise from using
military means to fight terrorism either on one's home soil or in
the international arena. This paper's principal conclusion is that
democratic governments can use their armed forces if the existing
police/judicial framework cannot address the threat posed by
terrorists, but that military means have to be integrated as part
of an overarching strategy to contain terrorism and to limit the
capacity of its practitioners to conduct attacks against citizens.
The author also outlines a series of questions that civilian
decisionmakers should ideally resolve prior to turning
counterterrorism missions over to their military counterparts.
Strategic Studies Institute. LeTort Paper.
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