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Originally published in 1983. The nineteenth century was a time
of great economic, social and political change. As Europe
modernized, previously ignorant and apathetic elements in the
population began to demand political freedoms. There was pressure
also for a freer press, for the rights of assembly and association.
The apprehension of the existing elites manifested itself in an
intensification of often brutal form of political repression. The
first part of this book summarizes on a pan-European basis, the
major techniques of repression such as the denial of popular
franchise and press censorship. This is followed by a chronological
survey of these techniques from 1815 ? 1914 in each European
country. The book analyzes the long and short-term importance of
these events for European historical development in the 19th and
20th centuries.
"All essays are well researched and clearly written, with
invaluable extensive bibliographies. They also illustrate the
complexities of interaction between politics and culture and
paradoxes in the use of the theater." . Choice "Theater censorship
in the 19th-century is a key issue for understanding relationships
between urban society, government and new cultural trends. This
book offers a large view of the different situations in Europe,
showing both the specificities of each country and the converging
trends, thus revealing the secret unity of theater as a forum in
Europe at large. A very useful and finely composed book." .
Christophe Charle, Professor and Director of the Institute of
Modern and Contemporary History at the Sorbonne in Paris. He is the
author of almost 20 books, including, most recently, Theatres en
capitales: Naissance de la societe du spectacle a Paris, Berlin,
Londres et Vienne (2008). "This is an exceptionally rich collection
of essays on a key intersection between culture and politics in
19th-century Europe. The volume highlights the importance of
wide-ranging censorship in European politics of the time, but also
the social context in which theater could assume an importance that
will surprise and inform a contemporary readership. Stimulating
comparative insights cap a significant contribution to modern
history." . Peter N. Stearns, Provost, George Mason University,
Editor, Journal of Social History "An excellent introduction to
theater censorship for an English-speaking audience as well as for
individuals who have the linguistic skills to carry out further,
more specialized research. It brings out the similarities between
theater censorship across Europe during the nineteenth century, but
at the same time provides fascinating details of how different
political events in each country influenced the types and severity
of theater censorship." . Janice Best, Chair of the Department of
Languages and Literature at Acadia University, Canada and author of
La subversion silencieuse: censure, autocensure et lutte pour la
liberte d'expression (2001) "This is a very useful collection ...
fills a real gap in the literature. . . The texts are ... very good
and the bibliographical essays make the volume a valuable
resource." . Robin Lenman, formerly University of Warwick, author
of Artists and Society in Germany, 1850-1914 (1997) In
nineteenth-century Europe the ruling elites viewed the theater as a
form of communication which had enormous importance. The theater
provided the most significant form of mass entertainment and was
the only arena aside from the church in which regular mass
gatherings were possible. Therefore, drama censorship occupied a
great deal of the ruling class's time and energy, with a
particularly focus on proposed scripts that potentially threatened
the existing political, legal, and social order. This volume
provides the first comprehensive examination of nineteenth-century
political theater censorship at a time, in the aftermath of the
French Revolution, when the European population was becoming
increasingly politically active.
Anti-communism has long been a potent force in American politics,
capable of gripping both government and popular attention. Nowhere
is this more evident that the two great 'red scares' of 1919-20 and
1946-54; the latter generally - if somewhat inaccurately - termed
McCarthyism. The interlude between these two major scares has
tended to garner less attention, but as this volume makes clear,
the lingering effects of 1919-20 and the gathering storm-clouds of
'McCarthyism' were clearly visible throughout the 20s and 30s, even
if in a more low-key way. Indeed, the period between the two great
red scares was marked by frequent instances of political
repression, often justified on anti-communist grounds, at local,
state and federal levels. Yet these events have been curiously
neglected in the history of American political repression and
anti-communism, perhaps because much of the material deals with
events scattered in time and space which never reached the
intensity of the two great scares. By focusing on this twenty-five
year 'interim' period, the essays in this collection bridge the gap
between the two high-profile 'red scares' thus offering a much more
contextualised and fluid narrative for American anti-communism. In
so doing the rationale and motivations for the 'red scares' can be
seen as part of an evolving political landscape, rather than as
isolated bouts of hysteria exploding onto - and then vanishing from
- the political scene. Instead, a much more nuanced appreciation of
the conflicting interests and fears of government, politicians,
organised labour, free-speech advocates, employers, and the press
is offered, which will be of interest to anyone wishing to better
understand the political history of modern America.
In nineteenth-century Europe the ruling elites viewed the theater
as a form of communication which had enormous importance. The
theater provided the most significant form of mass entertainment
and was the only arena aside from the church in which regular mass
gatherings were possible. Therefore, drama censorship occupied a
great deal of the ruling class's time and energy, with a
particularly focus on proposed scripts that potentially threatened
the existing political, legal, and social order. This volume
provides the first comprehensive examination of nineteenth-century
political theater censorship at a time, in the aftermath of the
French Revolution, when the European population was becoming
increasingly politically active.
First published in 1995, Saving Old Glory provides a detailed
account of the origins and development of the American flag
desecration controversy.
Good food and trivia and authors who sing-these are a few of our
favourite things! Tony-nominated actor Gideon Glick and food writer
Adam Roberts have teamed up to write the ultimate cookbook for
theatre lovers. This collection of musical-inspired recipes
includes dishes like Yolklahoma!, Clafoutis and the Beast, Yam
Yankees, Dear Melon Hansen and more. And while readers are sure to
be charmed by the names, the recipes themselves will have them
sticking around for the food, glorious food! Thoughtfully assembled
by two veritable Broadway experts, this book is sure to result in
some enchanted eating. Each dish comes with a brief history of the
show that inspired it, a summary of the plot and "Listening Notes"
chock-full of behind-the-scenes trivia. Complete with lively
illustrations from celebrated theatrical illustrator Justin
"Squigs" Robertson, Give My Swiss Chards to Broadway makes every
meal feel like a night at the theatre.
First published in 1995, Saving Old Glory provides a detailed
account of the origins and development of the American flag
desecration controversy.
Originally published in 1983. The nineteenth century was a time of
great economic, social and political change. As Europe modernized,
previously ignorant and apathetic elements in the population began
to demand political freedoms. There was pressure also for a freer
press, for the rights of assembly and association. The apprehension
of the existing elites manifested itself in an intensification of
often brutal form of political repression. The first part of this
book summarizes on a pan-European basis, the major techniques of
repression such as the denial of popular franchise and press
censorship. This is followed by a chronological survey of these
techniques from 1815 - 1914 in each European country. The book
analyzes the long and short-term importance of these events for
European historical development in the 19th and 20th centuries.
In this comprehensive account of censorship of the visual arts in
nineteenth-century Europe, when imagery was accessible to the
illiterate in ways that print was not, specialists in the history
of the major European countries trace the use of censorship by the
authorities to implement their fears of the visual arts, from
caricature to cinema.
In this comprehensive account of censorship of the visual arts in
nineteenth-century Europe, when imagery was accessible to the
illiterate in ways that print was not, specialists in the history
of the major European countries trace the use of censorship by the
authorities to implement their fears of the visual arts, from
caricature to cinema.
Political Censorship of the Arts and the Press in
Nineteenth-Century Europe presents a comprehensive account of the
attempts by authorities throughout Europe to stifle the growth of
political opposition during the nineteenth-century by censoring
newspapers, books, caricatures, plays, operas and film. Appeals for
democracy and social reform were especially suspect to the
authorities, so in Russia cookbooks which refered to 'free air' in
ovens were censored as subversive, while in England in 1829 the
censor struck from a play the remark that 'honest men at court
don't take up much room'. While nineteenth-century European
political censorship blocked the open circulation of much
opposition writing and art, it never succeeded entirely in its aim
since writers, artists and 'consumers' often evaded the censors by
clandestine circulation of forbidden material and by the widely
practised skill of 'reading between the lines'.
Political Censorship of the Arts and the Press in
Nineteenth-Century Europe presents a comprehensive account of the
attempts by authorities throughout Europe to stifle the growth of
political opposition during the nineteenth-century by censoring
newspapers, books, caricatures, plays, operas and film. Appeals for
democracy and social reform were especially suspect to the
authorities, so in Russia cookbooks which refered to 'free air' in
ovens were censored as subversive, while in England in 1829 the
censor struck from a play the remark that 'honest men at court
don't take up much room'. While nineteenth-century European
political censorship blocked the open circulation of much
opposition writing and art, it never succeeded entirely in its aim
since writers, artists and 'consumers' often evaded the censors by
clandestine circulation of forbidden material and by the widely
practised skill of 'reading between the lines'.
Anti-communism has long been a potent force in American politics,
capable of gripping both government and popular attention. Nowhere
is this more evident that the two great 'red scares' of 1919-20 and
1946-54; the latter generally - if somewhat inaccurately - termed
McCarthyism. The interlude between these two major scares has
tended to garner less attention, but as this volume makes clear,
the lingering effects of 1919-20 and the gathering storm-clouds of
'McCarthyism' were clearly visible throughout the 20s and 30s, even
if in a more low-key way. Indeed, the period between the two great
red scares was marked by frequent instances of political
repression, often justified on anti-communist grounds, at local,
state and federal levels. Yet these events have been curiously
neglected in the history of American political repression and
anti-communism, perhaps because much of the material deals with
events scattered in time and space which never reached the
intensity of the two great scares. By focusing on this twenty-five
year 'interim' period, the essays in this collection bridge the gap
between the two high-profile 'red scares' thus offering a much more
contextualised and fluid narrative for American anti-communism. In
so doing the rationale and motivations for the 'red scares' can be
seen as part of an evolving political landscape, rather than as
isolated bouts of hysteria exploding onto - and then vanishing from
- the political scene. Instead, a much more nuanced appreciation of
the conflicting interests and fears of government, politicians,
organised labour, free-speech advocates, employers, and the press
is offered, which will be of interest to anyone wishing to better
understand the political history of modern America.
Robert Justin Goldstein's Political Repression in Modern America
provides the only comprehensive narrative account ever published of
significant civil liberties violations concerning political
dissidents since the rise of the post -- Civil War modern American
industrial state. A history of the dark side of the "land of the
free", Goldstein's book covers both famous and little-known
examples of governmental repression, including reactions to the
early labor movement, the Haymarket affair, "little red scares" in
1908, 1935, and 1938-41, the repression of opposition to World War
I, the 1919 "great red scare", the McCarthy period, and post-World
War II abuses of the intelligence agencies.
Enhanced with a new introduction and an updated bibliography,
Political Repression in Modern America remains an essential record
of the relentless intolerance that suppresses radical dissent in
the United States.
During the Allies' invasion of Italy inthe thick of World War II,
Americansoldier James Kutcher was hit by a German mortar shell and
lost both of his legs. Back home, rehabilitated and given a job at
the Veterans' Administration, he was soon to learn that his battles
were far from over. In 1948, in the throes of the post-warRed
Scare, the hysteria over perceived Communist threats that marked
the Cold War, the government moved to fire Kutcher because of his
membership in a small, left-wing group that had once
espousedrevolutionary sentiments. Kutcher's eightyear legal odyssey
to clear his name and assert his First Amendment rights, described
in full for the first time in this book, is at once a cautionary
tale in a new period of patriotic one-upmanship, and a story of
tenacious patriotism in its own right. The son of Russian
immigrants, James Kutcher came of age during the Great Depression.
Robbed of his hope of attending college or finding work of any
kind, he joined the Socialist Workers Party, left-wing and strongly
anti-Soviet, in his hometown of Newark. When his membership in the
SWP came back to haunt him at the height of the Red Scare, Kutcher
took up the fight against efforts to punish people for their
thoughts, ideas, speech, and associations. As a man who had fought
for his country and paid a great price, had never done nything that
could be construed as treasonous, held a low-level clerical
position utterly unconnected with national security, and was the
sole support of his elderly parents; Kutcher cut an especially
sympathetic figure in the drama of Cold War witch-hunts. In a
series of confrontations, in what were highly publicized as the
"case of the legless veteran," the federal government tried to oust
Kutcher from his menial Veterans' dministration job, take away his
World War II disability benefits, and to evict him and his family
from their federally subsidized housing.Discrediting the Red Scare
tells the story of his long legal struggle in the face of
government persecution-that redoubled after every setback until the
bitter end
Desecrating the American Flag is the only comprehensive, edited,
and annotated collection of critical documents regarding the
controversies swirling around the desecration of the American flag.
Should violators of the Stars and Stripes be prosecuted? Or legally
protected? This issue reached center stage in American politics
throughout the 1990s when Congress debated whether or not to amend
the constitution to forbid flag desecration; but this debate has
been hotly contested since the Civil War. Robert Justin Goldstein
brings together almost 150 key documents spanning more than 100
years. He culls from a variety of sources-Congressional hearings,
debates, legal briefs, oral arguments, newspaper articles, and
court rulings, for example-and then carefully edits each document
to retain key material. Introductory essays place each document
within a broader historical, political, and legal context.
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