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Following the resounding success of the eponymous West End and Broadway hit play, "Frost/Nixon" tells the extraordinary story of how Sir David Frost pursued and landed the biggest fish of his career--and how the series drew larger audiences than any news interview ever had in the United States, before being shown all over the world.
This is Frost's absorbing story of his pursuit of Richard Nixon, and is no less revealing of his own toughness and pertinacity than of the ex-President's elusiveness. Frost's encounters with such figures as Swifty Lazar, Ron Ziegler, potential sponsors, and Nixon as negotiator are nothing short of hilarious, and his insight into the taping of the programs themselves is fascinating.
"Frost/Nixon" provides the authoritative account of the only public trial that Nixon would ever have, and a revelation of the man's character as it appeared in the stress of eleven grueling sessions before the cameras. Including historical perspective and transcripts of the edited interviews, this is the story of Sir David Frost's quest to produce one of the most dramatic pieces of television ever broadcast, described by commentators at the time as "a catharsis" for the American people.
Tucked away from the bustle of nearby Raleigh and Durham, Person County, North Carolina, is an oasis of easygoing Southern charm. The photography of John Wesley Merritt, shutterbug and lifelong Roxboro resident, brilliantly captures the spirit of this idyllic setting as it was in the 1940s and 1950s.
Producing a vivid portrait of a bygone era, Merritt had the rare talent of preserving a whole way of life through the details he recorded on film from streets and shops to fields and farm stands. Captions and essays by Eddie Talbert reveal what the photographs do not. Hard times and good times, historic facts and interesting details are all collected here in a unique edition that celebrates a cherished era in Person County's history.
In 1794, two years before Tennessee became a state, the legislature of the Southwest Territory chartered Blount College in Knoxville as one of the first three colleges established west of the Appalachian Mountains. In 1807, the school changed its name to East Tennessee College. The school relocated to a 40-acre tract, known today as the Hill, in 1828 and was renamed East Tennessee University in 1840. The Civil War literally shut down the university. Students and faculty were recruited to serve on battlefields, and troops used campus facilities as hospitals and barracks. In 1869, East Tennessee University became the states land-grant institution under the auspices of the 1862 Morrill Act. In 1879, the state legislature changed the name of the institution to the University of Tennessee. By the early 20th century, the university admitted women, hosted teacher institutes, and constructed new buildings. Since that time, the University of Tennessee has established campuses and programs across the state. Today, in addition to a rich sports tradition, the University of Tennessee provides Tennesseans with unparalleled opportunities.
Mount Pleasant--Samuel P. Brown must have thought the name perfect when he chose it for his country estate on a wooded hill overlooking Washington City. The name also suited the New Englanders who settled in the village that Brown founded near Fourteenth Street and Park Road just after the Civil War. Around 1900, the once-isolated village began its transformation into a fashionable suburb after the city extended Sixteenth Street through Mount Pleasant's heart, and a new streetcar line linked the area to downtown. Developers constructed elegant apartment buildings and spacious brick row houses on block after block, and successful businessmen built stately residences along Park Road. Change arrived again with the Great Depression and then World War II, as the suburb evolved into an urban, exclusively white, working-class enclave that eventually became mostly African American. In addition, a Latino presence was evident as early as the 1960s. By the 1980s, the neighborhood was known as the heart of D.C.'s Latino and counterculture communities. Today these communities are dispersing, however, in response to a booming real estate market in Washington, D.C.
The Elizabeth River courses through the heart of Virginia. The Jamestown colonists recognized the river's strategic importance and explored its watershed almost immediately after the 1607 founding. The Elizabeth River traces four centuries of this historic stream's path through the geography and culture of Virginia.
Few wartime cities in Virginia held more importance than Petersburg. Nonetheless, the city has, until now, lacked an adequate military history, let alone a history of the civilian home front. The noted Civil War historian A. Wilson Greene now provides an expertly researched, eloquently written study of the city that was second only to Richmond in size and strategic significance. Industrial, commercial, and extremely prosperous, Petersburg was also home to a large African American community, including the state's highest percentage of free blacks. On the eve of the Civil War, the city elected a conservative, pro-Union approach to the sectional crisis. Little more than a month before Virginia's secession did Petersburg finally express pro-Confederate sentiments, at which point the city threw itself wholeheartedly into the effort, with large numbers of both white and black men serving. Over the next four years, Petersburg's citizens watched their once-beautiful city become first a conduit for transient soldiers from the Deep South, then an armed camp, and finally the focus of one of the Civil War's most protracted and damaging campaigns. (The fall of Richmond and collapse of the Confederate war effort in Virginia followed close on Grant's ultimate success in Petersburg.) At war's end, Petersburg's antebellum prosperity evaporated under pressures from inflation, chronic shortages, and the extensive damage done by Union artillery shells. Greene's book tracks both Petersburg's civilian experience and the city's place in Confederate military strategy and administration. Employing scores of unpublished sources, the book weaves a uniquely personal story of thousands of citizens--free blacks, slaves and their holders, factory owners, merchants--all of whom shared a singular experience in Civil War Virginia.
Cyrus K. Holliday envisioned a railroad that would run from Kansas to the Pacific, increasing the commerce and prosperity of the nation. With farsighted investors and shrewd management, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway grew from Holliday's idea into a model of the modern, rapid, and efficient railroad. There were many growing pains early on, including rustlers, thieves, and desperadoes as well as the nineteenth century's economic and climatic hardships. The railroad eventually extended from Chicago to San Francisco, with substantial holdings in oil fields, timber land, uranium mines, pipelines, and real estate. This is the first comprehensive history of the iconic Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway, from its birth in 1859 to its termination in 1996. This volume discusses the construction and operation of the railway, the strategies of its leaders, the evolution of its locomotive fleet, and its famed passenger service with partner Fred Harvey. The vast changes within the nation's railway system led to a merger with the Burlington Northern and the creation of the BNSF Railway. An iconic railroad, the Santa Fe at its peak operated thirteen thousand miles of routes and served the southwestern region of the nation with the corporate slogan "Santa Fe All the Way." This new edition covers almost twenty-five more years of history, including the merger of the Santa Fe and Burlington Northern railroads and new material on labor, minorities, and women on the carrier along with new and updated maps and photographs.
A "New York Times "Notable Book of the Year
In North Carolina's Free People of Color, 1715- 1885, Warren Eugene Milteer Jr. examines the lives of free persons categorized by their communities as ""negroes,"" ""mulattoes,"" ""mustees,"" ""Indians,"" ""mixed-A bloods,"" or simply ""free people of color."" From the colonial period through Reconstruction, lawmakers passed legislation that curbed the rights and privileges of these non-enslaved residents, from prohibiting their testimony against whites to barring them from the ballot box. While such laws suggest that most white North Carolinians desired to limit the freedoms and civil liberties enjoyed by free people of color, Milteer reveals that the two groups often interacted- praying together, working the same land, and occasionally sharing households and starting families. Some free people of color also rose to prominence in their communities, becoming successful businesspeople and winning the respect of their white neighbors. Milteer's innovative study moves beyond depictions of the American South as a region controlled by a strict racial hierarchy. He contends that although North Carolinians frequently sorted themselves into races imbued with legal and social entitlements- with whites placing themselves above persons of color- those efforts regularly clashed with their concurrent recognition of class, gender, kinship, and occupational distinctions. Whites often determined the position of free nonwhites by designating them as either valuable or expendable members of society. In early North Carolina, free people of color of certain statuses enjoyed access to institutions unavailable even to some whites. Prior to 1835, for instance, some free men of color possessed the right to vote while the law disenfranchised all women, white and nonwhite included. North Carolina's Free People of Color, 1715- 1885 demonstrates that conceptions of race were complex and fluid, defying easy characterization. Despite the reductive labels often assigned to them by whites, free people of color in the state emerged from an array of backgrounds, lived widely varied lives, and created distinct cultures- all of which, Milteer suggests, allowed them to adjust to and counter everA -evolving forms of racial discrimination.
The explosive narrative of the life, captivity, and trial of Bowe Bergdahl, the soldier who was abducted by the Taliban and whose story has served as a symbol for America's foundering war in Afghanistan 'A riveting journalistic account of Bowe Bergdahl's disastrous - and weirdly poignant - choice to walk off his military base in Afghanistan ... A spectacularly good book about an incredibly painful and important topic' Sebastian Junger, author of Tribe and War Private First Class Bowe Bergdahl left his platoon's base in eastern Afghanistan in the early hours of June 30, 2009. Since that day, easy answers to the many questions surrounding his case--why did he leave his post? What kinds of efforts were made to recover him from the Taliban? And why, facing a court martial, did he plead guilty to the serious charges against him?--have proved elusive. Based on years of exclusive reporting drawing on dozens of sources throughout the military, government, and Bergdahl's family, friends, and fellow soldiers, American Cipher is at once a meticulous investigation of government dysfunction and political posturing, a blistering commentary on America's presence in Afghanistan, and a heartbreaking story of a naive young man who thought he could fix the world and wound up the tool of forces far beyond his understanding.
The Observer Book of the Year 'The war hero, senator, secretary of state and presidential candidate has plenty to write about - and to be right about' The Guardian 'Frank, thoughtful and clearly written ... What lingers are not the parts but the whole; not the life, but the man' New York Times 'Draws back the curtain on a life you thought you knew, but turns out to be a bit different ... surprisingly personal' Washington Post Every Day Is Extra is John Kerry's personal story. The title comes from a saying he and his buddies had in Vietnam. A child of privilege, Kerry went to private schools and Yale, then enlisted in the U.S. Navy during the Vietnam War. He commanded river patrols - swift boats - and was highly decorated, but he discovered that the truth about what was happening in Vietnam was different from what the government was reporting. He returned home disillusioned, became active against the war, and testified in Congress as a 27-year-old veteran who opposed the war. Kerry served as a prosecutor in Massachusetts, then as Massachusetts lieutenant governor, and was elected to the Senate in 1984. His friendship with the Kennedy family gave him valuable contacts, but he earned his victory by campaigning hard. He would be re-elected four times. Kerry's service in the Senate was distinguished. Unlike most senators, who travel on foreign junkets for "fact-finding missions," Kerry travelled to the Philippines and based on what he learned, helped to orchestrate the peaceful transition from Ferdinand Marcos to the duly elected Corazon Aquino government. He played an active role in the BCCI and Iran-Contra matters. In 2004 he ran for president against the incumbent, George W. Bush and came within one state - Ohio - of winning. In Every Day Is Extra he explains why he chose not to contest widespread voting irregularities in Ohio, fearing that after the 2000 election went to the U.S. Supreme Court, another challenge would undermine confidence in the voting system. Kerry returned to the Senate, endorsed Barack Obama over Hillary Clinton in 2008, and when Clinton resigned in 2012 to run for the presidency, Kerry was confirmed as Secretary of State. In that position he tried - and like all his predecessors, failed - to find peace between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (he is critical of both sides but especially Prime Minister Netanyahu); dealt with the Syrian civil war and the rise of ISIS; negotiated the Iran nuclear deal; and signed the Paris climate accord. This is a personal book, sometimes angry, sometimes funny, always moving. Secretary Kerry describes some of the remarkable events of his life, such as discovering that his paternal grandfather committed suicide - something his father never told him - and that this grandfather was Jewish, not Irish (he changed his name to Kerry from Kohn, and also converted to Catholicism). His account of his experiences in Vietnam is riveting. His failed first marriage left a wound that never completely healed, but his second marriage, to Teresa Heinz, widow of a Senate colleague, has been an anchor in his life. He tells wonderful stories about the Kennedys and especially about Senate colleagues Ted Kennedy and John McCain. His story of his first real meeting with John McCain, another Vietnam veteran, is one of the most moving stories in the book; his respect for McCain is genuine and inspiring. Every Day Is Extra shows readers how arduous it is to run for president and how demanding the role of secretary of state is. Readers of this book, whatever their political persuasion, will come away grateful that we have public servants who are prepared to spend their lives in service to their country. They will also come away with a new appreciation of John Kerry, a man often portrayed as aloof and stiff, but as this book reveals, funny, warm, and dedicated.
The Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, New York, dazzled with its new rainbow-colored electric lights. It showcased an array of wonders, like daredevils attempting to go over Niagara Falls in a barrel, or the "Animal King" putting the smallest woman in the world and also terrifying animals on display. But the thrill-seeking spectators little suspected that an assassin walked the fairgrounds, waiting for President William McKinley to arrive. In Margaret Creighton's hands, the result is "a persuasive case that the fair was a microcosm of some momentous facets of the United States, good and bad, at the onset of the American Century" (Howard Schneider, Wall Street Journal).
Many historic houses decorating Skip Finley's native Martha's Vineyard were originally built by whaling captains. Whether in his village of Oak Bluffs, on the Island of Nantucket where whaling burgeoned, or New Bedford, which became the City of Light thanks to whaling, these magnificent homes testify to the money that was made from whaling. The triangle connecting Martha's Vineyard to these areas and Eastern Long Island was the Middle East of its day. Whale wealth was astronomical, and endures in the form of land trusts, roads, hotels, docks, businesses, homes, churches and parks. Whaling revenues were invested into railroads and the textile industry. Millions of whales died in the 250 year enterprise, with more than 2,700 ships built for chasing, killing and processing whales. That story is well-told in books, some that have been bestsellers. What hasn't been told is the story of whaling's colorful leaders in an era when the only other option was slavery. Whaling was the first American industry to exhibit any diversity. A man got to be captain not because he was white or well connected, but because he knew how to kill a whale. Along the way he could learn navigation and reading and writing. Whaling presented a tantalizing alternative to mainland life. Working with archival records at whaling museums, in libraries, from private archives and interviews with people whose ancestors were whaling masters, Finley culls stories from the lives of 54 black whaling captains to create a portrait of what life was like for these leaders of color on the high seas. Each time a ship spotted a whale, a group often including the captain would jump into a small boat, row to the whale, and attack it, at times with the captain delivering the killing blow. The first, second or third mate, and boat steerer could eventually have opportunities to move into increasingly responsible roles. Finley explains how this skills-based system propelled captains of color to the helm. Readers will meet an improbable, diverse, engaging cast of characters: slaves and slavers, abolitionists, Quakers, British, killers and cannibals, deserters and gamblers, gold miners, inventors and investors, cooks and crooks, and of course the whales, the latter of whom seemingly had personalities of their own. The book concludes as facts and factions conspire to kill the industry, including wars, weather, bad management, poor judgment, disease, obsolescence and a non-renewable natural resource. Ironically, the end of the Civil War allowed the African Americans who were captains to exit the difficult and dangerous occupation and make room for the Cape Verdean who picked up the mantle, literally to the end of the industry.
Robert Dallek's brilliant two-volume biography of Lyndon Johnson
has received an avalanche of praise. Michael Beschloss, in The Los
Angeles Times, said that it "succeeds brilliantly." The New York
Times called it "rock solid" and The Washington Post hailed it as
"invaluable." And Sidney Blumenthal in The Boston Globe wrote that
it was "dense with astonishing incidents."
The Papers of James MadisonPresidential Series, Volume 5
10 July 1812-7 February 1813
Edited by J. C. A. Stagg, Martha J. King, Ellen J. Barber, Anne Mandeville Colony, Angela Kreider, Jewel L. Spangler
Volume 5 of the "Presidential Series" covers the first seven months of the War of 1812, documenting the problems Madison faced as he led the United States into its first major military conflict under the Federal Constitution. The planned American invasions of Canada faltered because of General Henry Dearborn's inept leadership in the East and General William Hull's shocking surrender at Detroit. Quarrels about the role of the state militias and recruitment and supply difficulties contributed to these and subsequent setbacks. General William Henry Harrison's inability to achieve a major victory in the Northwest, the failure of two poorly planned offensives on the Niagara peninsula, and the U.S. defeat at the river Raisin in January 1813 round out the dismal picture of U.S. military affairs presented by documents in this volume.
Meanwhile, Madison faced pressure not only from Federalists, whose numerous angry letters occasionally included threats of secession, but also from Republicans dissatisfied with his leadership. Many of the latter supported De Witt Clinton in his unsuccessful bid to unseat Madison in the election of 1812. Others urged the president to take steps to "intimidate" his political opponents; Madison, however, declined to use federal power to enforce loyalty. Two of his cabinet colleagues added to the president's problems: Secretary of War William Eustis was so "profoundly oppressed" by U.S. defeats that Paul Hamilton, secretary of the navy, suspected "a danger of his mind being affected"; Hamilton, an alcoholic, had tolerated sloppy bookkeeping and alleged corruption in the Navy Department. By the end of 1812 both had resigned.
On the diplomatic front, the volume documents U.S. charge d'affaires Jonathan Russell's unsuccessful peace talks with Great Britain and the midwinter odyssey of minister to France Joel Barlow, who, returning from negotiations with Napoleon at Vilna, died of pneumonia in a Polish village. Also covered is Madison's continuing effort to craft a policy serving American interests in the Spanish borderlands. Access to people, places, and events discussed is facilitated by detailed annotation and a comprehensive index.
Some Americans cling desperately to the myth that we are living in a post-racial society, that the election of the first black president spelled the doom of racism. In fact, racist thought is alive and well in America--more sophisticated and more insidious than ever. And as award-winning historian Ibram X. Kendi argues in Stamped from the Beginning, if we have any hope of grappling with this stark reality, we must first understand how racist ideas were developed, disseminated, and enshrined in American society. In this deeply researched and fast-moving narrative, Kendi chronicles the entire story of anti-black racist ideas and their staggering power over the course of American history. Stamped from the Beginning uses the life stories of five major American intellectuals to offer a window into the contentious debates between assimilationists and segregationists and between racists and antiracists. From Puritan minister Cotton Mather to Thomas Jefferson, from fiery abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison to brilliant scholar W.E.B. Du Bois to legendary anti-prison activist Angela Davis, Kendi shows how and why some of our leading pro-slavery and pro-civil rights thinkers have challenged or helped cement racist ideas in America. Contrary to popular conceptions, racist ideas did not arise from ignorance or hatred. Instead, they were devised and honed by some of the most brilliant minds of each era. These intellectuals used their brilliance to justify and rationalize deeply entrenched discriminatory policies and the nation's racial disparities in everything from wealth to health. And while racist ideas are easily produced and easily consumed, they can also be discredited. In shedding much-needed light on the murky history of racist ideas, Stamped from the Beginning offers us the tools we need to expose them--and in the process, gives us reason to hope.
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