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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > Embargos & sanctions
Any system of government is comprised of several dimensions of
functionality, which must all work in congruence. When any part of
the system is dysfunctional, the government's stability becomes
fractured and societal problems can arise. Political Discourse in
Emergent, Fragile, and Failed Democracies examines the effects of
unstable democratic systems of government in modern society,
providing an imperative analysis on political communications from
such nations. Highlighting real-world examples on the constraints
seen in malfunctioning or emerging governments, this book is a
pivotal reference source for policy makers, researchers,
academicians, and upper-level students interested in politics and
governance.
This study addresses the many initiatives to decrease industrial
pollution emitting from the Pechenganikel plant in the northwestern
corner of Russia during the final years of the Soviet Union, and
examines the wider implications for the state of pollution control
in the Arctic today. By examining the efforts of Soviet industry
and government agencies, Finnish and Swedish officials, and
Norwegian environmental authorities to curb industrial pollution in
the region, this book offers an environmental history of the Arctic
as well as a transnational, geopolitical history.
The history of oil is a chapter in the story of Europe's
geopolitical decline in the twentieth century. During the era of
the two world wars, a lack of oil constrained Britain and Germany
from exerting their considerable economic and military power
independently. Both nations' efforts to restore the independence
they had enjoyed during the Age of Coal backfired by inducing
strategic over-extension, which served only to hasten their demise
as great powers. Having fought World War I with oil imported from
the United States, Britain was determined to avoid relying upon
another great power for its energy needs ever again. Even before
the Great War had ended, Whitehall implemented a strategy of
developing alternative sources of oil under British control.
Britain's key supplier would be the Middle East - already a region
of vital importance to the British Empire - whose oil potential was
still unproven. As it turned out, there was plenty of oil in the
Middle East, but Italian hostility after 1935 threatened transit
through the Mediterranean. A shortage of tankers ruled out
re-routing shipments around Africa, forcing Britain to import oil
from US-controlled sources in the Western Hemisphere and depleting
its foreign exchange reserves. Even as war loomed in 1939,
therefore, Britain's quest for independence from the United States
had failed. Germany was in an even worse position than Britain. It
could not import oil from overseas in wartime due to the threat of
blockade, while accumulating large stockpiles was impossible
because of the economic and financial costs. The Third Reich went
to war dependent on petroleum synthesized from coal, domestic crude
oil, and overland imports, primarily from Romania. German leaders
were confident, however, that they had enough oil to fight a series
of short campaigns that would deliver to them the mastery of
Europe. This plan derailed following the victory over France, when
Britain continued to fight. This left Germany responsible for
Europe's oil requirements while cut off from world markets. A
looming energy crisis in Axis Europe, the absence of strategic
alternatives, and ideological imperatives all compelled Germany in
June 1941 to invade the Soviet Union and fulfill the Third Reich's
ultimate ambition of becoming a world power - a decision that
ultimately sealed its fate.
Illustrated with pioneering maps and country analyses by a network
of researchers from across the Mediterranean, this book takes a
territorial approach as a way toward a shared vision for a truly
integrated Euro-Mediterranean region. At a time when the region is
undergoing rapid change, the main goal of the book is to challenge
misconceptions with common geographic data, on issues such as
transport, energy, agriculture and water. The book suggests avenues
for Europe to regain a part of the influence it has lost on its
Mediterranean neighbourhood and policies common to Europe and its
southern neighbours. The wide range of geographic country analyses,
from Morocco to Turkey and including the occupied Palestinian
territory and Jordan, are complemented with new maps at the scale
of the wider Euro-Mediterranean region. The contributions contend
that cross-border cooperation, common transport networks and shared
environmental management can foster partnership when diplomatic
relations are stalling. The Gibraltar case study shows that while
competition is rising between the two sides of the strait their
potential complementarity is also very high. The book calls for a
Euro-Mediterranean local data collaborative platform to drive a
common 'Neighbourhoods Territorial Agenda' for North-South shared
vision and action. This timely and enlightening book is essential
reading for those studying regional, European, Mediterranean and
Arab world issues. It will appeal to policymakers and actors
involved in cross-border cooperation, territorial development,
environment, cultural knowledge and networking. Contributors
include: M. Ababsa, P. Beckouche, N. Ben Cheikh, P. Besnard, Y.
Cohen, G. Faour, J. Hilal, O. Isik, E. Larrea, J.-Y. Moisseron, Z.
Ouadah-Bedidi, D. Pages El Karoui, H. Pecout, R. Tabib, A. Ulied,
G. Van Hamme, I. Zboun
After the end of the Cold War, it seemed as if Southeast Asia would
remain a geopolitically stable region within the American imperious
for the foreseeable future. In the last two decades, however, the
re-emergence of China as a major great power has called into
question the geopolitical future of the region and raised the
specter of renewed of great power competition. As the eminent China
scholar David Shambaugh explains in Where Great Powers Meet, the
United States and China are engaged in a broad-gauged and global
competition for power. While this competition ranges across the
entire world, it is centered in Asia, and in this book, Shambaugh
focuses the ten countries that comprise Southeast Asia. The United
States and China constantly vie for position and influence in this
enormously significant region-and the outcome of this contest will
do much to determine whether Asia leaves the American orbit after
seven decades and falls into a new Chinese sphere of influence.
Just as importantly, to the extent that there is a global "power
transition" occurring from the US to China, the fate of Southeast
Asia will be a good indicator. Presently, both powers bring
important assets to bear. The US continues to possess a depth and
breadth of security ties, soft power, and direct investment across
the region that empirically outweigh China's. For its part, China
has more diplomatic influence, much greater trade, and geographic
proximity. In assessing the likelihood of a regional power
transition, Shambaugh at how ASEAN (the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations) and the countries within it maneuver between the
United States and China and the degree to which they align with one
or the other power. Not simply an analysis of the region's place
within an evolving international system, Where Great Powers Meet
provides us with a comprehensive strategy that advances the
American position while exploiting Chinese weaknesses.
Contested Waters provides an in-depth analysis of trans-boundary
water conflict involving the Indus Basin in Pakistan. The book
focuses on both national scale and local scale case studies to
illustrate how these water conflicts are both discursively and
materially driven by human institutions and politics. Through case
studies of controversy over large dams, local flooding and
irrigation methods, Daanish Mustafa highlights the various deeply
political and institutional factors driving water conflict -
specifically the disparity between national scale strategies of
water politics and local scale water politics - and calls for
engagement with water conflict in political terms.
The Vietnam War is one of the defining conflicts of the twentieth
century: not only did it divide American society at every level;
the conflict also represented a key shift in Asian anti-colonialism
and shaped the course of the Cold War. Despite its political and
social importance, popular memory of the war is dominated by myths
and stereotypes. In this incisive new text, John Dumbrell debunks
popular assumptions about the war and reassesses the key political,
military and historical controversies associated with one of the
most contentious and divisive wars of recent times. Drawing upon an
extensive range of newly accessible sources, Rethinking the Vietnam
War assesses all aspects of the conflict - ranging across domestic
electoral politics in the USA to the divided communist leadership
in Hanoi and grassroots antiwar movements around the world. The
book charts the full course of the war - from the origins of
American involvement, the growing internationalization of the
conflict and the swing year of 1968 to bitter twists in Sino-Soviet
rivalry and the eventual withdrawal of American forces. Situating
the conflict within an international context, John Dumbrell also
considers competing interpretations of the war and points the way
to the resolution of debates which have divided international
opinion for decades.
The Kyoto Protocol has singularly failed to shape international
environmental policy-making in the way that the earlier Montreal
protocol did. Whereas Montreal placed reliance on the force of
science and moralistic injunctions to save the planet, and
successfully determined the international response to climate
change, Kyoto has proved significantly more problematic.
International Environmental Policy considers why this is the case.
The authors contend that such arguments on this occasion proved
inadequate to the task, not just because the core issues of the
Kyoto process were subject to more powerful and conflicting
interests than previously, and the science too uncertain, but
because the science and moral arguments themselves remained too
weak. They argue that 'global warming' is a failing policy
construct because it has served to benefit limited but undeclared
interests that were sustained by green beliefs rather than robust
scientific knowledge. This highly topical book takes a frank look
at the political motivations that underpin the global warming
debate, and will appeal to political scientists and energy policy
analysts as well as anyone with an interest in the future of the
environment and in the policies we create to protect it.
There is widespread agreement that climate change is a serious
problem. If we fail to regulate greenhouse gases that contribute to
global warming, or use alternative strategies for addressing the
problem, the damages could be significant, and perhaps
catastrophic. After several international meetings in which
nation-states have tried unsuccessfully to address the climate
change problem, there is a sense of frustration and urgency:
frustration at the slow pace at which countries are moving toward
an international agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions;
urgency because of the growing evidence that climate change is a
serious problem that should be addressed globally and quickly. This
book takes a close look at the fundamental political and economic
processes driving climate change policy. It identifies
institutional arrangements and policies that are needed to design
more effective climate change policy. It also examines ethical and
distributional arguments that are critical in understanding and
framing the climate debate. The book is built around a conference
honouring Tom Schelling that took place at the Sustainable
Consumption Institute at The University of Manchester. Each chapter
represents a significant contribution to the literature on the
political economy of climate change.
The Antarctic and Southern Ocean are hotspots for contemporary
endeavours to oversee 'the last frontier' of the Earth. The
Handbook on the Politics of Antarctica offers a wide-ranging and
comprehensive overview of the governance, geopolitics,
international law, cultural studies and history of the region.
Written by leading experts, the Handbook brings together the very
best interdisciplinary social science and humanities scholarship on
the Antarctic and Southern Ocean, offering a definitive statement
on why the world's only uninhabited continent attracts global
attention in terms of science, politics and natural resources - and
what can be done to manage it. Four sections take readers from the
earliest human encounters to contemporary resource exploitation and
climate change through thematic and critical analyses: the
exploration, exploitation and mapping of Antarctica; its emergence
as an object of global interest; human behaviour and environmental
change in response to managerial interventions; and a contemplation
of possible futures for Antarctica. All topics are covered in
accessible yet authoritative contributions. Specialist readers in
polar regions, public international law, geography, geopolitics and
international relations will appreciate this uniquely comprehensive
and up-to-date examination of politics in and around Antarctica, as
will scholars with interest in areas beyond national jurisdiction,
peace/co-operation studies and the interface between public policy
and science. Contributors include: A.E. Abdenur, D.G. Ainley, A.
Antonello, D. Avango, P.J. Beck, M. Benwell, L.E. Bloom, A.-M.
Brady, C. Braun, N. Brazell, C. Brooks, I. Cardone, S.L. Chown, C.
Collis, R. Davis, K. Dodds, A. Elzinga, F. Francioni, M. Haward,
A.D. Hemmings, F. Hertel, A. Howkins, J. Jabour, S. Kaye, R.D.
Launius, E. Leane, D. Liggett, H. Nielsen, E. Nyman, O. Olsson, H.
OEsterblom, H.-U. Peter, P. Roberts, R. Roura, J.F. Salazar, D.
Sampaio, S.V. Scott, T. Stephens, E. Stewart, L.-M. van der Watt,
N. Vanstappen, P. Vigni, R. Wolfrum, J. Wouters, O. Young
Central Asia has become the battleground for the major struggles of
the 21st century: radical Islam versus secularism, authoritarianism
versus identity politics, Eastern versus Western control of
resources, and the American 'War on Terror'. Nowhere are these
conflicts more starkly illustrated than in the case of Tajikistan.
Embedded in the oil-rich Central Asian region, and bordering
war-torn Afghanistan, Tajikistan occupies a geo-strategically
pivotal position. It is also a major transit hub for the smuggling
of opium, which eventually ends up in the hands of heroin dealers
in Western cities. In this timely book, Lena Jonson examines
Tajkistan's search for a foreign policy in the post 9/11
environment. She shows the internal contradictions of a country in
every sense at the crossroads, reconciling its bloody past with an
uncertain future She assesses the impact of regional developments
on the reform movement in Tajikistan, and in turn examines how
changes in Tajik society (which is the only Central Asian country
to have a legal Islamist party) might affect the region. The
destiny of Tajikistan is intimately connected with that of Central
Asia, and this thorough and penetrating book is essential reading
for anyone seeking to make sense of this strategically vital region
at a moment of transition.
As David Vine demonstrates, the overseas bases raise geopolitical
tensions and provoke widespread antipathy towards the United
States. They also undermine American democratic ideals, pushing the
U.S. into partnerships with dictators and perpetuating a system of
second-class citizenship in territories like Guam. They breed
sexual violence, destroy the environment, and damage local
economies. And their financial cost is staggering: though the
Pentagon underplays the numbers, Vine's accounting proves that the
bill approaches $100 billion per year. For many decades, the need
for overseas bases has been a quasi-religious dictum of U.S.
foreign policy. But in recent years, a bipartisan coalition has
finally started to question this conventional wisdom. With the U.S.
withdrawing from Afghanistan and ending thirteen years of war,
there is no better time to re-examine the tenets of our military
strategy. Base Nation is an essential contribution to that debate.
In Killing Hope, William Blum, author of the bestselling Rogue
State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower, provides a
devastating and comprehensive account of America's covert and overt
military actions in the world, all the way from China in the 1940s
to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and - in this updated edition -
beyond. Is the United States, as it likes to claim, a global force
for democracy? Killing Hope shows the answer to this question to be
a resounding 'no'.
The Making of Eurasia investigates the multi-layered spectrum of
China and Russia's Eurasian policies towards each other, ranging
from competition to cooperation, as well as the role of regional
actors in between. The book examines the impact of and responses to
the dynamic Sino-Russian interaction in the wake of China's Belt
and Road initiative, focusing on the selected case studies of
Kazakhstan, Mongolia and Uzbekistan, but also on inter-regional
implications across the Eurasian space. With China's imprint on
inter-regional politics and ambition to make a distinctive Chinese
contribution to 'globalization' and Russia's vision of a 'Greater
Eurasia' in which Moscow stakes out a place for itself as an
indispensable power, other regional actors adopt policies that
respond to and co-shape the resulting centrifugal forces.
Meanwhile, power shifts are underway on a global plane, as the
normative divide between Russia and the West has widened, and as
the Sino-American rivalry is intensifying. The book therefore also
sheds light on the effects of Eurasian power shifts on global
governance in a context where global 'leadership' is contested, and
in which the US and Europe are re-defining their relationship not
only towards a self-confident China but also towards each other. As
such, this study will provide valuable insight for students and
scholars of Eurasian Asia Studies, Foreign Policy Analysis, and
International Relations at large.
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