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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > Embargos & sanctions
In the past decade the Asia-Pacific region has become a focus of
international politics and military strategies. Due to China's
rising economic and military strength, North Korea's nuclear tests
and missile launches, tense international disputes over small
island groups in the seas around Asia, and the United States
pivoting a majority of its military forces to the region, the
islands of the western Pacific have increasingly become the center
of global attention. While the Pacific is a cur- rent hotbed of
geopolitical rivalry and intense militarization, the region is also
something else: a homeland to the hundreds of millions of people
that inhabit it.
Based on a decade of research in the region, "The Empires' Edge"
examines the tremendous damage the militarization of the Pacific
has wrought on its people and environments. Furthermore, Davis
details how contemporary social movements in this region are
affecting global geopolitics by challenging the military use of
Pacific islands and by developing a demilitarized view of security
based on affinity, mutual aid, and international solidarity.
Through an examination of "sacrificed" is- lands from across the
region--including Bikini Atoll, Okinawa, Hawai'i, and Guam--"The
Empires' Edge" makes the case that the great political contest of
the twenty-first century is not about which country gets hegemony
in a global system but rather about the choice be- tween
perpetuating a system of international relations based on
domination or pursuing a more egalitarian and cooperative future.
The geopolitical history of the Middle East in the twentieth
century, which falls into three relatively distinct phases, is best
understood when approached simultaneously from the global and the
regional perspectives. The imperialist phase, which began in the
nineteenth century and lasted until the end of World War II, was
followed by the cold war between the Soviet Union and the West that
continued to the beginning of the 1990s. The last phase, which
began with the demise of the Soviet Union, is still taking shape.
These stages may overlap and, in some instances, unfold
simultaneously, developments within the region being shaped and
constrained by extra-regional forces for extra-regional
purposes.
The sovereignty and independence of the states of the region has
been limited in varying degrees by the wishes, needs, interests,
and ambitions of the major powers. The geopolitical considerations
have varied over time, being very different in the period between
the world wars than in the period of intense East-West rivalry that
followed, with the present post-cold war era being radically
different from what preceded it. These changing geopolitical
realities constitute the framework for this examination of the
Middle East in the twentieth century, and the organizing principle
for the selection of materials from the truly vast amount of
information available. An important resource for scholars,
students, and researchers involved with Middle Eastern history and
international relations.
A leading group of scholars examine the circumstances under which central states might change their shape in responding to ethnic upheavals and regionalist demands. A systematic approach is applied to a country-by-country approach examining in turn most of the key areas of state boundary disputes in the contemporary world.
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The Prince
(Hardcover)
Niccolo Machiavelli; Translated by William Kenaz Marriott; Edited by Tony Darnell
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R460
Discovery Miles 4 600
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Ships in 10 - 15 working days
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Vietnam has claimed the Paracel and Spratly Island groups for
hundreds of years. China's invasion and capture of the Paracels
from South Vietnam in 1974, and its ongoing occupation of the
Spratlys, have created increasing opposition and anger not only
among Vietnamese citizens but worldwide. This book insists that
China's illegal violation of Vietnamese sovereignty rights in the
Paracels and Spratlys has included serious human rights violations
and decelerated the process of human emancipation. Using both
realist and critical theories in a comparative framework, China
Moves South states that while realism may offer a reasonable
approach to explaining China's behavior, critical theory is a more
appropriate lens to challenge China's occupations. Employing
critical theory and human rights law as methods of evaluation, this
book insists that human rights and international law cannot sustain
China's continuing violations as defined by the United Nations
Conventions on the Law of the Sea in 1982. Additionally, China
Moves South aims to provide government officials, international
scholars, students, and other interested parties with a better
understanding of Chinese's illegal invasion and capture of the
Paracels and Spratlys and, more importantly, to counsel urgent
action to resist the Chinese occupation as China becomes more
assertive in the vital waters of the South China Sea.
In the quarter century that has passed since the collapse of the
Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, fanciful establishment
intellectuals have advanced the idea that an "end of history" has
somehow arrived. The model of "democratic capitalism" is said to be
the final stage in the development of political economy. It is
often suggested that it is simply a matter of waiting for the rest
of the world to catch up, and at that point the Western model will
have achieved a final and eternal triumph. In this work, the
anarchist philosopher Keith Preston expresses skepticism of these
presumptions. Expounding upon the critique of modernity advanced by
Friedrich Nietzsche well over a century ago, Preston argues that
the historical cycle associated with the rise of modernity is
winding down. The forces of globalism, liberalism, capitalism,
democracy, and Americanization are closer to achieving universal
hegemony than ever before. Yet Preston subjects all of these to
relentless criticism, and challenges virtually every presumption of
the present era's dominant ideological model. Drawing upon a wide
range of ideological currents and intellectual influences, Preston
observes how the hegemony of what he calls the
"Anglo-American-Zionist-Wahhabist" axis is being challenged within
the realm of international relations by both emerging blocks of
rival states and insurgent non-state actors. Citing thinkers as
diverse as Ernst Junger and Emma Goldman, Max Stirner and Alain de
Benoist, Hans Hermann Hoppe and Kevin Carson, Preston offers an
alternative vision of what the future of postmodern civilization
might bring.
The so-called ?'spatial turn?' in the social sciences has led to an
increased interest in what can be called the spatialities of power,
or the ways in which power as a medium for achieving goals is
related to where it takes place. This unique and intriguing
Handbook argues that the spatiality of power is never singular and
easily modeled according to straightforward theoretical
bullet-points, but instead is best approached as plural,
contextually emergent and relational. The Handbook on the
Geographies of Power consists of a series of cutting edge chapters
written by a diverse range of leading geographers working both
within and beyond political geography. It is organized thematically
into the main areas in which contemporary work on the geographies
of power is concentrated: bodies, economy, environment and energy,
and war. The Handbook maintains a careful connection between theory
and empirics, making it a valuable read for students, researchers
and scholars in the fields of political and human geography. It
will also appeal to social scientists more generally who are
interested in contemporary conceptions of power. Contributors
include: J. Agnew, J. Allen, I. Ashutosh, J. Barkan, N. Bauch, L.
Bhungalia, G. Boyce, B. Braun, M. Brown, P. Carmody, N. Clark, M.
Coleman, A. Dixon, V. Gidwani, N. Gordon, M. Hird, P. Hubbard, J.
Hyndman, J. Loyd, A. Moore, L. Muscara, N. Perugini, C. Rasmussen,
P. Steinberg, K. Strauss, S. Wakefield, K. Yusoff
Subjugate or Exterminate! is an authoritative first-hand account of
the Russo-Chechen conflict by a Chechen leader who played a central
role in all the main events. Akhmed Zakayev rose rapidly from an
actor of Shakespearean roles to Commander of the Western Group for
the Defense of Ichkeria, and later served as Deputy Prime Minister
of Chechnya and, in exile, as Prime Minister of the Chechen
Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI). It describes how the Kremlin set about
discrediting and destroying a democratic government by interacting
with criminal gangs and fomenting Islamist forces to split the
Chechen independence movement in a perverse reversal of the "War on
Terror." Akhmed Zakayev's memoir begins with a historical survey of
the fraught relations between the Chechens and the Russian Empire
and Soviet Union, up to the collapse of the USSR. The advent of
Gorbachev's Perestroika raised hopes that independence might enable
Chechnya to end centuries of oppression and exploitation. Russia's
first war against Chechnya (1994-1996), initially conceived by the
military as a way of disguising the large-scale theft and
embezzlement of funds from illegal sales of Soviet armaments during
the withdrawal from East Germany, ended in humiliating defeat for
Russia. Thereafter, Russia set about subverting the democratically
elected government of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria by
instigating the gruesome murder of Western humanitarian aid workers
and business partners, and by financing criminal gangs and
anti-democratic Islamist groups that the ChRI police were unable to
subdue. Interference by nationals of countries in the Middle East
caused further disruption. In August 1999, Russia launched a brutal
second war in Chechnya, on grounds widely believed to be fabricated
and characterized by widespread war crimes. The West did not
intervene. This is an eyewitness account of the dangers faced by
the Chechen leaders as they tried to resist and negotiate with a
treacherous opponent. It ends in the year 2000, with Vladimir
Putin's election as Russia's president.
The Spratly Islands have represented a potential political and
military flashpoint in the South China Sea for years, involving as
they do various claims by China, the Philippines, Vietnam,
Malaysia, and Taiwan. This edited volume examines the issues
involved in light of confidence- building measures that new
high-resolution satellite imagery can offer to this, and other,
regions.
Baker, Wiencek, and their contributors assess the potential role
for cooperative monitoring in mitigating the risk of conflict
arising from multinational disputes over the Spratly Islands. They
analyze how this new generation of civilian and commercial
observation satellites can be used to reduce the changes of armed
conflict breaking out by providing transparency that will detect
and identify politically significant activities occurring at
disputed islands and reefs among the Spratlys. Of particular
interest to policy makers, scholars, and other researchers involved
with military issues in Asia and international security
concerns.
In this penetrating study, Mohd Aarif Rather tackles the problem of
the Kashmir Valley, one of the most complex situations in
international politics, from the perspective of human security. The
Kashmir conflict involves disputed borders between two nuclear
power, India and Pakistan, and a local population that has become
increasingly alienated from Indian federal rule. Kashmir has also
witnessed intense militarization, resulting in various security
issues, problematized identities, and disputed demarcation of
frontiers. Unlike previous studies of the Kashmir conflict, Mapping
Human Security Challenges departs from conventional analyses of
security issues. This study moves our understanding of Kashmir to a
grassroots level, and assesses the challenges posed by intensive
militarisation to the ability (or inability) to lead a life as one
wishes. The paradigmatic militarisation prevailing in the valley of
Kashmir allows for an examination of the numerous challenges
demanded by human security. Unexplored security issues frequently
identified in the world today are thus central to this book.
This timely 2 volume edited collection looks at the extent and
nature of global jihad, focusing on the often-exoticised
hinterlands of jihad beyond the traditionally viewed Middle Eastern
'centre'. As ISIS loses its footing in Syria and Iraq and al-Qaeda
regroups this comprehensive account will be a key work in the
on-going battle to better understand the dynamics of the jihads
global reality. Critically examining the global reach of the jihad
in these peripheries has the potential to tell us much about
patterns of both local mobilisation, and local rejection of a
grander centrally themed and administered jihad. Has the periphery
been receptive to an exported jihad from the centre or does the
local rooted cosmopolitanism of the jihad in the periphery suggest
a more complex glocal relationship? These questions and challenges
are more pertinent than ever as the likes of ISIS and many
commentators, attempt to globally rebrand the jihad and as the
centre reasserts its claims to the exotic periphery. Edited by Tom
Smith (Portsmouth), Kirsten E. Schulze (LSE) and Hussein Solomon
(UFS) the two volumes critically examine the various claims of
connections between jihadist terrorism in the 'periphery', remote
Islamist insurgencies of the 'periphery' and the global jihad. Each
volume draws on experts in each of the geographies in question. The
global nature of the jihad is too often taken for granted; yet the
extent of the glocal connections deserve focused investigation.
Without such inquiry we risk a reductive understanding of the
global jihad, further fostering Orientalist and Eurocentric
attitudes towards local conflicts and remote violence in the
periphery. This book will therefore draw attention to those who
overlook and undermine the distinct and rich particularities of the
often-contradictory and cosmopolitan global jihad. In many of the
peripheries, particularly those with intensive large-scale
insurgencies, there is extensive international military alliance.
The Bush doctrine to 'fight them over there, so we don't have to
fight them over here' certainly looks to be alive and well in
places like Somalia, the Philippines and Niger amongst many others.
Crucially we must ask - is such reasoning sound - is the threat
global and if so in what way? Furthermore - is action in the
peripheries under the guise of combating the global jihad
overlooking the local issues and threatening to make a wider threat
where it was otherwise contained? Diagnosing nations or regions as
'breeding grounds' or 'sanctuaries' of global jihad carries the
spectre of having to chose sides in a battle of civilisations,
which looms over a number of developing nations reliant on good
western relations.
A compilation of essays dealing with ethnic challenges to the
modern nation state and to modernity itself, on philosophical,
political and social levels. These issues are examined
theoretically and in a number of case studies encompassing three
types of states: industrialized, liberal states in Western Europe,
settler states in American, Africa and the Middle East, and post
colonial states in Asia and Africa. Contributors come from leading
universities in Israel, Europe and North America and several
academic disciplines.
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