In November 1999 the first protests associated with the 'anti-globalisation movement' took place in Seattle, and came to be seen as the starting point for globalised resistance to neoliberal capitalism. Despite initial optimism, the following years have seen little progress in formulating a coherent alternative to neoliberalism, a failure that has become particularly poignant in the aftermath of the recent credit crisis. Now, the neoliberal mandate that appeared to be in 'crisis' in just 2008 has reinvented itself through the guise of a new 'era of austerity'. In this timely book, Worth assesses the growing diversity of resistance to neoliberalism - progressive, nationalist and religious - and argues that, troublingly, the more reactionary alternatives to globalisation currently provide just as coherent a base for building opposition as those associated with the traditional 'left-wing' anti-globalisation movements. From the shortcomings of the Occupy movement to the rise of Radical Islam, the re-emergence of the far-right in Western Europe to the startling impact of the Tea Party in the US - Worth shows that while a progressive alternative is possible, it cannot be taken for granted.

This book traces W.E.B. Du Bois's fictionalization of history in his five major works of fiction and in his debut short story The Souls of Black Folk through a thematic framework of cosmopolitanism. In texts like The Negro and Black Folk: Then and Now, Du Bois argues that the human race originated from a single source, a claim authenticated by anthropologists and the Human Genome Project. This book breaks new ground by demonstrating the fashion in which the variants of cosmopolitanism become a profound theme in Du Bois's contribution to fiction. In general, cosmopolitanism claims that people belong to a single community informed by common moral values, function through a shared economic nomenclature, and are part of political systems grounded in mutual respect. This book addresses Du Bois's works as important additions to the academy and makes a significant contribution to literature by first demonstrating the way in which fiction could be utilized in discussing historical accounts in order to reach a global audience. "The Coming of John", The Quest of the Silver Fleece, Dark Princess: A Romance, and The Black Flame, an important trilogy published sequentially as The Ordeal of Mansart, Mansart Builds a School, and Worlds of Color are grounded in historical occurrences and administer as social histories providing commentary on Reconstruction, Jim Crow segregation, African American leadership, school desegregation, the Pan-African movement, imperialism, and colonialism in Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean.

"Della Porta has assembled a distinguished group of scholars who have made great strides in illuminating the early phases of the movement. The book includes especially keen analyses of the movement against global capitalism, particularly in its European manifestations." John D. McCarthy, Pennsylvania State University "Della Porta has skillfully coordinated a comparative study in six European countries and the US. Renowned scholars give testimony of the movement in their countries. [This is] the first attempt to document a genuine transnational movement." Bert Klandermans, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam You G-8, we 6 billion!" So went the chant at the international parade leading into the summit in Genoa, Italy. The global justice movement has led to a new wave of protest, building up transnational networks, inventing new strategies of action, constructing new images of democracy, and boldly asserting that "another world is possible". This book examines all this and more with case studies drawn from seven different countries, covering transnational networks and making cross-national comparisons. Leading European and American scholars analyze more than 300 organizations and 5,000 activists, looking at mobilizations that bridge old and new movements and bring politics back to the street. Contributors include: Massimiliano Andretta, Angel Calle, Helene Combes, Donatella della Porta, Nina Eggert, Marco Giugni, Jennifer Hadden, Manuel Jimenez, Raffaele Marchetti, Lorenzo Mosca, Mario Pianta, Herbert Reiter, Christopher Rootes, Dieter Rucht, Clare Saunders, Isabelle Sommier, Sidney Tarrow, Simon Teune, Mundo Yang.

Is it okay to write about people of other genders, races and identities? And how do I do this responsibly? Whether you are working in fiction, poetry, drama or creative non-fiction, becoming conscious of how you represent people of different social identities is one of the most important responsibilities you have as a writer. This is the first practical guide to thinking and writing reflectively about these issues. Organised in an easy-to-use A to Z format for practicing writers, teachers and students, Writing Intersectional Identities covers such key terms as: Appropriation Authenticity Body Class Counternarrative Disability Essentialism Gender Indigenous Power Privilege Representation The book is meant for writers of fiction, poetry, screenplays and creative non-fiction who are seeking to develop a writing practice that is attentive to the world. The book is supported by a companion website at www.criticalcreativewriting.org.

A Financial Times Politics Book of the Year 2021 Shortlisted for the 2022 Pushkin House Book Prize A fascinating account of Russia's famous dissident and the politics he embodies. Who is Alexei Navalny? Poisoned in August 2020 and transported to Germany for treatment, the politician returned to Russia in January 2021 in the full glare of the world media. His immediate detention at passport control set the stage for an explosive showdown with Vladimir Putin. But Navalny means very different things to different people. To some, he is a democratic hero. To others, he is betraying the Motherland. To others still, he is a dangerous nationalist. This book explores the many dimensions of Navalny's political life, from his pioneering anti-corruption investigations to his ideas and leadership of a political movement. It also looks at how his activities and the Kremlin's strategies have shaped one another. Navalny makes sense of this divisive character, revealing the contradictions of a man who is the second most important political figure in Russia-even when behind bars. In order to understand modern Russia, you need to understand Alexei Navalny.

Using the comparative historical method, this book looks at the experience of indigenous peoples, specifically the Native Hawaiians, showing how a nation can express culture and citizenship while seeking ways to attain greater sovereignty over territory, culture, and politics.

This book explains how Burma's booming drug production, insurgency, and counter-insurgency interrelate-and why the country has been unable to shake off thirty years of military rule and build a modern, democratic society.

This title was first published in 2003. Drawing on literary, art historical and historical studies, this essay collection explores the complex encounter between culture and politics within Surrealism. The Surrealist movement was one of the first cultural movements to question explicitly the relation between culture and politics, and its attempt to fuse social and cultural revolution has been a critical factor in shaping our sense of modernity. This anthology addresses not only the contested ground between culture and politics within Surrealism itself, and within the subsequent historical accounts of the movement, but also the broader implications of this encounter on our own sense of modernity. Its goal is to delineate the role of radical politics in shaping the historical trajectory of Surrealism.

This book examines anti-corporate activism in the United States, including analysis of anti-corporate challenges associated with social movements as diverse as the Civil Rights Movement and the Dolphin-Safe Tuna Movement. Using a unique dataset of protest events in the United States, the book shows that anti-corporate activism is primarily about corporate policies, products, and negligence. Although activists have always been distrustful of corporations and sought to change them, until the 1970s and 1980s, this was primarily accomplished via seeking government regulation of corporations or via organized labor. Sarah A. Soule traces the shift brought about by deregulation and the decline in organized labor, which prompted activists to target corporations directly, often in combination with targeting the state. Using the literatures on contentious and private politics, which are both essential for understanding anti-corporate activism, the book provides a nuanced understanding of the changing focal points of activism directed at corporations.

Bantu Holomisa is one of South Africa’s most respected and popular political figures. Born in the Transkei in 1955, he attended an elite school for the sons of chiefs and headmen. While other men his age were joining Umkhonto weSizwe, Holomisa enrolled in the Transkeian Defence Force and rose rapidly through the ranks.

As head of the Transkeian Defence Force, Holomisa led successive coups against the homeland regimes and then became the head of its military government. He turned the Transkei into a ‘liberated space’, giving shelter to ANC and PAC activists, and declared his intention of holding a referendum on the reincorporation of the Transkei into South Africa. These actions brought him immense popularity and the military dictator became a liberation hero for many South Africans.

When the unbanned ANC held its first election for its national executive in 1994, Holomisa, who had by now joined the party, received the most votes, beating long-time veterans and party stalwarts. He and Mandela developed a close relationship, and Holomisa served in Mandela’s cabinet as deputy minister for environmental affairs and tourism. As this biography reveals, the relationship with both Mandela and the ANC broke down after Holomisa testified before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, among other issues, that Stella Sigcau and her cabinet colleagues had accepted a bribe from Sol Kerzner.

After being expelled from the ANC, Holomisa formed his own party, the United Democratic Movement, with Roelf Meyer. As leader of the UDM, Holomisa has played a prominent role in building coalitions among opposition parties and in leading important challenges to the dominant party.

This biography, written in collaboration with Holomisa, presents an engaging and revealing account of a man who has made his mark as a game changer in South African politics.

This collection of essays confirms Carmen de Burgos's pivotal place in Spanish feminist history by bringing together eminent international scholars who offer new readings of Burgos's work. It includes the analyses of a number of lesser-known texts, both fictional and non-fictional, which give us a more comprehensive examination of Burgos's multipronge feminist approach. Burgos's works, especially her essays, are essential feminist reading and complement other European and North American traditions. Gaining familiarity with the breadth and depth of her work serves not only to provide an understanding of Spanish firstwave feminism, but also enriches our appreciation of cultural studies, gender studies, subaltern studies and travel literature. Looking at the entirety of her life and work, and the wide-ranging contributions in this volume, it is evident that Burgos embodied the tensions between tradition and modernity, depicting multiple representations of womanhood. Encouraging women to take ownership of their personal fashion, the design of their homes and the decorum of their families were steps towards recognizing a female population that was cognizant of its own desires.

Examining in detail the apparently inexorable polarization of society in such countries as Rwanda, Algeria, and South Africa, the author questions whether current theories correctly explain the past or offer adequate guides for the future. In their place he puts forward an alternative neo-Durkheimian view of the possibility of non-violent revolutionary change, based on the development of such social and cultural continuities as already exist within each plural society. But he warns that "this is an age of passionate commitment to violence in which vicarious killers abound in search of a Vietnam of their own." The aim of this groundbreaking and challenging book is to create theoretical perspectives in which to view the racial conflict of plural societies. Written in the turbulent early 1970s, the book demonstrates the inadequacy of then prevailing views such as Marxist interpretations of racial conflict as class struggle, and the Fanon "a priori" rejection of non-violent techniques of change, which Kuper holds responsible for the acceptance of what he calls "the platitudes of violence." The book concludes with more personal sections focusing on the author's struggles with the then prevailing South African society, critiques of that, and censorship of his attempts to make these public. In the light of subsequent changes in South Africa many decades later, this book serves not only as an important work of political sociology but as a personal testament to the fight against racism in South Africa. "Leo Kuper" was professor of sociology and director of the African Studies Center at the University of California, Los Angeles. A South African by birth, he was one of the first writers on genocide as well as other aspects of African studies and urban sociology. His major book, "Genocide" (Penguin, 1981), remains in print. The Leo Kuper Foundation is a non-governmental organization dedicated to the eradication of genocide through research, advice, and education. It was created in Washington, DC in 1994 following the death of Leo Kuper, with the aim of improving measures to prevent genocide. The main area of work for the past five years has been in support of the creation of an International Criminal Court. "Troy Duster" is director at the Institute for the History of the Production of Knowledge, New York University.

The investigation of the internal workings of interest groups opens the view on the behavioural dynamics within these organisations. By analysing their intraorganisational structures, this book explains how groups prepare to become active in the European Union and why we observe contact, conflict and cooperation of interest groups and other political actors in the European arena. The book presents four causal mechanisms which explain, on the one hand, why interest groups engage with contacts across a diverse set of political actors and, on the other hand, why some interest organisations are more actionable at the European level than others. It furthermore elaborates a typology of interest groups along intraorganisational criteria. The analysis of twelve differing case studies provides a rich empirical ground to explain how and why certain intraorganisational processes unfold within interest groups. It thereby sheds light on the behavioural organisational patterns which drive interest group agency in European multi-level politics. This book will be of key interest to students and scholars of interest groups, lobbying, European Union politics and more broadly to public policy/administration and comparative politics.

The history of colonial East Asia is a human anatomy describing beneficial organs of foreign rule. Proclaiming itself a schematic diagram open to inspection, the anatomy of the late British Empire nevertheless obscured much more than it revealed. This analogy in Price's provocative Cold War history is not presented only as an insight on imperialism but deciphers competing nationalist ideologies, too. The Kuomintang contended vigorously against communist rule in southern China for a decade after the end of the civil war in 1949 and Chinese communists disparaged British colonialism in Hong Kong in a war of words peaking in 1956-1957. These clashes of will did not produce new rulers in either place. They informed a period of Sino-British strategic partnership based on recognition that a capitalist enclave in southern China had its uses. By focusing on the Hong Kong region, Resistance in Colonial and Communist China compares anatomies of the British colonial government, the Chinese communists and stateless members of the remnant Kuomintang (1950-1963). Price asserts that after 1949, the colonial government of Hong Kong politically favoured the Kuomintang organised crime societies over their communist nationalist adversaries despite historiographical explanation that it favoured neither. This book challenges traditional concepts of the British colonial government and its attitude towards communist China. It engages in current debates surrounding Britain's past by presenting a particularly devious episode of late colonial history.

This edited Adelphi volume brings together senior scholars as well as rising analysts of Egypt to examine the turbulent period from the January 2011 uprising to the consolidation of power of President Abdelfattah el-Sisi in 2014-15. The nine authors provide a sober, in-depth look at the country's contested politics, institutional and political players, struggling economy, constant foreign policy and evolving security challenges. The book analyses the complex calculations of the various political and social forces that emerged from or surfed on the revolutionary fervor that gripped Egypt in 2011, from the Muslim Brotherhood to non-Islamist factions and civil society groups. It examines the rise and limitations of Islamist politics and the military and societal response to Muslim Brotherhood rule. In parallel, it investigates how state institutions (the military but also the judiciary and the bureaucracy) have adapted and shaped the transition to secure their own interests, resulting in the accession to power of el-Sisi after the popular mobilization and military coup of July 2013. One chapter examines the foundations and constancy of Egyptian foreign policy throughout the transition. The policy responses to Egypt's economic ills are also detailed. A chapter is dedicated to the study of Egypt's worsening security threats and an assessment of the state response.

The establishment of the Third Republic in France in the 1870s swept the nobility from power and established republican government supported by the professional classes, the peasantry, and small businessmen. Paris shopkeepers at first allied themselves with this new republican order but then broke away from it, claiming it favored the rise of large department stores that threatened their livelihood. This work offers a broader interpretation of their protests within the context of general social and cultural developments, providing a colorful and convincing description and analysis of Parisian politics in this critical era of French history. Historians' previous explanations of shopkeeper discontent during the period have centered on the rise of the department store. In contrast, Nord shifts the locus of interpretation to the impact of Baron Haussmann's rebuilding of Paris and the economic crisis of the 1880s on the Paris retail market. In addition, the author challenges the assumption that retailers' protest translates directly into a politics of reaction. His interpretation is an example of social history at its best, and will appeal to those interested in France, social movements, and nineteenth-century Europe. Available for the first time in paperback, this edition includes a new introduction by the author that discusses the book's themes--politics of consumption, nationalism, anti-Semitism--in terms of current historiographical concerns. He also examines whether our own era is not one of political realignment with a potential for right-wing extremism.

Between 1995 and 1996 in Tepoztlan, Morelos, a movement was made against the construction of a large tourist development project. The case gained international attention as community members rejected their elected officials, designed their own local government and eventually won bitter victory against both the state and the internationally financed corporation developing a golf course and country club. This work focuses on how, in a time of generalized political change in Mexico, activists blended local, national and transnational courses of identity and social change to produce political practices that allowed them to win redress of their grievances, to alter local social relations and to contribute to changes within the national political system. Here, the anti-golf movement is chronicled. Important symbolic and organizational networks within Tepoztlan that took part in the conflict are explored. The role of global influences on the community's everyday life is examined, as well as the ways in which the movement contributed to the evolution of a more democratic culture. Parallels in the more recent movement in Atenco against the construction of Mexico City's new international airport are analyzed.

This book provides a comprehensive and nuanced analysis of the 'anti-globalisation' struggles taking place in many different parts of the world. It shows the complexity and diversity of these movements and illustrates this with a number of detailed empirical studies of local, national and transnational resistance in the United States, Europe, Asia and Africa. The book also introduces a variety of competing theoretical perspectives from international political economy, social movement theory, globalisation studies, feminism and postmodernism. The contributors delineate how activism has influenced theory and how theory can help activists to modify their tactics. The global protest movement has made a huge impact on world politics and this book is essential reading for students, scholars and activists with an interest in this area.

The Ku Klux Klan, the Aryan Nations, and many ultra-right-wing racist ?religious? organizations adhere to a doctrine called Christian Identity. Christian Identity is not a denomination, but a loosely organized movementembracing a range of beliefs. Its foundation is the theory that Anglo-Saxons (and Aryans, in most cases) are the true descendants of the Lost Tribes of Israel, and are the chosen people of God. Christian Identity is a bloodline religion: a belief system irrevocably tied to race. As such it lends itself to the violence, racism, and anti?Semitism of its more militant practitioners, and its growth and links to domestic terrorism warrant a better understanding of the movement.

This survey of the Christian Identity Movement traces its development and beliefs, from its origins to its modern manifestations. It examines the doctrines and visions of the future of Identity communities and organizations in America. The initial chapter explores British Israelism, forerunner of most bloodline Identity groups; the oral traditions behind the movement are reviewed in the second. The third chapter outlines the American Israel, Israel Identity and bloodline Identity movements, including major figures and groups. The following chapters provide an introduction to Christian Identity itself, its general religious tenets, and post?Creation beliefs upon which much of the theory is based. Subsequent chapters describe militant bloodline and Identity groups, and individual militant Identity leaders. The final chapter explores the ?Third American Revolution? predicted by these groups, a forthcoming war based on race and religion.

Challenging Authoritarianism in Southeast Asia is one of the first substantial comparative studies of contemporary Indonesia and Malaysia, homes to the world's largest Muslim population. Following the collapse of New Order rule in Indonesia in 1998, this book provides an in-depth examination of anti-authoritarian forces in contemporary Indonesia and Malaysia, assessing their problems and prospects. The authors discuss the roles played by women, public intellectuals, arts workers, industrial workers as well as environmental and Islamic activists. They explore how different forms of authoritarianism in the two countries affect the prospects of democratization, and examine the impact and legacy of the diverse social and political protests in Indonesia and Malaysia in the late 1990s.

This work applies Jacques Derrida's framework of "spectropolitics" to (post)coloniality in order to investigate the emergence of indigenous peoples' movements, advances a poststructural approach to the analysis of liberal politics based upon the historical sociology of Michel Foucault, and critically engages the literatures on ethnic politics, critical legal studies, and multicultural democracy. In addition, two historical case dossiers (the Mabo v. Queensland decision and its aftermath in Australia; and the diverse legal strategies of First Nations activism in Canada following the Delgamuukw v. B.C. decision) focus on the "strategic space" in which new indigenous political identities are produced and performed.

Contents:
Introduction Paul Gready 1. Human rights and global civil society: on the law of unintended effects Richard Falk 2. Civil society and the landmine ban Don Hubert 3. Debt cancellation and civil society: a case study of Jubilee 2000 Nick Buxton 4. The Pinochet case: the catalyst for deepening democracy in Chile? Ann Matear 5. Civil society and the campaign for the International Criminal Court William Pace 6. Civil society and environmental justice Carolyn Stephens, Simon Bullock and Alister Scott 7. 'The most debilitating discrimination of all': civil society's campaign for access to treatment for AIDS Bridget Sleep 8. Climb every mountain: civil society and the conflict diamonds campaign Ian Smillie

Bringing together scholars and practitioners from a range of disciplinary backgrounds working in Europe, North and South America, South Asia and the Middle East, this volume explores the question of how to ensure that migration research feeds back into improving the lives of migrants. It emphasises the necessarily interdisciplinary and cross-boundary nature of migration research, offering methodological recommendations to anyone studying or working in the field, and showing how migration studies can usefully affect real contexts by better exploring the potential that exists for both bridging academic disciplines and building links with work that occurs beyond strictly academic forums. Organised around the themes of methodological considerations and interdisciplinary approaches, the experiences of migrants as researchers and interaction between practitioners, policy-makers and academics, Migration Across Boundaries discusses the realities of the discourses that surround international migration, examining the proper role of academia in bringing together a range of stakeholders to formulate dialogic approaches to understanding migration. An international and interdisciplinary contribution to our understanding of how research in migration can be brought to bear on the experiences of migrants and linked to the work of activists, artists and policy-makers, this book will appeal not only to scholars and students of migration across the social sciences, but also to those working in the fields of migrant advocacy and activism.

Examining the relationships between activists and the changing political environment, this book analyzes the trajectories of three major social movements in Taiwan during the country's democratic transition between 1980 and 2000. In doing so, it explores why the labor and environmental movements became less partisan, while the women's movement became more so. Providing a comparative discussion of these critical social movements, this book explores key theoretical questions and presents a rich and comprehensive analysis of social activism during this period of Taiwan's political history. It focuses on causal mechanisms and variation and thus avoids the tautological trap of finding an "improving" political opportunity structure wherever a social movement is flourishing. Drawing on extensive data from over 140 activists' demographic backgrounds, the discussion also builds upon existing studies of the "biographical" aspects of contention. This study then asks further questions about how certain tactics are chosen, not only how a repertoire of contention comes to have the shape it does. Combining both a theoretical and an empirical approach, this book will be useful to students and scholars of Taiwanese politics and society, as well as social movements and democracy more generally.