North Korea is Orwell's 1984 made reality: it is the only country in the world not connected to the internet; Gone with the Wind is a dangerous, banned book; during political rallies, spies study your expression to check your sincerity.

After the death of the country's great leader Kim Il Sung in 1994, famine descended: people stumbled over dead bodies in the street and ate tree bark to survive. Nothing to Envy weaves together the stories of adversity and resilience of six residents of Chongin, North Korea's third largest city.

From extensive interviews and with tenacious investigative work, Barbara Demick has recreated the concerns, culture and lifestyles of North Korean citizens in a gripping narrative, and vividly reconstructed the inner workings of this extraordinary and secretive country.

America's founding mothers and fathers built gender bias into American politics. This book examines traditional prejudices against women's political participation as well as efforts to overcome these prejudices during a revolutionary era. It inquires into the shifting male hierarchies that kept some men out of politics, admitted others to a limited citizenship, and privileged a few men with leadership authority. It also assesses the impact of the founders' gender bias on modern American politics. The gendering of American poltics began as a compromise between traditional patriarchal ideals that subordinated all women to male authority and revolutionary norms that recognized women's capacity for independence, reason, and patriotism. That compromise was manifested in the doctrine of "republican womanhood" which perpetuated women's exclusion from citizenship but afforded women sufficient educational opportunity and family influence to raise citizens and educate statesmen for the new republic. The gendering of American politics was concluded by a second compromise. The founders often expressed a desire to exclude disorderly men from public life and empower a few heroic men to exercise great leadership powers, but they generally settled for granting weak citizenship to most white family men and supporting elite government by accomplished gentleman legislators.

In October 1998, General Augusto Pinochet, former dictator of Chile, was arrested in London. He had been charged with crimes against humanity by a Spanish magistrate, but over the 16 months that Pinochet was detained, equally intriguing questions went unanswered about his links with Britain. Why was Margaret Thatcher so keen to defend the General? Why was Tony Blair's usually cautious government prepared to have him arrested? And why was Britain the General's favourite foreign country? Andy Beckett offers a compound of history, investigation and travelogue that unravels this strange story.

Applying a broad geographical approach to comparative Latino literary and cultural studies, Continental Shifts illuminates how the discursive treatment of Latinos changed dramatically following the enactment of NAFTA-a shift exacerbated by 9/11. While previous studies of immigrant representation have focused on single regions (the US/Mexico border in particular), specific genres (literature vs. political rhetoric), or individual groups, Continental Shifts unites these disparate discussions in a provocative, in-depth examination. Bringing together a wide range of groups and genres, this intercultural study explores novels by Latin American and Latino writers, a border film by Tommy Lee Jones and Guillermo Arriaga, "viral" videos of political speeches, popular television programming (particularly shows that feature incarceration and public shaming), and user-generated YouTube videos. These cultural products reveal the complexity of Latino representations in contemporary discourse. While tropes of Latino migrants as threatening, diseased foreign bodies date back to the nineteenth century, Continental Shifts marks the more pernicious, recent images of Latino laborers (legal and not) in a variety of contemporary media. Using vivid examples, John Riofrio demonstrates the connections between rhetorical and ideological violence and the physical and psychological violence that has more intensely plagued Latino communities in recent decades. Culminating with a consideration of the "American" identity, this eye-opening work ultimately probes the nation's ongoing struggle to uphold democratic ideals amid dehumanizing multiethnic tension.

Human trafficking is a phenomenon that encompasses more than a perceived threat to the sovereignty and security of states and their citizens. It is the ultimate manifestation of the current social, economic, cultural, and political landscape being so entrenched in discrimination, inequality, exclusion, and exploitation across the globe. Based on theoretical and empirical evidence from a cross-country study, this book unfolds the basic structure of these criminal organizations, the sophisticated methods and technology used, and the interactions and roles played by state and non-state actors. Through a more holistic lens, Siddhartha Sarkar examines the complex network of human trafficking governance-transnational cooperation, legislation, and enforcement-required to tackle this global problem.

This book examines cultural heritage law in both its public and private modalities, focusing on the search for new solutions in national legislations. Both tangible and intangible cultural heritage pose challenges for national legislation regarding the legal histories of the respective countries, obligations deriving from international law, and the independence of respective national searches for a tailored protection model. Although the concept of cultural heritage transcends civil law regulation and property rights, it must be considered when attempting to establish any coherent cultural heritage protection system. In national legislation, we can now observe an increased interest in leveraging civil law or private law to strengthen cultural heritage protection systems. This book looks beyond public and private law on cultural heritage in order to address its complex status as a legal hybrid. Further, the book shows how current problems in the international debate are mirrored in national legislation. Poland is used as a practical example, while also referring to other countries' solutions as well as EU and international law instruments. This approach enables the reader to examine the creation of national legislation at the operational level and provides a template for all national lawyers concerning current challenges and emerging trends. The book's target audience includes researchers and practitioners in the field of cultural heritage law, as well as public and private law experts. The topics covered can also be helpful for law students, art market actors, and all those interested in the challenges of cultural heritage protection.

This book examines John Locke as a theorist of migration, immigration, and the movement of peoples. It outlines the contours of the public discourse surrounding migration in the seventeenth century and situates Locke’s in-depth involvement in these debates. The volume presents a variety of undercurrents in Locke’s writing — his ideas on populationism, naturalization, colonization and the right to withdrawal, the plight of refugees, and territorial rights — which have great import in present-day debates about migration. Departing from the popular extant literature that sees Locke advocating for a strong right to exclude foreigners, the author proposes a Lockean theory of immigration that recognizes the fundamental right to emigrate, thus catering to an age wrought with terrorism, xenophobia and economic inequality. A unique and compelling contribution, the volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of political theory, political philosophy, history of international politics, international relations, international political economy, public policy, seventeenth century English history, migration and citizenship studies, and moral philosophy.

This book presents an important discussion on land tenure rights for the effective implementation of sustainable soil management provisions. It investigates a variety of aspects, such as the clash of modern and traditional tenure concepts, forms of illegal or illegitimate land acquisition, and the preconditions for legal and legitimate investments. In addition, the book analyses the challenges to ensuring secure land tenure rights in Africa and in Germany. Lastly, it provides information on the role of women in this context. This fifth volume of the International Yearbook of Soil Law and Policy is divided into four parts, the first of which deals with various aspects of the theme "Land Tenure Rights and Sustainable Soil Management". The second part covers recent international developments, the third part presents regional and national reports, and the fourth discusses overarching issues. Given the range of key topics covered, the book offers an indispensable tool for all academics, legislators and policymakers working in this field. The "International Yearbook of Soil Law and Policy" series discusses central questions in law and politics with regard to the protection and sustainable management of soil and land - at the international, national, and regional level.

The chapters in this book are reworkings of presentations given during a conference held in 2018 at the German Embassy to the Netherlands in The Hague on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the adoption of the Rome Statute. They provide an in-depth analysis of major points of contention the International Criminal Court (ICC) is currently facing, such as, inter alia, head of state immunities, withdrawal from the Rome Statute, the exercise of jurisdiction vis-a-vis third-party nationals, the activation of the Court's jurisdiction regarding the crime of aggression, as well as the relationship of the Court with both the Security Council and the African Union, all of which are issues that have a continued relevance and carry a particular controversy. The collection provides insights from both practitioners, including judges of the ICC, and diplomats who participated in the negotiations leading to the adoption of the Rome Statute, as well as well-known academics from various parts of the world working in the field of international criminal law. The aim of the book is not only to inform and stimulate academic debate on the topic, but also to serve as an instrument for lawyers involved in the practice of international criminal law. Gerhard Werle is Professor at the Faculty of Law of the Humboldt-University in Berlin, Germany and Andreas Zimmermann is Professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of Potsdam in Germany. Jurgen Bering, who worked on this book as assistant editor, is an Associate at Dentons, Berlin and a PhD candidate at the Martin Luther University, Halle-Wittenberg, Germany.

From the Nuremberg trials to the arrest of General Pinochet to the prosecution of barbarians of the Balkans, we have crafted a global human rights law to punish crimes against humanity. And yet today it is rarely applied: the International Criminal Court has faltered, populist governments refuse to cooperate, the UN Security Council is pole-axed and liberal democracy is on the defensive. When faced with the torture of Sergei Magnitsky, the murder of Jamal Khashoggi and the repression of the Uighurs, what recourse do we have? Distinguished human rights lawyer Geoffrey Robertson argues that our most powerful weapon is Magnitsky laws, by which not only perpetrators but their accomplices - lickspittle judges, doctors who assist in torture, corporations that profit from slave labour - are named, shamed and blamed. Though the UK and the EU have passed nascent Magnitsky laws, they are not deploying them effectively. It is only by developing a full-blooded system of coordinated sanctions - banning human rights violators from entering democratic countries to funnel their ill-gotten gains through Western banks and take advantage of our schools and hospitals - that we can fight back against cruelty and corruption. Bad People sets out a Plan B for human rights, offering a new blueprint for global justice in a post-pandemic world.

While liberal-democratic states like America, Britain and Australia claim to value freedom of expression and the right to dissent, they have always actually criminalized dissent. This disposition has worsened since 9/11 and the 2008 Great Recession. This ground-breaking study shows that just as dissent involves far more than protest marches, so too liberal-democratic states have expanded the criminalization of dissent. Drawing on political and social theorists like Arendt, Bourdieu and Isin, the book offers a new way of thinking about politics, dissent and its criminalization relationally. Using case studies like the Occupy movement, selective refusal by Israeli soldiers, urban squatters, democratic education and violence by anti-Apartheid activists, the book highlights the many forms dissent takes along with the many ways liberal-democratic states criminalize it. The book highlights the mix of fear and delusion in play when states privilege security to protect an imagined 'political order' from difference and disagreement. The book makes a major contribution to political theory, legal studies and sociology. Linking legal, political and normative studies in new ways, Watts shows that ultimately liberal-democracies rely more on sovereignty and the capacity for coercion and declarations of legal 'states of exception' than on liberal-democratic principles. In a time marked by a deepening crisis of democracy, the book argues dissent is increasingly valuable.

This volume contains the proceedings of the 10th International Symposium on Circumcision, Genital Integrity, and Human Rights. Authors are international experts in their fields, and the book contains the most up-to-date information on the issue of genital cutting of infants and children from medical, legal, bioethical, and human rights perspectives.

In The Politics of Inequality, David Pettinicchio has gathered an interdisciplinary team of leading experts to make a valuable contribution to the existing inequalities literature through a political sociology lens. Broad social, political and economic forces associated with neoliberalism and globalization, climate change, migration and immigration, health, global financial crises, and crime and punishment, among others, have manifested themselves in a variety of different ways, in turn influencing the politics of inequality across local, national and international contexts. This volume explores a wide range of topics showcasing the multidimensional nature of the politics of inequality. Some of these topics include inequalities within democratic movements, youth political engagement, environmental justice, the impacts of neoliberal capitalism on reproductive autonomy, the politics of educational inequalities, the effects of different forms of collective action on perceptions of inequality, public health and care work, the intersection of race and LGBTQ status in political representation, and much more.

This book draws attention to the nonlegal, sociocultural aspects of justice for minorities in China. The primary objectives are threefold. The first is to present a tentative analysis of the lived realities of being 'the other' in China, with the aim of presenting a critical picture of the complex national context and identifying main concerns and key challenges. Six topics are covered - gender roles, health, class, intimacy, ethnicity and religion, and expression. The second objective is to explore the interaction between a wide range of factors and myriad systems that enable or hinder protection and justice for these groups, be they historical, political, social, or cultural, hoping to open up a rich domain of inquiry for those interested in to what extent and in what ways otherness may or may not survive in China. The third objective is to bring attention to new trends and developments, some are easily identifiable whereas others are less detectable, some are interrelated while others are relatively isolated, some are straightforward and others remain easily misinterpreted.

Pacifist Warrior introduces Robert Pickus, his leadership role in the pacifist community (1951-2016), and his thoughtful work to constructively engage the United States in world politics. He called for leadership by the United States to move a conflict-filled world towards peace through non-military initiatives, designed to gain the reciprocation of allies and dedicated adversaries alike. Robert Pickus earned the title "Pacifist Warrior" because he not only believed pacifism in a nuclear age was a moral imperative, it was also a more effective strategy towards a world without war. Pickus' career lasted from 1951 to 2016. As Director of the World Without War Council office in Berkeley, he engaged civic, labor, business, and religious organizations to work for a world without war. He worked at the juncture where advocates of war-as-a-last-resort met community peace advocates to develop non-military alternatives to war. His signature contribution was a compendium of American Peace Initiatives developed with other key leaders, including George Weigel, Harold Guetzkow, Sidney Hook and Ted Sorensen. During his tenure, the WWWC developed a strategy of American peace initiatives to get from here to a world without war. The ideas of reciprocation, universal participation and non-violent change apply to both arms control and disarmament as well as climate change.

This progressive volume furthers the interreligious, international and interdisciplinary understanding of the role of religion in the area of human rights. Building bridges between the often-separated spheres of academics, policy makers and practitioners, it draws on the expertise of its authors alongside historical and contemporary examples of how religion's role in human rights manifests. At the core of the book are four case studies, dealing with Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Authors from each religion show the positive potential that their faith and its respective traditions has for the promotion of human rights, whilst also addressing why and how it stands in the way of fulfilling this potential. Addressed to policy makers, academics and practitioners worldwide, this engaging and accessible volume provides pragmatic studies on how religious and secular actors can cooperate and contribute to policies that improve global human rights.

This book analyses the principle of equality from three perspectives: public international law, private international law and EU law. It is the first book in English providing a comprehensive overview of this principle in these areas of law and showing the current trends and issues concerning its application. Its main goal is to understand whether and to what extent the principle of equality has been affirmed in public and private international law, as well as EU law, and what - if any - the common core of this principle is.The analysis carried out in this contributed volume starts from general analyses of the principle of equality in the areas of the law covered by the book and then discusses the principle in more specific areas, such as human rights law, international adjudication (including investment law) and the law of international organizations. The book is intended to become a benchmark for academics dealing with matters of equality in public international law, private international law and EU law. It will be a useful tool for practitioners too, the collected chapters being based on the relevant case law dealing with the principle of equality. Daniele Amoroso is Professor of International Law in the Department of Law of the University of Cagliari, Cagliari, Italy. Loris Marotti is Assistant Professor of International Law in the Department of Law at the Federico II University of Naples, Italy. Pierfrancesco Rossi is Postdoctoral Fellow in International Law in the Department of Law of Luiss University, Rome, Italy. Andrea Spagnolo is Professor of International Law in the Department of Law of the University of Turin, Turin, Italy. Giovanni Zarra is Professor of International Law and International Litigation in the Department of Law at the Federico II University of Naples, Italy.

This book critically analyses how the law has facilitated, or hindered, the recognition of same-sex family formations in Ireland, and how it might be reformed to provide greater parental rights for same-sex couples. The book covers four key issues facing same-sex couples: - Civil partnerships: the first chapter analyses the pragmatic and symbolic effects of registered civil partnership, and compares Ireland's decision to discontinue this alternative form of relationship recognition with the UK's recent move towards extending civil partnership laws. - Cohabitation: chapter 2 assesses whether the cohabitation model introduced in Ireland might be effective in other jurisdictions where there are calls for cohabitation law reform. - Marriage equality: chapter 3 explores the initial move to prohibit marriage equality in Ireland, and critiques the subsequent route towards the 2015 referendum, with comparison to the more recent move towards marriage equality in Australia. - Parental rights: the fourth chapter focuses on the legal position of same-sex couples who are parenting children born via Assisted Reproductive Techniques (ARTs), such as donor-assisted human reproduction and surrogacy. In particular, it explores shortcomings in the existing legislation and proposes a viable method of regulating these ARTs via future legislation, partly based on models in operation elsewhere. The book concludes by assessing the impact, or lack thereof, of the European Convention on Human Rights on same-sex relationship recognition, same-sex parenting, and marriage equality, in order to determine whether it could promote increased legal recognition for same-sex families in Ireland.

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is one of the most important and debated sociopolitical documents of the twentieth century. A leading authority on the UDHR, Johannes Morsink is the author of The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Origins, Drafting, and Intent (2000) and Inherent Human Rights: Philosophical Roots of the Universal Declaration (2009). With this new book, Morsink has now written a volume for a new generation of human rights students and activists, one that presents an article-by-article account of the formulation of each article in the UDHR. The author comments perceptively on how they have been argued, argued over, and used in a wide range of political discourses. Comprised of short essays on each of the Declaration's thirty articles, this book constitutes the most accessible and comprehensive approach to this document and explicates the UDHR's continued relevance in contemporary times. Throughout the book, Morsink explains how this 1948 iconic text can help us in the twenty-first century. He shows us the high moral ground we need to fight evils perpetuated during and after World War II that now present themselves in new garb and does so in a clear and concise manner.

The book examines the international treaty regimes and the Indian laws in depth. It also looks into the landmark cases, decided by both, the domestic courts in India and the international tribunals. The book would give an understanding between the concepts of extradition in relation to terrorism-related cases. It would provide an in-depth understanding of the inter-relatedness of the various branches of International law and the municipal laws as well.

Introduction - PART 1 MORALITY - Rules, Principles and Conduct - Morality and Society - Moral Universality and Moral Diversity - Moral Diversity Continued: Religion and Ideology - Morality and the 'Categorical Imperative' - PART 2 RIGHTS - The Idea of Rights - The Idea of Rights Continued - The Idea of Rights Continued: Human Rights - Human Rights and Politics - Notes - Index

Pinder explores how globalization has shaped, and continues to shape, the American economy, which impacts the welfare state in markedly new ways. In the United States, the transformation from a manufacturing economy to a service economy escalated the need for an abundance of flexible, exploitable, cheap workers. The implementation of the Personal Responsibility Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), whose generic term is workfare, is one of the many ways in which the government responded to capital need for cheap labor. While there is a clear link between welfare and low-wage markets, workfare forces welfare recipients, including single mothers with young children, to work outside of the home in exchange for their welfare checks. More importantly, workfare provides an "underclass" of labor that is trapped in jobs that pay minimum wage. This "underclass" is characteristically gendered and racialized, and the book builds on these insights and seeks to illuminate a crucial but largely overlooked aspect of the negative impact of workfare on black single mother welfare recipients. The stereotype of the "underclass," which is infused with racial meaning, is used to describe and illustrate the position of black single mother welfare recipients and is an implicit way of talking about poor women with an invidious racist and sexist subtext, which Pinder suggests is one of the ways in which "gendered racism" presents itself in the United States. Ultimately, the book analyzes the intersectionality of race, gender, and class in terms of welfare policy reform in the United States.

This book traces, assesses and compares the history of conscientious objection - in the cultural context of six common law nations - from refusal of military service and a range of similar moral dilemmas, to objecting to abortion, to the current social polarisation surrounding vaccination hesitancy in the COVID-19 pandemic. It considers the impact of this form of dissent in relation to social movements like Black Lives Matter, social activists such as Gandhi, and whistle blowers like Daniel Ellsberg. It reflects on the relationships between the sacred and the secular, the state and the citizen, in order to better understand the responsibilities of citizenship in our increasingly secular societies. It analyses what defines the conscientiousness of an objection from both legal and ethical standpoints. It examines what constitutes a matter of conscience, why this should justify exemption from civic duties and why this form of dissent has such a time-honoured status. It explores the increased reliance on "grounds of religion, belief or conscience" as providing justification for excusing some citizens from complying with certain responsibilities - mandated by equality and non-discrimination legislation - that are binding for all others. By conducting a comparative evaluation of national law and judicial rulings on a fixed agenda of issues, this book identifies key jurisdictional differences concerning conscientious objection. In so doing, it highlights the importance of cultural context and constructs a jurisdiction-specific overview of legislation, policies and case law. By tracking policy developments and highlighting crucial judicial rulings - particularly in the US - it provides insights into the probable future direction of developments in national law relating to conscientious objection. Lastly, the book draws attention to some of the potential consequences of manifesting dissent by opting out of performing public services - e.g. the possible local breakdown of specific service availability (e.g. abortion, officiating at same-sex marriages, and immunisation); prompting population movements as established democratic civil rights are locally negated (reproductive rights, LGBT rights, right to health protection); fragmenting society into a geographic patchwork of regions in which some citizens are branded as conservative/reactionary and others as progressive; and fuelling the culture wars - with profound implications for a coherent democratic society.

Friedman writes that the 4,500 Jews left in Syria--virtual hostages in Syria's conflict with Israel--live under conditions that have been compared to those of Nazi Germany. He details the suffering and persecution endured by Jews living in Damascus, Aleppo, and Qamishli during the last 30 years. He includes first-hand accounts of Jews oppressed by the Syrian government, including the torture of Jews in Syrian prisons. Friedman urges putting pressure on the Syrian government through petitions to government representatives, the United Nations, the International Red Cross, and the Vatican. "Booklist"

Of the 40,000 Jews who lived in Syria prior to 1948, some 4,500 remain as virtual hostages in Syria's conflict with Israel--under conditions that have been compared with those in Nazi Germany. Friedman describes the experiences of this persecuted group in the hope that the pressure of public opinion will persuade the Syrian government to put an end to the torture, killing, and harassment and allow Jewish residents to emigrate.

The author recounts the suffering and injustice endured by individuals and families living in Jewish sections of Damascus, Aleppo, and Qamishli over the past thirty years. The book includes several moving first-person accounts that graphically reveal both the systematic oppression that characterizes the Syrian government's treatment of Jewish citizens, as well as the government's tolerance of acts of violence against Jews committed by members of the Arab majority. To safeguard those who have been left behind, the author conceals the identities of both Jews still living in Syria and the rescuers who have been working to get them out, and he withholds specific information about escape methods and routes. This book carries an important message that will be of interest to general readers as well as students and specialists in Near Eastern affairs.

The central question taken up by this essay collection is the degree to which judges have--or have not--served as protectors of human rights. Although the judiciary is nominally a part of the governing structure, it is also nearly always the case that it stands apart from the political actors who make and carry out policy. Thus, Gibney and Frankowski contend, judges have not designed or carried out the myriad human rights violations that are so common in the world today. The key question asked in this volume is to what extent have courts merely abided by egregious practices, or perhaps have even lent a cover of legitimation--or conversely, the degree to which courts have purposely attempted to bring about some change in stemming governmental abuses. No single volume could cover every country experiencing gross levels of human rights abuses. The effort here has been to provide a cross section of judicial systems throughout the world, and to focus on judicial systems that have become involved in addressing human rights issues.