This volume contains the proceedings of the 10th International Symposium on Circumcision, Genital Integrity, and Human Rights. Authors are international experts in their fields, and the book contains the most up-to-date information on the issue of genital cutting of infants and children from medical, legal, bioethical, and human rights perspectives.

In The Politics of Inequality, David Pettinicchio has gathered an interdisciplinary team of leading experts to make a valuable contribution to the existing inequalities literature through a political sociology lens. Broad social, political and economic forces associated with neoliberalism and globalization, climate change, migration and immigration, health, global financial crises, and crime and punishment, among others, have manifested themselves in a variety of different ways, in turn influencing the politics of inequality across local, national and international contexts. This volume explores a wide range of topics showcasing the multidimensional nature of the politics of inequality. Some of these topics include inequalities within democratic movements, youth political engagement, environmental justice, the impacts of neoliberal capitalism on reproductive autonomy, the politics of educational inequalities, the effects of different forms of collective action on perceptions of inequality, public health and care work, the intersection of race and LGBTQ status in political representation, and much more.

This book draws attention to the nonlegal, sociocultural aspects of justice for minorities in China. The primary objectives are threefold. The first is to present a tentative analysis of the lived realities of being 'the other' in China, with the aim of presenting a critical picture of the complex national context and identifying main concerns and key challenges. Six topics are covered - gender roles, health, class, intimacy, ethnicity and religion, and expression. The second objective is to explore the interaction between a wide range of factors and myriad systems that enable or hinder protection and justice for these groups, be they historical, political, social, or cultural, hoping to open up a rich domain of inquiry for those interested in to what extent and in what ways otherness may or may not survive in China. The third objective is to bring attention to new trends and developments, some are easily identifiable whereas others are less detectable, some are interrelated while others are relatively isolated, some are straightforward and others remain easily misinterpreted.

Pacifist Warrior introduces Robert Pickus, his leadership role in the pacifist community (1951-2016), and his thoughtful work to constructively engage the United States in world politics. He called for leadership by the United States to move a conflict-filled world towards peace through non-military initiatives, designed to gain the reciprocation of allies and dedicated adversaries alike. Robert Pickus earned the title "Pacifist Warrior" because he not only believed pacifism in a nuclear age was a moral imperative, it was also a more effective strategy towards a world without war. Pickus' career lasted from 1951 to 2016. As Director of the World Without War Council office in Berkeley, he engaged civic, labor, business, and religious organizations to work for a world without war. He worked at the juncture where advocates of war-as-a-last-resort met community peace advocates to develop non-military alternatives to war. His signature contribution was a compendium of American Peace Initiatives developed with other key leaders, including George Weigel, Harold Guetzkow, Sidney Hook and Ted Sorensen. During his tenure, the WWWC developed a strategy of American peace initiatives to get from here to a world without war. The ideas of reciprocation, universal participation and non-violent change apply to both arms control and disarmament as well as climate change.

This progressive volume furthers the interreligious, international and interdisciplinary understanding of the role of religion in the area of human rights. Building bridges between the often-separated spheres of academics, policy makers and practitioners, it draws on the expertise of its authors alongside historical and contemporary examples of how religion's role in human rights manifests. At the core of the book are four case studies, dealing with Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Authors from each religion show the positive potential that their faith and its respective traditions has for the promotion of human rights, whilst also addressing why and how it stands in the way of fulfilling this potential. Addressed to policy makers, academics and practitioners worldwide, this engaging and accessible volume provides pragmatic studies on how religious and secular actors can cooperate and contribute to policies that improve global human rights.

This book analyses the principle of equality from three perspectives: public international law, private international law and EU law. It is the first book in English providing a comprehensive overview of this principle in these areas of law and showing the current trends and issues concerning its application. Its main goal is to understand whether and to what extent the principle of equality has been affirmed in public and private international law, as well as EU law, and what - if any - the common core of this principle is.The analysis carried out in this contributed volume starts from general analyses of the principle of equality in the areas of the law covered by the book and then discusses the principle in more specific areas, such as human rights law, international adjudication (including investment law) and the law of international organizations. The book is intended to become a benchmark for academics dealing with matters of equality in public international law, private international law and EU law. It will be a useful tool for practitioners too, the collected chapters being based on the relevant case law dealing with the principle of equality. Daniele Amoroso is Professor of International Law in the Department of Law of the University of Cagliari, Cagliari, Italy. Loris Marotti is Assistant Professor of International Law in the Department of Law at the Federico II University of Naples, Italy. Pierfrancesco Rossi is Postdoctoral Fellow in International Law in the Department of Law of Luiss University, Rome, Italy. Andrea Spagnolo is Professor of International Law in the Department of Law of the University of Turin, Turin, Italy. Giovanni Zarra is Professor of International Law and International Litigation in the Department of Law at the Federico II University of Naples, Italy.

This book critically analyses how the law has facilitated, or hindered, the recognition of same-sex family formations in Ireland, and how it might be reformed to provide greater parental rights for same-sex couples. The book covers four key issues facing same-sex couples: - Civil partnerships: the first chapter analyses the pragmatic and symbolic effects of registered civil partnership, and compares Ireland's decision to discontinue this alternative form of relationship recognition with the UK's recent move towards extending civil partnership laws. - Cohabitation: chapter 2 assesses whether the cohabitation model introduced in Ireland might be effective in other jurisdictions where there are calls for cohabitation law reform. - Marriage equality: chapter 3 explores the initial move to prohibit marriage equality in Ireland, and critiques the subsequent route towards the 2015 referendum, with comparison to the more recent move towards marriage equality in Australia. - Parental rights: the fourth chapter focuses on the legal position of same-sex couples who are parenting children born via Assisted Reproductive Techniques (ARTs), such as donor-assisted human reproduction and surrogacy. In particular, it explores shortcomings in the existing legislation and proposes a viable method of regulating these ARTs via future legislation, partly based on models in operation elsewhere. The book concludes by assessing the impact, or lack thereof, of the European Convention on Human Rights on same-sex relationship recognition, same-sex parenting, and marriage equality, in order to determine whether it could promote increased legal recognition for same-sex families in Ireland.

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is one of the most important and debated sociopolitical documents of the twentieth century. A leading authority on the UDHR, Johannes Morsink is the author of The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Origins, Drafting, and Intent (2000) and Inherent Human Rights: Philosophical Roots of the Universal Declaration (2009). With this new book, Morsink has now written a volume for a new generation of human rights students and activists, one that presents an article-by-article account of the formulation of each article in the UDHR. The author comments perceptively on how they have been argued, argued over, and used in a wide range of political discourses. Comprised of short essays on each of the Declaration's thirty articles, this book constitutes the most accessible and comprehensive approach to this document and explicates the UDHR's continued relevance in contemporary times. Throughout the book, Morsink explains how this 1948 iconic text can help us in the twenty-first century. He shows us the high moral ground we need to fight evils perpetuated during and after World War II that now present themselves in new garb and does so in a clear and concise manner.

The book examines the international treaty regimes and the Indian laws in depth. It also looks into the landmark cases, decided by both, the domestic courts in India and the international tribunals. The book would give an understanding between the concepts of extradition in relation to terrorism-related cases. It would provide an in-depth understanding of the inter-relatedness of the various branches of International law and the municipal laws as well.

Introduction - PART 1 MORALITY - Rules, Principles and Conduct - Morality and Society - Moral Universality and Moral Diversity - Moral Diversity Continued: Religion and Ideology - Morality and the 'Categorical Imperative' - PART 2 RIGHTS - The Idea of Rights - The Idea of Rights Continued - The Idea of Rights Continued: Human Rights - Human Rights and Politics - Notes - Index

Pinder explores how globalization has shaped, and continues to shape, the American economy, which impacts the welfare state in markedly new ways. In the United States, the transformation from a manufacturing economy to a service economy escalated the need for an abundance of flexible, exploitable, cheap workers. The implementation of the Personal Responsibility Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), whose generic term is workfare, is one of the many ways in which the government responded to capital need for cheap labor. While there is a clear link between welfare and low-wage markets, workfare forces welfare recipients, including single mothers with young children, to work outside of the home in exchange for their welfare checks. More importantly, workfare provides an "underclass" of labor that is trapped in jobs that pay minimum wage. This "underclass" is characteristically gendered and racialized, and the book builds on these insights and seeks to illuminate a crucial but largely overlooked aspect of the negative impact of workfare on black single mother welfare recipients. The stereotype of the "underclass," which is infused with racial meaning, is used to describe and illustrate the position of black single mother welfare recipients and is an implicit way of talking about poor women with an invidious racist and sexist subtext, which Pinder suggests is one of the ways in which "gendered racism" presents itself in the United States. Ultimately, the book analyzes the intersectionality of race, gender, and class in terms of welfare policy reform in the United States.

This book traces, assesses and compares the history of conscientious objection - in the cultural context of six common law nations - from refusal of military service and a range of similar moral dilemmas, to objecting to abortion, to the current social polarisation surrounding vaccination hesitancy in the COVID-19 pandemic. It considers the impact of this form of dissent in relation to social movements like Black Lives Matter, social activists such as Gandhi, and whistle blowers like Daniel Ellsberg. It reflects on the relationships between the sacred and the secular, the state and the citizen, in order to better understand the responsibilities of citizenship in our increasingly secular societies. It analyses what defines the conscientiousness of an objection from both legal and ethical standpoints. It examines what constitutes a matter of conscience, why this should justify exemption from civic duties and why this form of dissent has such a time-honoured status. It explores the increased reliance on "grounds of religion, belief or conscience" as providing justification for excusing some citizens from complying with certain responsibilities - mandated by equality and non-discrimination legislation - that are binding for all others. By conducting a comparative evaluation of national law and judicial rulings on a fixed agenda of issues, this book identifies key jurisdictional differences concerning conscientious objection. In so doing, it highlights the importance of cultural context and constructs a jurisdiction-specific overview of legislation, policies and case law. By tracking policy developments and highlighting crucial judicial rulings - particularly in the US - it provides insights into the probable future direction of developments in national law relating to conscientious objection. Lastly, the book draws attention to some of the potential consequences of manifesting dissent by opting out of performing public services - e.g. the possible local breakdown of specific service availability (e.g. abortion, officiating at same-sex marriages, and immunisation); prompting population movements as established democratic civil rights are locally negated (reproductive rights, LGBT rights, right to health protection); fragmenting society into a geographic patchwork of regions in which some citizens are branded as conservative/reactionary and others as progressive; and fuelling the culture wars - with profound implications for a coherent democratic society.

Friedman writes that the 4,500 Jews left in Syria--virtual hostages in Syria's conflict with Israel--live under conditions that have been compared to those of Nazi Germany. He details the suffering and persecution endured by Jews living in Damascus, Aleppo, and Qamishli during the last 30 years. He includes first-hand accounts of Jews oppressed by the Syrian government, including the torture of Jews in Syrian prisons. Friedman urges putting pressure on the Syrian government through petitions to government representatives, the United Nations, the International Red Cross, and the Vatican. "Booklist"

Of the 40,000 Jews who lived in Syria prior to 1948, some 4,500 remain as virtual hostages in Syria's conflict with Israel--under conditions that have been compared with those in Nazi Germany. Friedman describes the experiences of this persecuted group in the hope that the pressure of public opinion will persuade the Syrian government to put an end to the torture, killing, and harassment and allow Jewish residents to emigrate.

The author recounts the suffering and injustice endured by individuals and families living in Jewish sections of Damascus, Aleppo, and Qamishli over the past thirty years. The book includes several moving first-person accounts that graphically reveal both the systematic oppression that characterizes the Syrian government's treatment of Jewish citizens, as well as the government's tolerance of acts of violence against Jews committed by members of the Arab majority. To safeguard those who have been left behind, the author conceals the identities of both Jews still living in Syria and the rescuers who have been working to get them out, and he withholds specific information about escape methods and routes. This book carries an important message that will be of interest to general readers as well as students and specialists in Near Eastern affairs.

The central question taken up by this essay collection is the degree to which judges have--or have not--served as protectors of human rights. Although the judiciary is nominally a part of the governing structure, it is also nearly always the case that it stands apart from the political actors who make and carry out policy. Thus, Gibney and Frankowski contend, judges have not designed or carried out the myriad human rights violations that are so common in the world today. The key question asked in this volume is to what extent have courts merely abided by egregious practices, or perhaps have even lent a cover of legitimation--or conversely, the degree to which courts have purposely attempted to bring about some change in stemming governmental abuses. No single volume could cover every country experiencing gross levels of human rights abuses. The effort here has been to provide a cross section of judicial systems throughout the world, and to focus on judicial systems that have become involved in addressing human rights issues.

This book examines transnational civil society-based democracy-promoting resistance activities in Asia in a global era, focusing on the cases of Myanmar and Palestine. The work contributes to our understanding of the nexus between globalization, power and democracy by examining: (i) the ways in which globalization/global governance are influencing various resistance practices of the civil societies in Myanmar and Palestine, and what this means for local democracy promotion; and (ii) the ways in which these two civil societies influence and have a democracy-promoting impact on their respective communities. It is guided by the overarching question of how civil society-based resistance contributes to local democracy in Myanmar and Palestine. The book is structured as follows: both civil resistance cases begin with an overview of each country’s non-violent resistance history, and the findings are then presented for the two cases, i.e., the pro-democracy movements in the Saffron uprising in Myanmar and the Bil’in village struggle against the Israeli Security Barrier plans to build through their farmlands. Then follows a presentation of the life-story interview made with two members from the respective campaigns. A concluding chapter proposes some new theoretical insights for how civil resistance can impact on democracy. The book empirically and theoretically contributes to our understanding of how civil society-based resistance and democracy interrelate in a global era. This book will be of much interest to students of civil resistance, democracy, Asian studies, Middle Eastern studies and international relations in general.

Examining the prevalent issue of domestic violence, this book breaks down the reasons behind the ineffectiveness of existing human rights instruments and the gaps in current legal systems failing those in need. Through a variety of key case studies, it reveals significant gaps in the legal conceptualisation of domestic violence between human rights standards on the one hand and the national legal systems examined—those of Ireland and Lithuania—on the other. The book reveals that, contrary to gender-based universal human rights approaches and despite recent legislative reforms, the legal concept of domestic violence is gender-blind. It fails to capture gender-based empirical realities on the ground, rendering national legal systems devoid of an empirically informed theoretical basis for addressing the problem. Despite the differences in the contextual backgrounds of the two case study countries, the legislation on domestic violence is underpinned by patriarchal beliefs in both. This book employs a gender-based examination of the issue that will be of key interest to scholars, legal practitioners, civil society actors, and students of feminist legal theory, gender equality, gender in international law, gender and human rights and conceptual democracy.

A salient trend in studies of China and transnational civil society - two newly influential global forces - is the converging of their paths. Thousands of international NGOs and foundations have come to operate in China in the 'low politics' of environment, development and epidemics, while democracy activists campaign on China from outside. This path-breaking book investigates transnational groups' evolving relations with China and its NGO sector, and compares China with transnational stories of party states in Eastern Europe and Taiwan. This book discusses the penetration, growth and operation of transnational civil society (TCS) in China. It explores TCS' impacts on the incremental development of China's political pluralism, mainly through exploring the influences of the leading TCS actors on the country's bottom-up and self-governing activist NGOs that have sprung up spontaneously, in terms of capacities, strategies, leadership and political outlook, as a result of complex interactions between the two sectors. Transnational Civil Society in China opens up a new frontier in discussing the society, politics and international relations of China that will appeal to scholars and researchers studying China and transnational/global civil society.

This new and original study focuses on the growing politicization and radicalization of the Arab minority within Israel - excluding the Israel-administered territories - from 1967 to the present day. Professor Jacob M. Landau has studied both written and oral sources to produce a scholarly analysis of the diverse political views and attitudes of Muslims, Christians, and Druzes in Israel. As well as analysing the views of intellectuals and politicians, he examines trends among the general Arab population in Israel, looking in particular at political behaviour and struggles, organizations, problems of identity, electoral trends, education, language, and literature. His wide-ranging examination draws out the strategies developed by Israeli Arabs to deal with the conflicting demands of the State of Israel and Arab nationalism. Professor Landau's aim is to encourage an objective and balanced approach to the issues and he concludes with some far-reaching proposals to improve Jewish-Arab relations.

This book examines violence against women in Africa and criminal justice from the perspective of African scholars, practitioners and experts. As a global and long-standing issue, violence against women is gaining public visibility across the African continent with some states announcing a national crisis warranting immediate redress. At the global level, the elimination of all forms of violence against all women and girls forms a key part of United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 5: Gender Equality. Split across two volumes, these books present a comprehensive analysis of the latest research and theories, principles and practices of criminal justice systems, criminal justice accountability mechanisms, and the key challenges women face in their quest for justice on the African continent. This volume (II) focusses on sexual violence and vulnerable women's access to justice in Africa. Volume I focusses on legislation and its impact, the limitations of criminal justice responses, and the cultural and social norms regarding access to justice. Together, they adopt a comparative approach that highlight gaps and good practices to provide a rich source of authoritative information for promoting an intra-African dialogue and cross-fertilization of ideas across the different criminal justice traditions in Africa. Both volumes seek to advance discussions on eliminating violence against women in Africa and speak to those interested in criminal justice, violence, gender studies and African legal studies.

This special issue of the Journal of Human Rights and the Environment revisits Professor Christopher D. Stone's iconic 1972 article, and features an introduction by Professor Philippe Sands QC, a set of elegant and thought-provoking reflections on the original article by Baroness Mary Warnock, Professor Ngaire Naffine and Professor Lorraine Code, and an equally elegant and thought-provoking response to their reflections from Professor Stone himself. This thoughtful collection of essays will be a valuable addition to contemporary debates concerning the crucial search for new relationships between humanity and the living world and between human rights and the environment. The renowned contributors offer rich reflections on questions of legal standing, legal subjectivity and epistemology raised by Stone's article, and which have greater salience than ever as we face the environmental and human challenges of the 21st century. Contributors: L. Code, A. Grear, N. Naffine, P. Sands, C.D. Stone, M. Warnock

This book presents commentaries by a leading international group of peace education scholars and practitioners concerning Reardon's peace education theory and intellectual legacy. The guiding question throughout the book is: How can her foundational work be used to advance the theory and practice of peace education? In an attempt to find answers, the contributing authors explore three general areas of inquiry: (1) Theoretical Foundations of Peace and Human Rights Education; (2) Feminism and the Gender Perspective as Pathways of Transformation Toward Peace and Justice; and (3) Peace Education Pedagogy and Practices. A contemplative commentary by Reardon herself rounds out the coverage

When is a political trial "good" or "bad" in terms of responsible governance and fairness to individuals or groups? Professors Abel and Marsh define, evaluate, and justify the usefulness of various kinds of political trials, going back through history to answer these questions in practical terms. They point to basic assumptions and various theoretical approaches and assess specific court practices and cases, while showing real dangers and opportunities that have been part of our history. They cover cases involving the establishment and free exercise clauses of the Constitution, including privacy, religious, medical, bioethical, and health-care issues that are of major concern today. This history is important to political scientists, legal scholars, lawyers, historians, and others concerned with civil rights.

The book rethinks the means of harmonization of prima facie norm conflicts in light of the multitude of international agreements across regimes. The methodology deployed in this book, which is referred to as complementation or complementary application, represents a novel approach by focusing on commonly shared objectives and a unifying ordre public transnational across fields of public international law that allow for a harmonization beyond traditional treaty interpretation. Fields of public international law, mainly the laws of armed conflict, international environmental law, and human rights law, apply simultaneously to questions regarding the environment and war. Such a coexistence challenges the unity of the international legal order, and it also challenges the means of harmonization across fields of public international law. However, eventually, the co-existence of several fields of public international law can result in a refinement of international law and enhanced legal protection. Diversification can also contribute to clarification or normative intensification in areas of parallel application of various fields and multilayered legal protection, demonstrating a counter-option to fragmentation.

The Sword and the Cross is a study of the relationships that exist between politics and ethics. Its intention is to point out that moral convictions conceived and implemented without political wisdom can be bankrupt and that geopolitical strategy formulated and effected without ethical character can be disastrous. Toner contends that politics and ethics are different sides of the same coin. Therefore commanders (that is, leaders in politics and government, in diplomacy, and in the military) must develop both strategic sense and ethical intuition. A study of the relationship between the sacred and the profane, this book promotes an understanding of the ways in which power and purpose can--and must--be complementary.

This study concludes that violence and conflict are part of human existence and that full and final redemption from our struggles is the gift of grace--and not of human artifice. At the same time, we have the burden (and the glory) of doing all we can to achieve our own safety and happiness, which requires political and military prudence. The reconciliation of faith or conscience with power or command is the task of leaders who are informed by civic virtue. In turn, civic virtue is the product of wise education rooted in serious study of what ought to be as well as of what is; but ethically impoverished modern education too rarely asks questions about visions of the Good. Because these conclusions are rooted in a controversial religious and philosophical tradition, they will generally challenge the accepted views in the field.

When asked in 2016 if he would step down as President of South Sudan, Salva Kiir replied 'my exit could spark genocide.' Kiir's words exemplify how fear and the threat of mass violence have become central to the politics of South Sudan. As South Sudanese analyst Daniel Akech Thiong shows, it is this politics that lies at the heart of the country's seemingly intractable civil war. In this book, Akech Thiong explores the origins of South Sudan's politics of fear. Weaving together social, economic and cultural factors into a comprehensive framework, he reveal how the country's elites have exploited ethnic divisions as a means of mobilising support and securing their grip on power, in the process triggering violent conflict. He also considers the ways in which this politics of fear takes root among the wider populace, exploring the role of corruption, social media, and state coercion in spreading hatred and fostering mass violence. As regimes across Africa and around the world become increasingly reliant on their own politics of fear, Akech Thiong's book offers novel insight into a growing phenomenon with implications far beyond South Sudan.