Psychology of religion, violence, and conflict resolution highlights the causes of intrareligious and interreligious violence, and proposes dual models for understanding the latter, for facilitating moral regeneration, universal peaceful coexistence, and holistic individual and collective flourishing. Religious violence, especially and paradoxically perpetrated by persons identifying with specific religious movements, has made religion an enigma, with a progressively controversial status. In other words, intrareligious and interreligious violence is associated with some of the bloodiest episodes of humankind's tragic history, and it is on this basis that understanding the fundamental causes of religious strife becomes a vital preoccupation of researchers, decision makers and the general public, beyond and above religious obeisance, or total absence of any. Furthermore, and more preoccupying, there is no space, time, or people of the world today, that are free of the modern day scourge of religious violence. Humankind all over the earth finds itself having to confront this modern day gorgon, which is faceless, non-discriminatory, and brutally ruthless, a far cry from the myth and deontology of religion as the "link between humankind and a higher source of being and goodwill." Psychology of religion, violence, and conflict resolution unveils the psychological mind-set lurking in the bloody shadows of intrareligious and interreligious violence, activated through the prisms of exclusivism, sectarianism, fundamentalism, intolerance, extremism, hate speech, virulent condemnation of heresy, all culminating in self-righteous "murders in God's Name." The work is not fatalistic and pessimistic though because it highlights the possibility of individual and collective moral regeneration via the Greater and Lesser Jihad, or self-sacrifice and selfless service, grounded in the realization of the inalienable unity of being, for the preservation and unlimited flourishing of all creation. The climax of the work is the projection of a non-mythical but highly probable and limitlessly sustainable "golden age," to be actualized when the preconditions of goodwill, peaceful coexistence, mental illumination, and selfless service become cornerstones of a holistic, universalistic, communalistic, and humanistic ethic of being, knowing, and doing. The book represents a unique and most timely contribution to research and literature on religion, violence, and conflict resolution, and is intended to become a vital resource and reference material for students, researchers, professionals, national and international decision makers, non-governmental organizations, religious and non-denominational bodies, which advocate for intrareligious and interreligious dialogue, reconciliation, peaceful coexistence, and individual and collective flourishing.

Over the last fifteen years, Pakistan has come to be defined exclusively in terms of its struggle with terror. But are ordinary Pakistanis extremists? And what explains how Pakistanis think? Much of the current work on extremism in Pakistan tends to study extremist trends in the country from a detached position-a top-down security perspective, that renders a one-dimensional picture of what is at its heart a complex, richly textured country of 200 million people. In this book, using rigorous analysis of survey data, in-depth interviews in schools and universities in Pakistan, historical narrative reporting, and her own intuitive understanding of the country, Madiha Afzal gives the full picture of Pakistan's relationship with extremism. The author lays out Pakistanis' own views on terrorist groups, on jihad, on religious minorities and non-Muslims, on America, and on their place in the world. The views are not radical at first glance, but are riddled with conspiracy theories. Afzal explains how the two pillars that define the Pakistani state-Islam and a paranoia about India-have led to a regressive form of Islamization in Pakistan's narratives, laws, and curricula. These, in turn, have shaped its citizens' attitudes. Afzal traces this outlook to Pakistan's unique and tortured birth. She examines the rhetoric and the strategic actions of three actors in Pakistani politics-the military, the civilian governments, and the Islamist parties-and their relationships with militant groups. She shows how regressive Pakistani laws instituted in the 1980s worsened citizen attitudes and led to vigilante and mob violence. The author also explains that the educational regime has become a vital element in shaping citizens' thinking. How many years one attends school, whether the school is public, private, or a madrassa, and what curricula is followed all affect Pakistanis' attitudes about terrorism and the rest of the world. In the end, Afzal suggests how this beleaguered nation-one with seemingly insurmountable problems in governance and education-can change course.

'A book to marvel at, learn from, and return to again and again' John le Carre The incredible inside story of a Kurdish sniper in the battle against ISIS As Syria imploded in civil war in 2011, Kurdish volunteers in the north rose up to free their homeland from centuries of repression and create a progressive sanctuary of tolerance and democracy. To the medievalists of ISIS, this was an affront, so they amassed 10,000 men, heavy artillery, tanks, mortars and ranks of suicide bombers to crush the uprising. Against them stood 2,500 volunteer fighters armed with 40-year-old rifles. There was only one way for the Kurds to survive. They would have to kill the invaders one by one. A decade earlier, as a 19-year-old Iranian army conscript, Azad had been forced to fight his own people. Instead he deserted and sought asylum in Britain. Now, as he returned to his homeland to help build a new Kurdistan, he found he would have to pick up a gun once more. In September 2014, Azad became one of 17 snipers deployed when ISIS besieged the northern city of Kobani. In LONG SHOT, Azad tells the inside story of how a group of activists and intellectuals built their own army and team of snipers, and then fought off a ferocious assault in nine months of bitter and bloody street battles. By turns searing, stirring, inspiring and poetic, this is an unique account of modern war and of how, against all odds, a few thousand men and women achieved the impossible and kept their dream of freedom alive.

This essential collection of three new essays was written out of a sense of urgency, concern, and a belief that a better future is still possible. It touches on the universal nature of fanaticism and its possible cures; the Jewish roots of humanism and the need for a secular pride in Israel; and the geopolitical standing of Israel in the wider Middle East and internationally.

Amos Oz boldly puts forward his case for a two-state solution in what he calls ‘a question of life and death for the State of Israel’.

Wise, provocative, moving and inspiring, these essays illuminate the argument over Israeli, Jewish and human existence, shedding a clear and surprising light on vital political and historical issues, and daring to offer new ways out of a reality that appears to be closed down.

Este libro o guia le servira al lector para entender la manera de como llegar a econtrarse consigo mismo siguendo lo que la madre naturaleza le ensena a sin frustraciones ni complejidades que le traen la creencia de todas esas sectas religiosas.

Gaan of blijven? is eerst en vooral een boek voor de steeds grotere groep adventisten die zich zorgen maken over allerlei ontwikkelingen in hun kerk. Zij zien een groeiend fundamentalisme, een toenemende polarisatie en weigering om standpunten bij te stellen (zoals bijv. op het punt van de rol van de vrouw in de kerk). Velen hebben ook geloofsvragen waarop ze geen antwoord krijgen. En vaak vragen zij zich af of ze alle Fundamentele Geloofspunten tot in detail moeten onderschrijven om zich een 'echte' adventist te mogen noemen. De schrijver is heel open over zijn eigen vragen en twijfels. Hij vertelt waarom hij er desondanks voor kiest om in de kerk te blijven. Hij wil proberen anderen te helpen diezelfde keuze te maken en op een positieve en constructieve wijze met hun twijfels om te gaan.

The flow of migrants from south to north and east to west carries with it growing concerns about the economic integration, political incorporation, and social inclusion of newcomers and their children. But what happens when a group of people deliberately excludes themselves from mainstream society? How can social policies, human services, and communities best understand and respond to them? In Out of Place, Luann Good Gingrich explores social inclusion and exclusion in relation to the approximately 60,000 Low German-speaking Mennonites who have migrated from traditionally self-sufficient and agrarian colonies in Latin America to rural areas of Canada. By examining the free-market principles that organize the human services industry the author exposes the inherent conflict that arises when this "market logic" is imposed on a group that does not embrace these ideals. The author's innovative approach to social policy and human services which emphasizes the relationship between dominant and subordinate cultures, encourages us to find new ways to authentically engage with difference and bridge the gaps that divide us.

This book takes the long-view by analysing Islamic State's beginnings in Iraq to their involvement in the Arab Spring and through to the present day. The world is watching IS's advance through the Middle East. The US risks being drawn into another war in the region despite its experiences in Afghanistan and Iraq. IS are creating catastrophic waves across the region, but it is still unclear what lies behind its success. Michael Griffin uncovers the nature of IS through investigating the myriad of regional players engaged in a seemingly endless power game: Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and Iraq, which have all contributed to the success of IS by supplying arms and funds. He foregrounds the story of the uprising against President Assad of Syria, the role played by the Free Syrian Army, Islamist groups, Iran, Hezbollah and Russia, the chemical weapons attacks in 2013 and the House of Commons vote not to impose a no-fly zone over the country.