This work is a contribution to the theoretical and empirical analysis of globalization and political globalization in particular. Developing an analytical approach to political globalization centered on the uneven globalization of statehood in a societal perspective, Morten Ougaard employs this approach in empirical analysis of the global polity. Central themes are the emerging state function of persistence towards the increasingly integrated world society, relations of power between states and social forces and the prospects and realities of transnational class formation.

This book deals with the consequences of the inclusion of African states and communities in the global aluminium chain. The so-called "New Scramble for Africa" of the 2000s illustrated how seriously African living conditions are affected by continuous cycles of boom and bust, and how strongly the quality of life currently depends on the investment decisions and corporate social responsibility policies of transnational corporations. Taking the example of the global production network of bauxite and aluminium, the author focuses on the socio-political aspects of this dependency, which he achieves through the conducting of a series of interviews with various involved parties.

This book presents solutions to problems that are total and based on thinking about how and why humans have organized themselves. It discusses how to avoid the now well-documented Holocene Extinction, propelled by climate change, wars, resource depletion, desertification, degrading knowledge quality, famine, and deterioration of societies overall. It explains why we cannot respond effectively with hedonistic, incompetent, corrupt, and anarchistic "liberal democracy" and why neither personality cult regimes can suffice.  The book offers a model of an organic social structure embodying a collective consciousness of communitarianism and Platonic-style ethos. Putting an emphasis on the re-establishment of Classical Greek virtue, it offers solutions to resolve identity politics, alienation, and meritocracy. While doing so, the author opposes the "everyone is equal" ideology to govern the section of policymakers, instead circumscribing "rights" in terms of responsibilities, prioritizing education and training to carry forth the ethos of valuing truth above materialism, and developing Durkheim's social brain via a new discipline, "sociointelligence". The book goes on to explain how underpinning these elements is a comprehensive elucidation of often misunderstood words like "liberty", "freedom", "authoritarianism", and "democracy". All of these areas are arranged and combined in uniquely describing the organic society the author deems necessary to avoid human extinction. As a result, the book presents a “new organicity�, where the emerging transhumanism seeks to transcend hydrocarbon-based life with humanly-constructed life. This book will appeal to students, researchers, and scholars of political science, philosophy, and the social sciences interested in a better understanding of complexity, democratic theory, Holocene Extinction, organic thinking, and meritocratic societies. 

This book offers a theoretically informed study of recent Chinese initiatives to provide forms of regional economic governance; or as it is often termed in Chinese discourses, regional "public goods". It does so by considering the evolution of Chinese thinking on international relations and the global order, and by considering how the development of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Belt and Road Initiative, and the putative Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership reflect this change in thinking - and the change in both Chinese objectives and tactics.

Drawing on rigorous research, this book summarizes the payoffs from globalization past, and presents a roadmap for the future of globalization. History has declared globalization the winner of the 20th century. Globalization connected the world and created wealth unimaginable in the wake of the Second World War. But the financial crisis of 2008-09 has now placed at risk the liberal economic policies behind globalization. Engulfing the entire world, the crisis gave new fuel to the skeptics of the benefits of economic integration. Policy responses seem to favor anti-globalizers. New regulations could balkanize the global financial system, while widespread protectionist impulses might undo the Doha Round. Issues from climate change to national security may be used as convenient excuses to keep imports out, keep jobs at home, and to clamp down on global capital. Will globalization triumph or perish in the 21st century? What reforms make sense in the post-crisis world? International economists Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Kati Suominen argue that globalization has been a force of great good, one that needs to be actively advanced and honed. Drawing on the latest economic analyses, they reveal the drivers and effects of global finance and trade, lay out the key risks to globalization, and offer a practical policy roadmap for managing the challenges while increasing the gains. Vital reading for anyone in business, finance, foreign affairs, or economics, Globalization at Risk is sure to advance public debate on this defining issue of the 21st century.

Globalization is often described as Darwinism on steroids and is a force to be reckoned with. Its goal to improve the economic status of underdeveloped areas of the world is noble enough, but left unchecked, globalization is not always fair and equitable in its practices and outcomes. This widens the gap between rich and poor nations. Samli argues that Third World countries must learn to take advantage of globalization and learn to protect themselves against its darker forces.

This book presents what Samli calls countermarginalization, a process that includes such strategies and tactics as partnering, networking, and entrepreneurship. Samli explains how emerging countries of the world can develop their own means of growth to counter the risk of marginalization, arguing that entrepreneurship is essential and needs to be nurtured. This book provides a thoughtful source of discussion and learning, offering a new perspective on the big questions that won't just go away, despite certain efforts to ignore them.

This book is a rarity in that it opens a genuinely creative new vista for understanding global politics as distinguished from international politics, enhancing the vision for understanding global subjects such as multilateral treaties and the Covid-19 virus. Six hundred multilateral treaties deposited in the UN are conceptualized as a bundle of quasi-social contracts by sovereign states. A state's participation in multilateral treaties is envisaged as digitized statecraft. Using a state's physical actions and treaties' attributes, 193 profiles of statecraft are analyzed with the implications for the future of global politics. This book demonstrates that multilateral treaties are both a vehicle and an agency in the globalization trend; thus, both state and international actors influence a state's joining multilateral treaties. The book represents a marriage of international law and applied information science. It provides a framework for empirical modeling based on artificial intelligence and analyzes this framework in terms of international law and international relations. This book thus creates a new understanding of global politics.

Despite China's rise to the status of global power, many Chinese youths are anxious about their personal future, in large measure because the rapid changes have left them feeling adrift. This book, available in open access, provides a manifesto of intellectual activism that counsels China's young people to think by themselves and for themselves. Consisting of three conversations between Xiang Biao, a social anthropologist, and Wu Qi, a rising journalist, the book probes how China has reached its current stage and how young people can make changes. The conversations touch on issues of mobility, education, family, relations between the self and the authority, centers and margins, China, and the world. The Chinese version was named the "most impactful book of 2021" by Douban, China's premier website for rating books, films, and music. The English version is translated by David Ownby, who also penned an introduction.

After World War II, states transformed into 'collective fortresses' in order to protect competing ideological systems. The debate on post-modern statehood heavily built on ideological disputes between liberalism and communism, over the nature of the economic and social system, and the state and government that could sustain such a system. What is an 'ideologically acceptable' state-concept; which tasks and fu- tions should the state fulfil, and how to legitimate not only democratic, but also authoritarian and even totalitarian regimes? These questions were at the very centre of state theory. However, after the fall of communism in Europe and the former Soviet Union, the discourse of state and government scholarship radically changed. The need for a profound shift in the state paradigm was emerging. The time after 1989 seemed to proclaim that the nation-state had lost its raison d'etre as an island of undisputed and unlimited sovereignty. A globalised world order broke open the 'fortress state' that developed within the tradition of European constitutionalism. Given the simultaneous structural changes to the nation-state's foundations, socio-economic and political reforms going hand in hand with new constitutional designs, the 'state in transition' started paving the way towards a new state paradigm, and not only with regard to the states in the process of de- cratic transformation from socialist into liberal constitutional democracies."

Providing a timely analysis of China?'s engagement with Eurasia, R. James Ferguson focuses on the challenges obstructing China?'s path to becoming a sustainable global power. Engagement across Eurasia presents China, its leaders and policymakers with intensified contact with regional and national conflicts, posing environmental, developmental and strategic dilemmas. Including an up-to-date analysis of wider Central Asian and transnational interactions between China and the EU, Eastern Europe and Russia, Ferguson critically evaluates the present and prospective implications of Chinese initiatives in the region. Particular emphasis is paid to China?'s decision to create the Belt and Road Initiative and establish the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Divergent perspectives on multilateral international systems across Eurasia are also discussed, focusing on the contrast between Chinese and Russian approaches. Ferguson also explores the complexity of China-Russia relations with the ongoing formation of Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping?'s legacies, linking their Eurasian and global agendas. Academics researching Eurasian politics and international relations ?- specifically Sino-Russian relations -? will find this book an excellent addition to the literature, advancing their understanding of China?'s role in global politics.

Cosmopolitanism is often discussed in a critical and disapproving manner: as a concept complicit with the interests of the powerful, or as a notion related to Western political supremacy, the ills of globalization, inequality, and capitalist economic penetration. Seen as the moral justification for embracing or tolerating cultural difference, ethnically and socially diverse communities unenthusiastic with change, develop an acknowledgement of their common position vis-a-vis a western, "universal" political point of view. By means of exploring the idiosyncratic form of political intimacy generated by anti-cosmopolitanism, and assuming an analytical and critical stance towards the concepts of parochialism and localism, this volume examines the political consciousness of such negatively predisposed actors, and it attempts to explain their reservation towards the sincerity of international politics, their reliance on conspiracy theories or nationalist narratives, their introversion.

From Chinese factories making cheap toys for export, to sweatshops in Bangladesh where name-brand garments are sewn - studies on the impact of globalization on workers have tended to focus on the worst jobs and the worst conditions. But in When Good Jobs Go Bad, Jeffrey Rothstein looks at the impact of globalization on a major industry - the North American auto industry - to reveal that globalization has had a deleterious effect on even the most valued of blue-collar jobs. Rothstein argues that the consolidation of the Mexican and U.S.-Canadian auto industries, the expanding number of foreign automakers in North America, and the spread of lean production have all undermined organized labor and harmed workers. Focusing on three General Motors plants assembling SUVs - an older plant in Janesville, Wisconsin; a newer and more viable plant in Arlington, Texas; and a ""greenfield site"" (a brand-new, state-of-the-art facility) in Silao, Mexico - When Good Jobs Go Bad shows how global competition has made nonstop, monotonous, standardized routines crucial for the survival of a plant, and it explains why workers and their local unions struggle to resist. For instance, in the United States, General Motors forced workers to accept intensified labor by threatening to close plants, which led local unions to adopt ""keep the plant open"" as their main goal. At its new factory in Silao, GM had hand-picked the union - one opposed to strikes and committed to labor-management cooperation - before it hired the first worker. Rothstein's engaging comparative analysis, which incorporates the viewpoints of workers, union officials, and management, sheds new light on labor's loss of bargaining power in recent decades, and highlights the negative impact of globalization on all jobs, both good and bad, from the sweatshop to the assembly line.

This handbook on relational sociology covers a rapidly growing approach in the social sciences-one which is connected to the interests of a large, diverse pool of researchers across a range of disciplines. Relational sociology has been one of the key foundations of the "relational turn" in human sciences since the 1980s, and it offers a unique opportunity to redefine the basic epistemological and ontological principles of sociology as we know it. The contributors collected here aim to elucidate the complexity and the scope of this growing approach by dealing with three central questions: Where does relational sociology come from and what are its principal concerns? What are the main theoretical and methodological currents within relational sociology? What have we studied in relational sociology and what are the results?

The 21st century has been characterized by great turbulence, climate change, a global pandemic, and democratic decay. Drawing on post-structural political theory, this book explores two dominant concepts used to make sense of our disturbed reality: the state and the network. The book explains how they are inextricably interwoven, while showing why they complicate the way we interpret our present. In seeking a better understanding of today's world, this book argues that we need to pull apart the familiar lines of our maps. By looking beneath and across these lines, an 'unmapping' presents new insights and opportunities for a better future.

This rich collection brings together distinguished authiors who analyze phases of capitalist development. The contributors represent a wide variety of disciplines and perspectives. They offer powerful analyses of the post-war boom, economic crisis, and globalization within the context of the study of capitalist development.

The world needs a UN 3.0. The extent and severity of global crises are such that business as usual provides no solution. Roland Rich's Leviathan describes the necessary next version of the United Nations. It is a confident, competent, and independent organization that incorporates the world of business and global civil society as well as governments. It will certainly not have a monopoly on the use of force, but it will lead the international community through a mix of the principle of subsidiarity placing it at the apex, the application of the process of certification whereby thousands of entities are engaged in problem-solving, and the benefit of legitimacy earned through performance. The result will allow the UN to tackle the climate crisis, broaden the protection of democracy and human rights, govern globalization, and be better prepared for the next pandemic. Leviathan contains a vision but not a blueprint. Yet it does spell out how to achieve the first essential step - to clip the wings of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council.

Globalization is an irresistible force. Given the high stakes at hand - for stability, continued growth, and the future of our planet - it is more important than ever that China gain a deeper understanding of the rest of the world, and that the rest of the world also comes to a clearer understanding of China. This book focuses on globalization and China's evolving role in the world, offering unique perspectives on a remarkable period, which saw the global landscape reshaped by China's continued rise, intensifying great power competition, and a deadly pandemic. The essays center on three interconnected themes - China's remarkable development under the Reform and Opening-up policy, China's deepening integration into the global economy and rise in a multipolar world, and the quest to reinvigorate global governance and multilateralism to address the pressing global challenges of the 21st century. These insights are useful for academics, policymakers, students, and anyone trying to deepen their understanding of China's development and role in making globalization work for our multipolar world.

This book departs from existing studies by focusing on the impact of international influences on the society, culture, and language of both North and South Korea. Since President Kim Young Sam's segyehwa drive of the mid-1990s, South Korea has become a model for successful globalization. In contrast, North Korea is commonly considered one of the least internationally integrated countries. This characterization fails to account for the reality of the two Koreas and their global engagements. The opening essay situates the chapters by highlighting some significant contrasts and commonalities between the experiences of North and South Korea's history of engagement with the world beyond the Peninsula. The chapters explore both the longer-term historical influence of Korea's international contacts as well as specific Korean cultural, linguistic, and social developments that have occurred since the 1990s demise of the global Cold War and greater international integration.

This is a study of how ethnic diversity is represented in public institutions in India, and of the politics and policy solutions devised to manage ethnic inequalities. With new data on representational patterns in parliament and cabinet, it provides an account of representation that encompasses the diversity of caste, tribe and religion. Emphasising the overlapping nature of social and economic inequalities in India, it seeks to place the issue of material disadvantage at the very heart of the debate on ethnic and cultural inequality.

Considering the rise of global political instability and subsequent importance of new social movements, this cutting edge book examines the relationship between the alter-globalization movement and political power in Italy, Spain, and Greece. It argues that not only is the movement anti-political, but that it operates within an apolitical social milieu, as a ritualized holding pattern for middle class youths that find themselves uncomfortably placed between a receding state structure on the one hand, and a rising informal economy on the other. Its ritual liminality allows adherents to act revolutionary while assuring that their middle class privileges remain intact. The author considers the social ramifications of the movement at a time when Europe finds itself at a political and economic crossroads, and offers specific and timely case studies from the three southern European countries.

This edited book is the first full-length volume exclusively devoted to new research on the challenges and practices of teaching global issues. It addresses the ways that schools can and do address young people's interest and activism in contemporary global issues facing the world. Many young people today are passionate about issues such as climate change, world poverty, and human rights but have few opportunities in schools to study such issues in depth. This book draws on new research to provide a deeper understanding and examples of how global issues are taught in schools. The book is organized in two sections: (1) contexts and policies in which global issues are taught and learned; and (2) case studies of teaching and learning global issues in schools. The central thesis is that global issues are an essential feature of democracy and social action in a world caught in the thrall of globalization. Schools can no longer afford to ignore teaching about issues impacting across the world if they intend to keep young people engaged in learning and want them to make their own communities-and the greater world-better places for all.

Inequality has been rising in advanced industrialised countries. At the same time, increased immigration has accentuated the ethnic diversity of those countries. Both developments have created challenges for advanced industrialised countries to integrate immigrants into the country. Immigration and Poverty examines how advanced industrialised countries integrate immigrants into the labour market and welfare state and how this influences immigrant poverty. The main argument draws on insights from two research strands, the comparative welfare state and the migration literature. In brief, this book argues that a country's labour market and welfare system does not directly influence immigrants' poverty but is conditional on immigrants' social rights, here understood as their labour market and welfare state access. Immigration and Poverty argues and shows that it is crucial to embed migration-specific policies within a country's prevailing institutional setting to understand why immigrants fare better in some countries as compared to others.

This book - through a collection of case studies covering Southern and East Africa, China, India, Japan, South Korea and Southeast Asia - offers insights into the nature of social exchanges between Africa and Asia. In the age of the 'Rise of the South', it documents the entanglements and the lived experiences of African and Asian people on the move. Divided into three parts, the authors look at Asians in Africa, Africans in Asia, and the 'connected histories' that the two share, which illuminate emerging and historical modalities of Afro-Asian human encounters. Cornelissen and Yoichi show how migrants activate multiple forms of transnational social capital as part of their survival strategies and develop complex relationships with host communities.

This book is the first to trace the evolution of anti-drugs policies at European Union level from the late 1960s to the present. Phases of drug policy development, key policy actors and institutions are described with particular reference to the influence of transnational networks of expertise. Policy development is placed in the context of both European integration and a broad harmonization of international policies against drug trafficking. Concerns are also raised about secretive and anti-democratic features on intergovernmental EU decision-making.