The 2004 American Presidential campaign was a watershed event for many reasons, but especially because the line between statesmanship and showmanship became extremely blurred. Because of the importance of this American election, American Behavioral Scientist is dedicating four issues, entitled Campaign 2004, Volumes 1-4, edited by J. Gregory Payne of Emerson College, to analysis of Campaign 2004, both Presidential and Senatorial, and contemporary issues and dynamics in political communication.

According to public relations guru, James Grunig, political communication is more and more about meaningful relationships the public has with candidates who try to mirror their values, beliefs, and attitudes. Campaign 2004 was unique because of the use of new technologies such as cable television talk shows, the Internet, Web pages, blogs, and VNRs (simulated video new releases) enabled candidates to target their messages and communication images to smaller groups. The new media challenged the traditional mainstream media by providing a venue for unrestrained, less commercial, and sometimes more global information. Campaign 2004 also shamelessly used staged pseudoevents and celebrity spectacles as "infotainment, ' and spent over $620 million on mostly negative political advertising to spell out issues and to try to set the future political agenda. The four volumes of Campaign 2004 evaluate the successes and failures of Campaign 2004 and offer some practical insights for future campaigns.

Volume I of Campaign 2004 concentrates on campaign rhetoric and the battle for attention in the campaign primaries. Volume 2 changes direction by focusing on the effectiveness of presidential debates, political advertising, and leadership, as well as showcasing the Senate races in South Dakota and Illinois. Volume 3 considers trends in new media, mediated reality, and the politics of pseudoevents and celebrity/spectacle, while Volume 4 offers international reflections and perspectives on democracy, and elections in the Middle East and Europe.

Campaign 2004, Volumes 1-4 belongs in the library of every one interested in political science, political communication, international relations, mass communication, mass media, journalism, sociology, marketing/advertising, discourse analysis, and rhetoric.

Volume 1: Constructing the New American Ideals/Idols in Democracy (ISBN: 1-4129-3921-6)Volume 2: De/Constructing the Mediated Realities of Presidential debates, Political Advertising, and Showvase Senate Races (ISBN: 1-4129-3922-4)Volume 3: The Political Celebrity Spectacle: De/Constructing Image Meaning/Mongering (ISBN: 1-4129-3923-2)Volume 4: Style versus Substance in E-Politics and International Perspectives on Democracy (ISBN: 1-4129-3924-0)

Strategy is a simple and powerful method of analysis, it works in the abstract and it is new to most readers. Designed for the overburdened political operative, constituent steps of strategy are easy to understand, analyse or design once divested of their theoretical apparatus. Strategy's powers for coping with uncertainty and the unexpected are easily harnessed for the achievement of political success, and it is by this ease of application that the design of the present book may be judged. It is possible, for example, for the harried reader to go directly to the chapters on developing a campaign strategy or designing a response to a political tactic. The goal of the present book is to propose that strategy can be a suitable foundation for the analysis and development of any electoral candidate's campaign, the significance of events in the course of that campaign, and the prescription of a course of action, strategic or tactical, for winning elections. By taking into account strategic interventions as well as strategic interactions, it is possible to run a successful campaign for parties or individual candidates. Strategy provides a useful forecasting tool for relations between all the actors who may be involved (individuals, groups, political parties, factions within those parties, governments at various levels, pressure groups and even election officials), which are fraught or otherwise difficult. This book is the most recent instalment in a series of books and articles introducing a new general theory of strategy and its applications to an audience primarily composed of non-strategists. The present series of books also fit into a broader oeuvre, integrated along three axes. The first axis focuses on the methodological and theoretical development of this new theory of strategy. The second axis presents several structured sets of case studies focusing on the various types of actors in political systems, broadly defined. The third axis presents a series of exercises and worksheets which pertain either to particular applications of strategy or which spans the intellectual development of a good strategist. This book covers both the first and third axes, explaining the use of strategy in election campaigns.

It was the best of elections; it was the worst of elections. The 2004 presidential contest mobilized a record number of voters, with 121 million Americans showing up at the polls. But in many eyes, the 2004 race also plumbed new depths. It was the most expensive presidential election in history, with a price tag of $2.2 billion. It was also marked by unprecedented negativity -for example, both George W. Bush and John Kerry came under fire for their activities during the Vietnam War, which ended three decades ago. In Vital Signs, David Dulio and Candice Nelson analyze the Bush and Kerry campaigns and use them as the springboard for a broader exploration of the current U.S. campaign system and its strengths and weaknesses. The book addresses four key issues: Who's in charge of modern campaigns? How effective are the key players? What role does money play? And are campaigns being conducted in an ethical manner? In answering these questions, Dulio and Nelson draw on a wide range of sources, including focus groups, interviews with campaign professionals, and a unique dataset based on multiple surveys of political consultants, party operatives, and the public. The culmination of the seven-year "Improving Campaign Conduct" project, Vital Signs should become an integral part of the debate about American campaigns and elections.

The 2002 midterm elections were noteworthy U.S. congressional campaigns for many reasons. They marked the last national contests before implementation of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) and thus were expected by many to be the "last hurrah" for soft money. These midterm campaigns provided a window on the activity of parties, interest groups, and political consultants on the eve of BCRA, as they prepared to enter a new era of American elections. The results of Campaign 2002 were remarkable. As the party in power, the Republicans defied history by gaining seats in both houses of Congress, giving them a majority in the Senate. To some degree this resulted from the GOP's new emphasis on "ground war" voter mobilization. Another key was the unusually aggressive support of the sitting president, who leveraged his popularity to advance his party's candidates for Congress. The Last Hurrah? analyzes the role of soft money and issue advocacy in the 2002 battle for Congress. Having been granted access to a number of campaign operations across a broad array of groups, David Magleby, Quin Monson, and their colleagues monitored and documented a number of competitive races, including the key South Dakota and Missouri Senate contests. Each case study breaks down the campaign communication in a particular race, including devices such as advertising, get-out-the-vote drives, "soft money" expenditures, and the increasingly influential role of the national parties on local races. They also discuss the overall trends of the midterm election of 2002, paying particular attention to the impact of President Bush and his political operation in candidate recruitment, fundraising, and campaign visits. Magleby and Monson consider an important question typically overlooked. How do voters caught in the middle of a hotly contested race deal with -and react to -a barrage of television and radio ads, direct mail, unsolicited phone calls, and other campaign communications? They conclude with a look to the future, using the trends in 2002 to understand just how candidates, political parties, and interest groups might respond to the new campaign environment of BCRA.

Individual donors play a critical role in financing congressional elections, accounting for more than half of all money raised in House campaigns. But significant donors (defined here as those contributing more than $200) are the least understood participants in the system. Defenders assert that contributing money to campaigns is part of a broader pattern of civic involvement and is free speech that gives a voice to various interests. Detractors argue that these contributions are undemocratic, enabling wealthy citizens to overwhelm the voices of the many and to promote narrow business and policy interests. These divergent assessments were raised in connection with the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002 and continue to characterize the debate over campaign finance reform.

So who really contributes and why? How much and to how many candidates? What are the strategies used by political campaigns to elicit contributions and how do the views of significant donors impact the campaign-finance system? What do donors think about campaign-finance reform? This book investigates these vital questions, describing the influence of congressional financiers in American politics.

That large financial contributions distort American politics and American democracy is an idea that stands as a truism in political debate. It has fired reform movements; it has inspired round after round of efforts to limit who can give to candidates and parties, how much they can give, and how much campaigns can spend. The laws have generated constitutional arguments about free speech, a still inconclusive literature on whether contributions actually shape policy, and a great deal of work for lawyers and financial analysts who monitor compliance. In the wake of Enron's collapse and subsequent revelations about that corporation's involvement with policy makers, the public's attention has once again focused on the role that money plays in politics. Little of the scholarly work (and none of the legal work) is historical. Yet history can shed light on the long-running debate about the impact of money on politics and what, if anything, are plausible policy options.

This collection of original essays is a step in that direction. The chapters cover episodes from the early nineteenth century through the 1970s. They illustrate how deep concern about money in politics runs--and how the definition of the problem has changed over time. Through the nineteenth century, the "spoils system" in which party loyalists gained reward for their efforts appeared to be the evil that blocked responsive parties and honest public administration. Party war chests that brought howls of complaint (and great exaggeration) seemed quaint by the middle of the twentieth century. In part because reform had weakened the parties and campaigns required consultants' skills in coordination and in part because television advertising was so expensive, the cost of campaigns rose. Candidates griped and policy entrepreneurs worked out possible solutions, which were in place before the Watergate scandal focused public attention on campaign finance. In the history of campaign-finance reform, one generation's solutions have tended to become another's problem. Contributors to the volume are Paula Baker, Robert Mutch, Mark Wahlgren Summers, and Julian E. Zelizer.

Since the 1960 national election, the nonpartisan Citizens Research Foundation (CRF) has published a series of Financing the Election volumes, compiling reliable data on the costs and trends of campaign finance. For the 2000 edition, CRF and the Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy at Brigham Young University assembled leading political science scholars to analyze this historic election season where campaign finance was critically important. Candice J. Nelson of American University compares spending estimates in 2000 with previous election cycles, and discusses the implications of increased spending. John C. Green and Nathan S. Bigelow of the Roy Bliss Institute at the University of Akron look at the presidential nomination campaigns, while Anthony Corrado of Colby College explores the financing of the general election, including the unprecedented Florida recount battle. Paul S. Herrnson of the University of Maryland and Kelly D. Patterson of Brigham Young University review the close party balance in the House and Senate and its effect on the financing of congressional elections. Diana Dwyre of California State University-Chico and Robin Kolodny of Temple University put the role of political parties and their use of soft money in perspective. Alan J. Cigler of the University of Kansas investigates the ways interest groups attempt to influence elections. Anthony Gierzynski of the University of Vermont analyzes the impact of redistricting on gubernatorial and state legislative elections, while Roy A. Schotland of Georgetown University Law School examines the recent history and rising costs of judicial campaigns. Finally, Thomas Mann of the Brookings Institution discusses lessons the 2000 elections should teach us about the realities of financing elections and the implications for reform that emerged from this remarkable election. In setting forth the contours of American political finance, Financing the 2000 Election provides a unique resource for students of elections, reformers, journalists, and interested citizens.

On December 12, 2000, a controversial decision by the Supreme Court of the United States effectively ended the disputed presidential contest between George W. Bush and Albert Gore Jr. with a 5-4 ruling that revealed the court to be as bitterly divided as the electorate. Four days earlier, the Florida Supreme Court had abruptly changed the dynamics of the election by reversing a lower court and ordering hand recounts of "undervotes" statewide. The U.S. Supreme Court quickly stepped in to halt the recounts and agreed to hear Bush v. Gore. After brief oral arguments and a short period of deliberation, the high court reversed the state court decision. The justices in both cases were bitterly divided, and passionate language emerged in both the majority rulings and the dissents. The drama and divisiveness of this extraordinary saga come to life in the rulings, opinions, and dissents from these two cases: U.S. Supreme Court case 00-949 (Bush v. Gore) and Florida Supreme Court case 00-2431 (Gore v. Harris). The first section of this volume gathers the complete text of both rulings, along with selections from oral arguments in the U.S. Supreme Court case. The second section of the book gathers the most significant opinion pieces from journalists and scholars on both sides of the political fence. Selected and organized by political analysts E.J. Dionne and William Kristol, these articles illuminate the perspectives of both sides about the various twists and turns in the post-election campaign, and the landmark judicial intervention. A companion website will provide links to documents from additional legal proceedings and other related documents and writings. The legal and historical significance of the 2000 election will be studied and debated for years to come. This volume combines the most important source documents with the most intelligent opinion and analysis about the conflict and its controversial resolution.

This is the story of how Walter Capps made it to Congress. A long-time religious studies professor with no political experience, Capps shocked the 22nd district of California and the nation in 1996 by unseating a Contract-With-America Republican and becoming the first Democratic Representative from that District in 50 years. In a hard-fought and high-profile campaign, Capps maintained his principles -- as well as his sense of humour -- while waging a personal battle against the compromises every politician is tempted to make. Winning Without the Spin is also the story of the campaign itself, seen through the eyes of the author, a political novice whose sense of the absurd increased with every hour on the campaign trail. Throughout the history of American politics, few, if any, books have chronicles the day-to-day aspects of the campaign office in such detail, with anecdotes describing everything from personal power plays by staff to the day Wally Baer fixed the toilet. On the campaign trail, the ridiculous melded with the sublime on a daily basis. Above all this book is a tribute to the memory of Walter Capps, who brought his unique brand of politics to the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives for only 10 months before this sudden death of a heart attack at Dulles Airport in October 1997.

Political advertising plays a key role in modern electioneering and has formed part of political campaigns since the earliest federal elections were held in the United States. As modes of mass communication have evolved, so have the venues for campaign advertising --from newspapers to radio and television, and today, the Internet. Not only have the outlets for political advertising expanded over the past twenty years, so have the number of groups using it to convey information and advance their points of view. Because political advertising has become such a pervasive medium for candidates, political parties, and special interest groups, understanding its role in election campaigns becomes all the more important. Crowded Airwaves gathers some of the most significant new work in American political advertising and communication. The contributors provide an objective and balanced analysis of political advertising: its causes, its growth, and its consequences on elections in the United States. The chapters in this volume tackle three of the most interesting and most complicated issues in political advertising today: the characterization of ads and the need to measure their impact; the agenda-setting and priming effects of ads; and the role and implications of issue advertising for the electorate. The contributors focus in particular on the effects and consequences of negative advertising. Crowded Airwaves will appeal to readers who are interested in political campaigns and communication. It will be of special importance to those concerned with the tone and content of electoral campaigns and political discourse.

Revised and updated just in time for the 2000 campaign, this shrewd and amusing series of observations provides a political etiquette for campaign behavior on the part of both politicians and journalists. Features illustrations by America's foremost political cartoonists, including Herblock, Paul Conrad, Jeff McNally, Don Wright, Garry Trudeau, Jim Borgman, Mike Peters, Tom Toles, Mike Luckovich, Steve Benson, and Walt Handelsman. "Stephen Hess has stepped into the breach with answers to questions that ought to be more frequently asked...This breezy book is likely to be of interest to anyone who follows - or worries about - the state of the nation's political discourse." - USA Today

Campaign politics has become increasingly professionalized in recent years. The growing prevalence and influence of paid consultants in the United States and other democracies is one of the most important factors changing the nature of electoral politics. Campaign Warriors thoroughly examines this critical --and controversial --development and its impact on the political system in the U.S. and other countries.

The contributors approach the topic from several different perspectives, including the increasing use of "spin doctors" and the resulting loss of influence of state and national political parties. The book investigates the role of these paid advisers: who they are, what they do and why, and how they feel about their work. The contributors discuss the consultant's relationship with candidates and parties, and analyze the effect of their efforts on election outcome.

?Bruce I. Newman tells us briskly, firmly what our instincts also tell us: We are mass marketing images rather than providing real leadership.? --Paul Simon, Former U.S. Senator, Public Policy Institute, Southern Illinois University ?Gatorade and Coke do it, so do candidates for high office?they manufacture images and manipulate reality to win our favor. In this insightful and compelling study, Bruce I. Newman demonstrates what politicians and interest groups are doing to us and what we need to do to strengthen our democracy.? --Dennis W. Johnson, Associate Dean, George Washington University ?Bruce Newman has written an incisive account of the role that marketing plays in contemporary politics. He argues persuasively that mass marketing techniques are profoundly changing and corroding American politics. His book provides an enlightful analysis of the ways in which marketers have transformed the presidential election.? --Richard M. Perloff, author of Political Communication: Politics, Press and Public in America ?This book is a must read for anyone concerned about the growing trend of sound bite over substance, willful manipulation of the media over honest engagement of the American Public.? --David Wilhelm, Former Chair of the Democratic National Committee ?While marketing has led to better quality in most markets, we are beginning to have serious doubts about what is doing to the quality of political life. Bruce Newman raises serious questions about whether anyone of merit can get elected today without the support of expensive and sophisticated marketing machinery.? --Philip Kotler, S.C. Johnson & Son Distinguished Professor of International Marketing, Northwestern University Marketing, not ideology, drives America?s contemporary political system, with an emphasis on image over substance, personality over issues, and 30-second sound bites over meaningful dialogue. Through the use of carefully crafted messages meant to manipulate voter thinking, the same marketing tactics used by Fortune 500 companies is shaping public opinion. The Mass Marketing of Politics details how marketing tactics are being used to determine public opinion, win votes, and shape public policy in the White House and Congress. The book points out the pitfalls of relying too heavily on marketing as a campaign and governance tool and offers solutions to fix our political system before it is too late. Bruce I. Newman is the author of The Marketing of the President (Sage, 1993) and the forthcoming Handbook of Political Marketing. He has served as a communication advisor to top White House officials and has written widely on the subject of political marketing in both scholarly and popular media. The Mass Marketing of Politics is provocative and essential reading for anyone interested in American politics, marketing, political communication, and media studies.

Incisive and readable, this excellent volume offers an overview of contemporary campaigns and elections and the role parties play in them. Anyone looking to better understand and identify important features of current campaigns and elections, and to place these features in a historical context, will find the book invaluable. Drawing on extensive interviewing and archival research, David Menefee-Libey argues that campaign-centered politics is now the dominant force in American elections with serious implications for representative democracy. Data on campaign activities and finance from the 1998 election is included.

"This work offers a great deal of rich, detailed narrative on the pressures on and responses by party organizations caught up in a vortex of contextual change over the past generations. David Menefee-Libey analyzes the structured interactions among political elites, discussing campaign-dominated politics in the modern era and providing a wealth of compelling detail", according to Walter Dean Burnham of the University of Texas at Austin. "A well-written and well-developed study of national party organizations, political party in government, and the new party paradigm", writes Charles D. Hadley of the University of New Orleans. "It brings together two very important themes of contemporary American politics: the scholarship on critical elections and party decline and that on 'responsible parties' to form the 'new party paradigm' of 'campaign-centered politics.'"

Roderick P. Hart?s revised edition of Seducing America is an eye-opening look at how television's format of presenting politics to its viewers has changed the way television-watching citizens act, vote, and feel about politics in this country. While television makes us feel knowledgeable, important, informed, and close to our political representatives, it disguises dissatisfaction with the political system and with ourselves. Hart's rigorous blend of rhetorical and statistical research plus his eloquent and passionate writing make this book a superb supplementary text for political communication and media studies courses that will help engage students in provocative discussions about media and politics.

The standard view of the transition is based on a distinction between campaigning and governing, with election day as the marker: campaigning before, preparing to govern after. Yet changes are blurring the distinction between the two activities. The Clinton transition in 1992 is the watershed case. Dubbed the "worst" for failing to meet many of the standard tests, Clinton and his aides, nevertheless, were attuned to a campaigning style of governing that was fine-tuned after the 1994 mid-term election.

Future transitions will be judged by a revised set of expectations. The conventional rules will be supplemented by tests that account for campaigning as integral to governing. What is called the "permanent campaign" is upon us. Presidents in the 21st century will prepare to govern more publicly from the start, anxious to establish and enhance their status in a more communal style of governing.

This book considers the critical ten weeks of transition for recent party changes in the White House (Nixon, Carter, Reagan, Clinton) and signals a pivotal change for the future. Charles Jones identifies the conventional expectations for an effective transition in regard to such topics as dismantling the campaign, connecting with Congress, establishing a theme, and relating to the press.

One of the most closely-watched and controversial aspects of modern political campaigning is the use of negative, attack tactics. This book examines the role played by negative campaigning through a national survey of professional political consultants. Campaign consultants have become vitally important to political candidates in recent years as strategists, fundraisers, and media specialists. The research in this book focuses on how consultants define negative campaigning, including the differences between issue attacks and character attacks, how and when criticism of the opponent should be implemented, and which media should be used to deliver attack messages. A statistical analysis of the survey data reveals insights into behavioral and professional differences among consultants with regard to party affiliation, gender, age, and level of experience.

This volume pulls together key documents--statutes, court decisions, FEC advisory opinions, draft legislation--and scholarly articles that are essential references for any informed discussion of campaign finance reform. Each chapter includes a set of reprinted materials preceded by an explanation of the relevant issues by the editors. Topics include the history of federal statutes on campaign finance; major Supreme Court decisions; the constitutional contours of the current debate; a roadmap to the present rules of the game; political action committees; national parties; hard and soft money; express and issue advocacy; enforcing campaign finance law; and recent innovations and proposals. The volume is designed to help reformers and interested citizens understand how current campaign finance practices have evolved from previous decisions made by legislative, judicial, and executive bodies and what might be entailed in moving the system in a desired direction. Each of the editors has extensive practical experience in the field of campaign finance.

If elections are easily predicted and voting behavior is easily explained with just a few fundamental variables, it seems quite plausible to argue that campaigns don't matter. This book attempts to answer the question, "Do campaigns matter?" by analyzing changes in public opinion during and across several presidential election campaigns. The crux of the argument is that although the national political and economic context of the election is very important, campaigns also play a crucial role in determining election outcomes. In particular, campaign events, such as conventions and debates, are primarily responsible for changes in public opinion that occur during the campaign period. Using many different data sources from several presidential campaigns, this important volume demonstrates that election outcomes are jointly produced by campaigns and national conditions. Covering an important and neglected subject, Do Campaigns Matter? is essential for students in political science at both graduate and undergraduate levels. Its original research, imaginative approach at conceptualizing data, and excellent empirical analysis, make it a must read for researchers and professionals as well.

Professor Bruce I. Newman correctly points out that in this information age, a candidate and his staff can test a new issue or idea very quickly, and if it looks salable, arrange to have the candidate get it before the correct bloc of voters in a very short period of time. . . . Newman is also correct in noting that the political party, as an institution, is no longer as dominant in elections. . . . Political junkies will love this material. --Conservative Review The Marketing of the President documents how political candidates are marketed by the same sophisticated techniques that experts use to sell legal and medical services. Bruce I. Newman addresses issues of serious concern to the health of the political process as he examines the roles of polling, direct mail, 900 numbers, and television in advertising. Using the 1992 presidential election as a case study, this extraordinary volume reveals how the American political process has been transformed--for better or worse--by the use of marketing techniques.

The rhetoric and political communication of the 2016 Presidential Election was arguably unconventional, partisan, and polarizing-becoming a defining characteristic of the tone and feel of the campaign. In this volume we examine how rhetoric and various political communication strategies influenced and shaped the contours of the election and ultimately its outcome. Witnessing the most diverse electorate in U.S. political history, we look at how voters were primed for an anti-establishment/outsider candidate and how various rhetorical and communication appeals were used to strategically engage different groups of voters and at times, leave out or even scapegoat others. We also analyze how rhetoric and political communication shaped the debate on key issues such as climate change, immigration, national security, gender, and representation. In an age where having a social media presence is an essential campaign tool, we examine how Twitter was used by candidates and its impact on the electorate and news coverage. Overall, we demonstrate that political rhetoric and communication is impactful, bearing electoral consequences and the potential for policy outcomes, giving the reader much to consider as we approach the next midterm and general election.

This book argues that public relations is not merely an organizational tool, but a powerful influence on social and political life. From carefully considered communication by multinational corporations, to government campaigns that manage public opinion, to the self-promotion of celebrities via social media, public relations is central to our individual and collective lives. Understanding Public Relations introduces a socio-cultural approach to public relations as a way of analysing the growing importance of public relations in its social, cultural and political contexts. Encouraging a deeper and more critical understanding of its influence on society, Lee Edwards: Explores public relations in relation to contemporary debates around promotional culture, discourse, globalisation, democracy and power Considers how public relations frames vital discussions of race, gender, class and ethics Brings theory to life with a range of case studies, including YouTube vlogging, the global fair trade movement and the 2016 EU referendum in the UK Both accessible and provocative, this is an invaluable resource for students and researchers exploring public relations theory, critical public relations, strategic communication and promotional culture.

Electing a Mega-Mayor represents the first-ever comprehensive, survey-based examination of a Canadian mayoral race and provides a unique, detailed account of the 2014 mayoral election in Toronto. After making the case that local elections deserve more attention from scholars of political behaviour, this book offers readers an understanding of Toronto politics at the time of the 2014 election and presents relevant background on the major candidates. It considers the importance that Torontonians attached to policy concerns and identifies the bases of support for the outgoing, scandal-ridden mayor, Rob Ford, and his brother Doug. In the penultimate chapter, the authors examine how Torontonians viewed their elected officials, and the city's performance, two years after the election. McGregor, Moore, and Stephenson conclude with a reflection on what the analysis of the Toronto 2014 election says about voters in large cities in general and provide a short epilogue addressing the 2018 election results. Written in an accessible style, this is the first book on the politics of Toronto during the Ford era that focuses on the perspective of the voter.

"Indispensable.... for anyone who cares about journalism." - Professor Karin Wahl-Jorgensen How can we understand the complex relationship between journalism and emotion? In a world of live-streamed terror, polarised political debates and fake news, emotion has become central to our understanding of contemporary journalism. Including interviews with leading journalists throughout, Journalism and Emotion critically explores the impact of this new affective media environment, not just on the practice of journalism, but also the lived experience of journalists themselves. Bringing together theory and practice, Stephen Jukes explores: The history of objectivity and emotion in journalism, from pre-internet to digital. The 'emotionalisation' of culture in today's populist media landscape. The blurring of boundaries between journalism and social media content. The professional practices of journalists working with emotive material. The mental health risks to journalists covering traumatic stories. The impact on journalists handling graphic user-generated content. In today's interactive, interconnected and participatory media environment, there is more emotive content being produced and shared than ever before. Journalism and Emotion helps you make sense of this, explaining how emotion is mobilised to influence public opinion, and how journalists themselves work with and through emotional material.