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Books > Humanities > History > World history > From 1900 > Postwar, from 1945
This edited collection contributes to the current vivid multidisciplinary debate on East European memory politics and the post-communist instrumentalization and re-mythologization of World War II memories. The book focuses on the three Slavic countries of post-Soviet Eastern Europe - Russia, Ukraine and Belarus - the epicentre of Soviet war suffering, and the heartland of the Soviet war myth. The collection gives insight into the persistence of the Soviet commemorative culture and the myth of the Great Patriotic War in the post-Soviet space. It also demonstrates that for geopolitical, cultural, and historical reasons the political uses of World War II differ significantly across Ukraine, Russia and Belarus, with important ramifications for future developments in the region and beyond. The chapters 'Introduction: War and Memory in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus', 'From the Trauma of Stalinism to the Triumph of Stalingrad: The Toponymic Dispute over Volgograd' and 'The "Partisan Republic": Colonial Myths and Memory Wars in Belarus' are published open access under a CC BY 4.0 license at link.springer.com. The chapter 'Memory, Kinship, and Mobilization of the Dead: The Russian State and the "Immortal Regiment" Movement' is published open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license at link.springer.com.
Offering a systematic, critical analysis of the presidency of Fernando Cardoso, this ambitious case study assesses government policies within the framework of the 'new economic model' of globalization and structural adjustment. Petras and Veltmeyer argue that Cardoso paved the way for what amounted to the takeover of a large and important part of Brazil's economy by foreign investors. The authors discuss the neoliberal model of capitalist development, the privatization of key sectors and enterprises, the human cost of structural adjustment, and the search for a community-based form of local development. The crisis in agriculture and the dynamic responses of the country's rural landless workers precipitated the rise of Brazil's populist new president, Lula, whom the authors charge has started down the same path as his predecessor.
In his analysis of insurgency war, Donald Hamilton first attempts to provide insight into a strategic concept he believes is little understood today, and to explain its complicated relationship to American policy failures in Southeast Asia during the post-1945 era of containment. The study develops a working model of insurgency, explaining it as both a unique method and type of war-making. Significant findings include the inability of policymakers to perceive a potential insurgency in Vietnam as early as 1946, subsequent American involvement in not one, but three Asian insurgencies during the 1950s, and the ultimate failure of the U.S. military to meet the insurgency challenge in South Vietnam. This inability to eliminate the insurgency led not only to the complete breakdown of the South Vietnamese government, but was the primary reason why further U.S. military action after 1965 would prove ineffectual. This historical narrative also follows the involvement of several key players, including the personalities of Edward Lansdale, Sir Robert Thompson, Archimedes Patti, and Vo Nguyen Giap, who through their life experiences and writings, provide a keen profundity into why insurgencies occur, why they fail, and why they succeed.
The subject of The Anti-Communist Manifestos is four influential books that informed the great political struggle known as the Cold War: Darkness at Noon (1940), by Arthur Koestler, a Hungarian journalist and polymath intellectual; Out of the Night (1941), by Jan Valtin, a German sailor and labor agitator; I Chose Freedom (1946), by Victor Kravchenko, a Soviet engineer; and Witness (1952), by Whittaker Chambers, an American journalist. The authors were ex Communist Party members whose bitter disillusionment led them to turn on their former allegiance in literary fury.Koestler was a rapist, Valtin a thug. Kravchenko, though not a spy, was forced to live like one in America. Chambers was a prophet without honor in his own land. Three of the four had been underground espionage agents of the Comintern. All contemplated suicide, and two of them achieved it. John V. Fleming s humane and ironic narrative of these grim lives reveals that words were the true driving force behind the Cold War."
The French North African Crisis analyzes the postwar breakdown in French imperial rule in North West Africa, concentrating primarily upon the Algerian war of independence. This book highlights the human tragedy involved and the divisive consequences within French metropolitan politics of intractable colonial conflict. It further examines how far the protracted crisis of colonial control in North Africa shaped French foreign and security policy and this impacted upon Anglo-French relations, the western alliance and the wider process of decolonization.
By bringing together three different academic disciplines -- anthropology, political science and history -- and covering a variety of different parliamentary assemblies, both in Europe and in the United States, this book aims to offer a fresh approach to parliamentary studies. The authors assess the importance of ritual and symbolic communication in different parliamentary settings. The underlying question that each practitioner and scholar addresses is: Do parliamentary rituals really matter? Some of the contributors argue that legislative procedure is more telling of the role and reputation that a parliament has in a given society than its rituals and ceremonies. Others stress the relevance of these ritual expressions for conveying political sense and meaning to the public.
Rockefellerocracy: Kennedy Assassinations, Watergate, and Monopoly of the "Philanthropic" Foundations is a portal to a universe of political and economic supremacy, revealing links to the crimes of the century. Kennedy had a dream for the nation, but Nelson Rockefeller, a ruthless megalomaniac, had his own selfish scheme to become president. After a ten-year-long course of wrongdoing to steal American democracy, his nomination to the vice presidency by President Gerald Ford was not the hand of fate. Congressman Ford had served as an integral part of the Warren Commission whitewash. The two men formed the first administration not elected by the people This release coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the JFK assassination, that infamous weekend in November of 1963 that author Richard James DeSocio remembers well. He even witnessed Jack Ruby execute Lee Harvey Oswald in front of a live TV audience. Originally searching for answers to satisfy his own curiosity, that led to twenty-five years of painstaking research, the author has unraveled the dark mystery that baffled a nation for half a century. The verdict is radically different from the official version.
Between 1945 and 1947, the United States sought an imperial
solution to its security problems in the Pacific Basin. Faced with
fears of a future Pearl Harbor-style attack by a potentially
resurgent Japan, and facing an even more realistic confrontation
with the Soviet Union, American policymakers, planners, and
strategic analysts saw the creation of an "American lake" in the
postwar Pacific as the best means by which to guarantee U.S.
security interests with regard to East Asia.Because of policy
differences among the executive branch departments that had
responsibilities in the area, the vision proved difficult to
achieve.
According to numerous scholars and pundits, JFK's victory in 1960
symbolized America's evolution from a politically Protestant nation
to a pluralistic one. The anti-Catholic prejudice that many blamed
for presidential candidate Alfred E. Smith's crushing defeat in
1928 at last seemed to have been overcome. However, if the
presidential election of 1960 was indeed a turning point for
American Catholics, how do we explain the failure of any
Catholic--in over forty years--to repeat Kennedy's accomplishment?
In this exhaustively researched study that fuses political,
cultural, social, and intellectual history, Thomas Carty challenges
the assumption that JFK's successful campaign for the presidency
ended decades, if not centuries, of religious and political
tensions between American Catholics and Protestants.
The Algerian War 1954-62 was one of the most prolonged and violent examples of decolonization. Bringing to an end 132 years of French rule, the Algerian struggle caused the fall of six French prime ministers, the collapse of the Fourth Republic, and expulsion of one million French settlers. This volume, bringing together leading experts in the field, focuses on one of the key actors in the drama - the French army. They show that the Algerian War was just as much about conflicts of ideas, beliefs and loyalties as it was about simple military operations. In this way, the collection goes beyond polemic and recrimination to explore the many and varied nuances of what was one of the historically most important of the grand style colonial wars.
"China Against the Tides, 3rd Edition" uses an interdisciplinary and comparative approach to analyse China by introducing theories and concepts from historical and political sociology, economic development, and political science. "China Against the Tides, 3rd Edition" argues that, in both Mao and Deng periods, China evolved in ways quite different from the Soviet model and from other developing countries. Using an interdisciplinary and comparative approach, the book analyzes China by introducing theories and concepts from historical and political sociology, economic development, and political science. It also explores China from two comparative perspectives: developing countries (including the newly industrializing countries of East Asia) and historical state socialist regimes. "China Against the Tides, 3rd Edition" seeks to combine both the internal perspectives of the actors themselves with the external standpoint of the social scientist. China is, of course, unique; but so are all countries. But, like other countries, its distinctiveness can best be grasped by observing it from outside as well as from within. Every chapter in the third edition as well as the end bibliography has been updated. In addition, a new section examines China's international relations, and new coverage has been added throughout the chapters. For example, the third edition discusses: the Hu-Wen leadership that came to power in 2002, China's economic growth and social development, internet technology, the continued drumbeat of protests of various kinds, the situation in Tibet, the Olympic Games, the May 2008 earthquake, plus smaller but still notable events, such as the 2003 SARS outbreak, the Three Gorges Dam, and the 2005 pollution episode on the Songhua River.
A comprehensive and focused review of all of the Supreme Court's overturns of Congress on constitutional grounds from 1789 to the present suited to college-level political science and constitutional law courses as well as law school students. The always-controversial practice of judicial review of Congress is not prescribed in the Constitution, but is arguably a valid way to protect the rights of individuals or guard against unfair rule by the majority. This book offers a historical review and indictment of the Supreme Court's overruling of Congress, ultimately taking a position that this has been more detrimental than beneficial to the democratic process in the United States, and that in the aggregate rights of individuals and minorities would have been better served if the relevant laws of Congress had been enforced rather than struck down by the Court. Written by an author who is a historian and a lawyer, the book covers all Supreme Court overrides of Congress through 2014, including major historical turning points in Supreme Court legislation and such recent and relevant topics as the Affordable Care Act, limits on contributions to political candidates and campaigns from wealthy individuals, and the Defense of Marriage Act. The discussions of specific cases are made in relevant context and focus on "big picture" themes and concepts without skipping key details, making this a useful volume for law and university level students while also being accessible to general readers. Supplies a balanced and comprehensive examination of Supreme Court overrides of Congress that recognizes both good and bad decisions but portrays how Congress performs better than the Court in terms of being faithful to the Constitution-and in promoting and protecting the rights of individuals and minorities Discusses cases in relevant context and focuses on "big picture" themes and concepts, avoiding legal jargon and technicalities to make the text accessible to general readers Provides a historical and contemporaneous review of Supreme Court-Congress interactions with explanations of future implications Offers a historical review and indictment of the Supreme Court's overruling of Congress, ultimately taking a position that this has been more detrimental than of benefit to the democratic process in the United States Enables readers to obtain a richer understanding of the relationship that has pertained between Congress and the Court throughout U.S. history
How and why has the city of Florence, one of the great treasure houses of western civilization, been reduced to little more than a Renaissance Disneyland for tourists? Florence, once a center of national intellectual creativity, has become a city with two separate lives. Its historic center caters to and profits from tourists, while the periphery houses a population that endures overcrowding, decaying infrastructure, and an exorbitant cost of living. In "Politics in a Museum," James Miller investigates Florence's losing struggle with modern times. He traces the city's story from its bloody liberation in 1944 through a reconstruction led by Communist and Catholic saints, the flood of 1966, the booms and busts of the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. In the process, Miller provides an analysis of the defects of Italy's national political system, as well as a meticulous reconstruction of the men and events that have placed Florence alongside Venice in the unenviable status of museum city.
This is a study of global political history since 1941 with a particular emphasis on America's attitude to neutrality. This important revised and updated edition contains three entirely new chapters including an insightful new introduction and conclusion, drawing on newly released documentation, most importantly on Southeast Asia and the Vietnam War. Like the previous edition, this book looks at world affairs through the eyes of neutrality. It covers America's contribution to the decline of world-neutrality, the major economic and military events surrounding the Second World War, the founding of NATO and the problems of neutralism during the Vietnam War. This new edition, however, goes one step further to confirm, with fresh new evidence, the central thesis of the original volume.
After Maj. Robert J. Darling organizes President Bush's trip to Florida on Sept. 10, 2001, he believes the next couple of days will be quiet. He has no idea that a war is about to begin.The next day, after terrorists crash airliners into the World Trade Center towers and the Pentagon, Maj. Darling rushes to the president's underground chamber at the White House. There, he takes on the task of liaison between the vice president, national security advisor and the Pentagon. He works directly with the National Command Authority, and he's in the room when Vice President Cheney orders two fighter jets to get airborne in order to shoot down United Flight 93.Throughout the attacks, Maj. Darling witnesses the unprecedented actions that leaders are taking to defend America. As Vice President Cheney, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, and others make decisions at a lightning pace with little or no deliberation, he's there to lend his support.Follow Darling's story as he becomes a Marine Corps aviator and rises through the ranks to play an incredible role in responding to a crisis that changed the world in "9-11-01: The White House: Twenty-Four Hours inside the President's Bunker."
It is only now, fifteen years after its end, that the full impact of the Vietnam War on the United States can begin to be measured. In this work, Anthony Campagna focuses on one aspect of the war's consequences: its short- and long-term effects on the United States economy. Detailing both the identifiable costs and the economic benefits, Campagna examines the increasing influence the war had on the economy as it progressed, and the immediate policy responses that formed the government reaction. The impact to the economic system is presented in a chronological fashion, describing how the economy was affected during the war years, and how, in the aftermath, it was permanently altered. The book addresses the costs and benefits of the war in a sequential manner, and is written in a non-technical style. The first section covers the historical background of the Vietnam War, centering on the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations. A full description of the state of the economy prior to the war, and in the early stages of the conflict, is also provided. The second section details the effects of the war on the United States, beginning with its impact on the economy, social conditions, and the functioning of the Johnson administration. The longer term effects are addressed through the argument that the basic structure of the economy changed in the early stages of the war. An assessment of the Nixon administration's handling of the war and economy completes the section. Finally, the third section offers an overall accounting of the war, examining the total economic costs and benefits as well as the post-Vietnam economy and society. This volume will be a valuable resource for a wide range of courses, including history, political science, economics, and sociology. It will also be an important addition to college, university, and public libraries.
This is a book about what people imagine it means to live in a world where private property is dominant, and their fears - and sometimes hopes - about living in a future world where private property has disappeared. In the propertied imagination, private property is a fragile thing, an institution beset by terrifying enemies and racialised and gendered mobs: Levellers and Diggers, socialists and anarchists, fervent religious radicals, abolitionists, feminists, and haughty welfare-state bureaucrats. The history of private property is the history of a recurring nightmare that one or another of these groups would storm the castle and take control. That threatened social chaos is the central unifying story of this book. Private property and the fear of social chaos starts by charting the thinkers who laid the foundations for how we understand private property, including Locke, Burke, Marx and Engels. The book looks at how their ideas have been put into practice in ways that continue to shape the modern world, from Harry Truman's housing policies and the anti-abolitionist George Fitzhugh to Margaret Thatcher and Elon Musk. Arguing that the spectre of 'the mob' has been intimately interconnected with the idea of private property throughout capitalist modernity, the book ambitiously narrates this history from the early colonisation of the Americas to Silicon Valley, and the future of human colonisation in space. -- .
This collection offers comprehensive insights into pivotal areas of concern regarding developments in Zimbabwe since its independence. By disclosing the intra-elite competition, assessing the performance of Zimbabwe's economy and explaining how the country's natural resources have been managed, we can better understand the ruling ZANU-PF's increasing reliance on the so-called war veterans and the land reform issue for its political survival.
During the Cold War, Cyprus was of great strategic importance to the West. Britain, the US, and NATO all had valuable installations there, and any armed conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriots could easily pull two nearby NATO members—Greece and Turkey—into war. When intercommunal fighting broke out in Cyprus in December 1963, the West was deeply embarrassed. This book examines the efforts of first Britain, and then the UN, to keep the peace.
The "Short Oxford History of Italy" series, in seven volumes, offers a complete History of Italy from the early Middle Ages to the present and, in each period, presents the most recent historical perspectives on Italian history. This means setting Italian history in the broader context of European history as a whole. It also means questioning accepted interpretations of Italian history in each of these periods and, in particular, the idea that Italy's history has been significantly different from that of the rest of Europe. Each volume emphasizes how developments in Italy in each period are best understood as variants on broader European patterns of political, economic social and cultural change This volume sets in context the tremendous changes that Italy has undergone since 1945. In place of the land of pizza, sunshine, and soccer, McCarthy describes a developing nation: an economy that has found its own road to success via the piccole imprese with an increasingly strong stockmarket and more sophisticated banking; a dynamic, traditional, family centred society; and a political system struggling to modernize after 40 years of Christian Democrat rule and Communist opposition. McCa
The first comprehensive scholarly study of the British Army's campaign against the Jewish insurgency in postwar Palestine, this book shows how outdated doctrine, traditional resistance to change, and postwar turbulence hampered the army's efforts to modify its counter-insurgency tactics. It also shows why the security forces failed to develop intelligence sufficient to defeat the insurgents.
The essays in this book reflect on the significance of the
Holocaust sixty years afterwards. In this time it has become
embedded in collective memory This book explores the idea that even
thought the tenets of Nazism--racism, dictatorship, expansionism
--have become unacceptable in the western world, little has
actually changed. Since 1945 crimes against humanity and human
rights have occurred throughout the world. The Holocaust thus
pre-figures a "death-drive" in contemporary culture: the idea that
the ability to deliver death is the supreme expression of
self-affirmation.
Gaining its independence in 1991, after having been included in socialist Yugoslavia for more than four decades, the Republic of Macedonia has struggled to consolidate its democratic system and independence, and to gain admission into the European Union and NATO, against dogged opposition from Greece. One of the central challenges facing Macedonia, along with other Yugoslav successor states, is to develop civic values and to combat such uncivic values as ethnic intolerance, religious bigotry, and homophobia. This volume brings together leading specialists in Macedonian affairs, both from within Macedonia and from other countries, to offer insights into the experiences and values of the Macedonians, with separate chapters devoted to the media, history textbooks, fiction, the Albanians of Macedonia, and smaller ethnic minorities, as well as other subjects. |
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