Provides a counter history to conventional accounts of American art. Close historical examinations of particular events in Los Angeles and New York in the 1960s are interwoven with discussion of the location of these events, normally marginalized or overlooked, in the history of cultural politics in the United States during the postwar era. Contradictions both within dissident art practices and the mainstream avant-garde are explored. So, too, are the significance of cultural institutions in relation to the production of art, the function of cultural canons within national politics, the construction of collective memories, and the ways in which culture is embedded in ideology and politics. The book is based on detailed and new research from a range of sources including the alternative press, such as the Los Angeles Free Press; public and private archives; interviews and oral histories.

The end of the 1990s saw increasing criticism of the media's treatment of the scandals in Washington. Critics complained that journalists either had not covered the political crisis well, that they had bungled it, or that they had simply blown it out of proportion. Some went so far as to call the situation Pressgate. As Hayden points out, however, the larger question remained: What was Clinton's overall relationship with the media?

Hayden examines presidential-press relationships in the 1990s, focusing first on the 1992 campaign, then on issues and events over Clinton's two terms. He analyzes the press response to the programs of the Clinton era as well as the scandals, the roles of consultants like James Carville, the effectiveness of various press secretaries, and the use of pollsters like Dick Morris. He also examines the fate of the First Amendment in the 1990s and how Clinton responded to freedom of expression concerns. This analysis will be of interest to media specialists as well as the general public concerned with contemporary Washington politics and journalism.

Sherwood recounts the story of American Air Force pilots in the Korean War and the development of a lasting fighter-pilot culture The United States Air Force fought as a truly independent service for the first time during the Korean War. Ruling the skies in many celebrated aerial battles, even against the advanced Soviet MiG-15, American fighter pilots reigned supreme. Yet they also destroyed virtually every major town and city in North Korea, demolished its entire crop irrigation system and killed close to one million civilians. The self-confidence and willingness to take risks which defined the lives of these men became a trademark of the fighter pilot culture, what author John Darrell Sherwood here refers to as the flight suit attitude. In Officers in Flight Suits, John Darrell Sherwood takes a closer look at the flight suit officer's life by drawing on memoirs, diaries, letters, novels, unit records, and personal papers as well as interviews with over fifty veterans who served in the Air Force in Korea. Tracing their lives from their training to the flight suit culture they developed, the author demonstrates how their unique lifestyle affected their performance in battle and their attitudes toward others, particularly women, in their off-duty activities.

In about 40 years, Hong Kong has, against all odds, developed from a relatively obscure entrepot into a thriving industrial and financial economy of world renown. While such a complete metamorphosis constitutes an intriguing story, what of its future? Challenges of creeping, if not steadily proliferating, mercantilist forces and changing international division of labour aside, the capitalist city-economy of Hong Kong is now faced with the problem of changing governance. In all conscience, the future of Hong Kong, especially its post-1997 destiny as a free-market economy, as many have argued, hangs in the balance.;Focusing on relationships concerning trade in manufactures, industrial restructuring and economic development against a background of data, this book offers an examination of the evolution and characteristics of Hong Kong's postwar economy in a historical and comparative perspective, its symbiotic connection with South China in the light of China's open-door policy since late 1970s, as well as a thoughtful assessment of its current turning point.; Despite its emphasis on the economy of Hong Kong, this book has a broader objective - to contribute to the debate on alternative

When the networks called the 2020 presidential election for Joe Biden on Saturday, November 7, 2020, people from coast to coast exhaled--and danced in the streets. This quick-turnaround volume, a collection of 38 personal essays from writers all over the country--"many of America's most thoughtful voices," as Jon Meacham puts it--captures the week Trump was voted out, a unique juncture in American life, and helps point toward a way forward to a nation less divided. An eclectic lineup of contributors--from Rosanna Arquette, Susan Bro and General Wesley Clark to Keith Olbermann, Stewart O'Nan and Anthony Scaramucci--puts a year of transition into perspective, and summons the anxieties and hopes so many have for better times ahead. As award-winning columnist Mary C. Curtis writes in the lead essay, "Saying you're not interested in politics is dangerous because, like it or not, politics is interested in you." Novelist Christopher Buckley, a former speechwriter for Vice President George H.W. Bush, laments, "The Republican Senate, with one exception, has become a stay of ovine, lickspittle quislings, degenerate descendants of such giants as Everett Dirksen, Barry Goldwater, Howard Baker and John McCain." Nero Award-winning mystery novelist Stephen Mack Jones writes, to Donald Trump, "Remember: You live in my house. 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue is my house. My ancestors built it at a cost of blood, soul and labor. I pay my taxes every year to feed you, clothe you and your family and staff and fly you around the country and the world in my tricked-out private jet. If you violate any aspect of your four-year lease--any aspect--Lord Jesus so help me, I will do everything in my power to kick yo narrow ass to the curb." As Publisher Steve Kettmann writes in the Introduction: "The hope is that in putting out these glimpses so quickly, giving them an immediacy unusual in book publishing, we can help in the mourning for all that has been lost, help in the healing (of ourselves and of our country), and help in the pained effort, like moving limbs that have gone numb from inactivity, to give new life to our democracy. We stared into the abyss, tottered on the edge, and a record-setting surge of voting and activism delivered us from the very real threat of plunging into autocracy."

Many of Italy's current problems can be traced back to the years 1948-1958, one of the most interesting but least-studied periods of recent Italian history. This was a decade in which the main cultural and political parameters of contemporary Italy were laid down. It was a time of enormous intellectual and artistic vitality, and a period in which the tensions generated by the Cold War affected the country to a greater degree than in any other western nation.
This first general survey of the period provides an overview of the political and economic position of Italy during the Cold War as well as an assessment of the affect of the Cold War on intellectual, cultural and artistic life. Distinguished scholars from a range of disciplines present case-histories on subjects as diverse as:
- the state's attitude towards the evolution of the family;
- the American presence in the Italian economy; and
- the place of the Italian film in world cinema.
- Italy's attitude towards the EEC and its relationship with NATO
Students and specialists who wish to enhance their understanding of Italian current affairs will find this interdisciplinary approach to the period invaluable.
"an important addition to scholarship on Italian history, politics and social anthropology, as well as a contribution to our understanding of the Italian concept of regionalism from different perspectives. ...] From an anthropological point of view, this reader may represent a landmark for future case studies on the ways in which the ideologies of the autonomist movements are received and interpreted by the people involved." --Journal of Cambridge Anthropology
"an interesting book which will be appreciated by political scientists and political sociologists in search of longitudinal perspectives, and by all readers who believe in interdisciplinary work." --South European Society and Politics
Christopher Duggan Reader in Italian History and Director of the Centre for the Advanced Study of Italian, University of Reading Christopher Wagstaff Christopher Wagstaff, Senior Lecturer in Italian Studies, University of Reading

This extensive bibliography of North American and West European social sciences research on Romania is also the only annotated bibliography to date on life under the iron rule of Ceausescu. A one-stop source of information about Romania's recent communist history, this guide pulls together over 1,000 citations from books, periodicals, reports, occasional papers, doctoral dissertations, and government documents in English as well as representative source materials in French and German. Students, teachers, librarians, and researchers in East European studies and international relations will find this research guide, with 21 topical chapters and author and subject indexes, invaluable in helping close a major information gap about this dark chapter in Romania's history.

How Effective is Strategic Bombing is a thought provoking analysis on the subject of air power and bombing and the use of surveys to explain the effects of air power on the enemy in conflict."
-- "Parameters"

In the wake of World War II, Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson and President Harry S. Truman established the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, to determine exactly how effectively strategic air power had been applied in the European theater and in the Pacific. The final study, consisting of over 330 separate reports and annexes, was staggering in its size and emphatic in its conclusions. As such it has for decades been used as an objective primary source and a guiding text, a veritable Bible for historians of air power.

In this aggressively revisionist volume, Gian Gentile examines afresh this influential document to reveal how it reflected to its very foundation the American conceptual approach to strategic bombing. In the process, he exposes the survey as largely tautological and thereby throwing into question many of the central tenets of American air power philosophy and strategy.

With a detailed chapter on the Gulf War and the resulting Gulf War Air Power Survey, and a concluding chapter on the lessons of the Kosovo air war, How Effective is Strategic Bombing? is the most comprehensive and important book on air power strategy in decades.

Roy Jenkins brought great talent to Europe's top job. He played a key role in re-launching European monetary integration, winning the right to attend the new global summits, and smoothing Greece's path to EC membership. But he fell short of other targets. Commission reform remained elusive, as did an improvement of the UK's troubled relationship with the EC. Indeed the row over Britain's contribution to the EC budget, meant that Britain's position in Europe was as difficult when he left Brussels as it had been when he arrived. This study will look at how Jenkins approached his role, identifying his priorities, examining his working methods, and exploring his rapport with the European and international statesmen with whom he had to work. In the process, the book will shed light on the nature of the job, on Jenkins' own talents and limitations, and on the European Community as it struggled with the global economic crisis of the 1970s.

The political and social activism of immigrants to Europe since 1945 takes the spotlight in this volume. Each of the twelve chapters draws on fresh research from international scholars who cover such conflict-ridden themes as autonomous migrant organizing and transnational activism. From Afro-Asian student protests and the sans-papiers movement to the labor unions, political parties, and feminist groups, the chapters offer a riveting look at a variety of migrant experiences in Europe. They also provide compelling material for a welcome comparison of the impact of migration on European countries as diverse as Germany, France, Belgium, Sweden, Spain, and Italy.

In an analysis of Britain's policy towards Palestine in the post-mandatory era, the author examines the circumstances which led to the formulation of Britain's policy - the partition of mandatory Palestine between Israel and Jordan - and the stages of its implementation. The major theme that emerges is that Britain's Middle East policy was a function of two main features: Britain's close alliance with Transjordan, and its pragmatic adaptability to developments in the area. Based on primary sources made available only recently in British, Israeli and American archives, the book offers new insights into a policy which was to have far-reaching effects.

Brucan, a former Romanian ambassador to the United States and the United Nations, provides the first social history of the remarkable transition from communism to capitalism in Russia and Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union. He begins with an examination of the old social structure in communist societies, which used to be cosmetically advertised by the party and officialdom, paying particular attention to the nomenklatura, who have miraculously transformed themselves into big businessmen and bankers. A chapter is devoted to the decline of the working class, whom Brucan shows to be the big loser in the revolution. He then examines the new social stratification, illustrating how the new classes are taking shape under the conditions created by market reform. The symbiosis between capital and power is analyzed in depth, and Ambassador Brucan concludes his study with a look at the direction the social transformations are pushing these societies, particularly the separate paths being followed by Russia and Eastern Europe. This is an important study for researchers, scholars, and policy makers involved with Russia and Eastern Europe.

This groundbreaking collection of essays challenges the notion that early postwar Britain was characterised by a consensus between the major political parties arising out of the experiences of the wartime coalition government. The volume collects for the first time the views of the revisionist historians who argue that fundamental differences between and within the parties continued to characterise British politics after 1945. Covering topics as diverse as industrial relations and decolonisation, the volume provides a welcome contrast to orthodox interpretations of contemporary Britain.

The fall of the Soviet Union was one of the most dramatic events of this century. It was also one of the most surprising. Perhaps because many Sovietologists neglected its status as an empire, most Americans were taken completely by surprise when the USSR began its precipitous collapse under Mikhail Gorbachev. This book subjects the Soviet Union as an empire to systematic scrutiny, using tools and methods at the disposal of modern political science. Foreign policy specialists, defense experts, and Russian area analysts will find this book essential. The book is also recommended for undergraduate and graduate courses in Russian and Soviet history and the study of empires.

This book subjects the Soviet Union as an empire to systematic scrutiny, using tools and methods at the disposal of modern political science. Foreign policy specialists, defense experts, and Russian area analysts will find this book essential. The book is also recommended for undergraduate and graduate courses in Russian and Soviet history and the study of empires.

The focus of this historical dictionary is the deepening US military and political involvement in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia during the decades from 1945 to 1975. . . . The style is clear and readable, and articles are accompanied by helpful references to books for further reading. . . . Selective rather than comprehensive, this work will be especially useful for students and general readers and is recommended for academic and public library reference collections. "Choice"

This historical Dictionary of the Vietnam War is designed to provide a ready reference tool for students and scholars alike. Its major focus is the thirty years between 1945 and 1975; critically important individuals and events from earlier years are also discussed. The first volume to deal with this historically significant and controversial war, it includes brief descriptive essays on most of the people, legislation, military operations, and controversies important to an understanding of the American participation in the Vietnam War. References at the end of each entry provide guidance to sources of additional information. Five appendixes complete this carefully constructed study, each focusing on a topic of major relevance in understanding the subject, such as a description of the population of South Vietnam, the minority groups of South Vietnam, a glossary of slang expressions and acronyms, a selected bibliography of the Vietnam War, and a chronology.

By the late 1960s, in a Europe divided by the Cold War and challenged by global revolution in Latin America, Asia, and Africa, thousands of young people threw themselves into activism to change both the world and themselves. This new and exciting study of "Europe's 1968" is based on the rich oral histories of nearly 500 former activists collected by an international team of historians across fourteen countries. Activists' own voices reflect on how they were drawn into activism, how they worked and struggled together, how they combined the political and the personal in their lives, and the pride or regret with which they look back on those momentous years. Themes explored include generational revolt and activists' relationship with their families, the meanings of revolution, transnational encounters and spaces of revolt, faith and radicalism, dropping out, gender and sexuality, and revolutionary violence. Focussing on the way in which the activists themselves made sense of their revolt, this work makes a major contribution to both oral history and memory studies. This ambitious study ranges widely across Europe from Franco's Spain to the Soviet Union, and from the two Germanys to Greece, and throws new light on moments and movements which both united and divided the activists of Europe's 1968.

The behavior of many Poles towards the Jewish population during the Nazi occupation of Poland has always been a controversial issue. Although the Poles are supposed not to have collaborated with the invaders, there is evidence to show that in respect of the Jewish population, the behavior of many Poles, including members of the underground, was far from exemplary. Poland is also the only European country where Jews were being murdered after the end of the war and where strong anti-Semitic tendencies are still present. This book analyzes this question in an historical context and attempts to offer an explanation for the phenomenon of Polish anti-Semitism during and after the end of the war. The work is based on recently uncovered documents as well as on personal accounts of witnesses to the events during the war.

Deportation and Exile describes the fate of hundreds of thousands of Poles - men, women and children - deported to Soviet territory by Stalin's security agencies between 1939 and 1948. Amnestied in 1941, recruited to Polish units formed on Soviet soil, tens of thousands made their exit into Persia in 1942. The rest either made their way back to Poland as combat troops, having been recruited to a second, communist-led army in 1943-44, or else awaited formal repatriation agreements concluded towards the end of the war.

The Cold War and decolonization transformed the twentieth century world. This volume brings together an international line-up of experts to explore how these transformations took place and expand on some of the latest threads of analysis to help inform our understanding of the links between the two phenomena.The book begins by exploring ideas of modernity, development, and economics as Cold War and postcolonial projects and goes on to look at the era's intellectual history and investigate how emerging forms of identity fought for supremacy. Finally, the contributors question ideas of sovereignty and state control that move beyond traditional Cold War narratives."Decolonization and the Cold War" emphasizes new approaches by drawing on various methodologies, regions, themes, and interdisciplinary work, to shed new light on two topics that are increasingly important to historians of the twentieth century.

This is an analysis, based on newly available evidence, of the Suez crisis of 1956, its origins, and its consequences. The contributors are all leading authorities, and some were active participants in the events of 1956, offering personal reflection as well as an assessment of the decisions that were made. The opening chapters trace the origins of the crisis from the British occupation of Egypt, the failure to resolve the problem of Palestine, and the Baghdad Pact of 1955 which divided the Middle East into two opposing camps. Part Two deals with the crisis itself, before and during the invasion of Egypt by British, French, and Israeli troops in November 1956. What type of regime did the British hope to install in place of Nasser's? Why did the invasion come to an abrupt and humiliating halt? Why did the American government insist on the withdrawal of these troops? These questions are among the issues discussed in the third part of the book, which also deals with the impact of the crisis on French and British decolonization, the 'special relationship' between Britain and the United States, de Gaulle's reaction to the 'Anglo-Saxons', and the legacy of Nasser's influence in the Middle East today. Of the contributors who were personally involved at the time of the crisis, Amin Hewedy was on the Egyptian General Staff; Mordechai Bar-On was Ben-Gurion's aide-de-camp; Robert Bowie was United States Assistant Secretary of State; and Adam Watson was head of the African Department of the British Foreign Office. A conclusion by Albert Hourani offers systematic answers to questions raised throughout the book. CONTRIBUTORS: Mordechai Bar-On, Hebrew University, Jerusalem Lord Beloff, All Souls College, Oxford Robert R. Bowie, Harvard University John C. Campbell, former Deputy Director of Eastern European Affairs, and on the Policy Planning Staff of the US State Department Ali E. Hillal Dessouki, Cairo University Howard Dooley, Western Michigan University Hermann Eilts, Boston University Michael Fry, University of Southern California Sarvepalli Gopal, Jawahrlal Nehru University, New Delhi Amin Hewedy, Cairo University, was Political Counsellor to President Nasser Albert Hourani, St Antony's College, Oxford J. C. Hurewitz, Colombia University Rashid I. Kalidi, University of Chicago Diane B. Kunz, Yale University Keith Kyle, Royal Institute of International Affairs, London Wm. Roger Louis, University of Texas Peter Lyon, University of London J. D. B. Miller, Australian National University Roger Owen, St Antony's College, Oxford Shimon Shamir, Tel Aviv University Maurice Vaisse, University of Rheims Adam Watson, University of Virginia

This volume highlights the complex intra-alliance politics of what was seen as the likeliest flash point of conflict in the Cold War and demonstrates how strongly determinant were concerns about relationships with allies in the choices made by all the major governments. It recounts the evolution of policy during the 1958 and 1961 Berlin crises from the perspective of each government central to the crisis, one on the margins, and the military headquarters responsible for crafting an agreed Western military campaign.

During Hitler's reign, the Nazis deliberately developed and exploited a youthful image and used youth to define their political and social hierarchies. After the war, with Hitler gone but still requiring cultural exorcism, many intellectuals, authors, and filmmakers turned to these images of youth to navigate and negotiate the most difficult questions of Germany's recent, nefarious past. Focusing on youth, education, and crime allowed postwar Germans to claim one last realm of sovereignty against the Allies' own emphatic project of reeducation. Youth, reeducation, and reconstruction became important sites for the occupied to confront not only the recent past, but to negotiate the present occupation and, ultimately, direct the future of the German nation."Disciplining Germany" analyzes a variety of media, including literature, news media, intellectual history, and films, in order to argue that youth and education played a central role in Germany's coming to terms with the Nazi past. Although there has been a recently renewed interest in Germany's coming to terms with the past, this attention has largely ignored the role of youth and reeducation. This lacuna is particularly perplexing given that the Allies' reeducation project became, in many ways, a cipher for the occupational project as a whole."Disciplining Germany" opens up the discussion and points toward more general conclusions not only about youth and education as sites for wider socio-political and cultural debates but also about the complexities of occupation and the intertwining of different national cultures. In this investigation, the study attends to both 'high' and 'low' cultural text - to specialized versus popular texts - to examine how youth was mobilized across the generic spectrum.With these interdisciplinary approaches and timely interventions, "Disciplining Germany" will find a diverse readership, including upper-division and graduate courses in German studies and German history as well as those general readers interested in Nazi Germany, cultural history, film and literary studies, youth culture, American studies, and post-conflict and occupational situations.

The story of Fidel Castro has few parallels in contemporary history. None of the outstanding Third World leaders of the twentieth-century played such a prominent and restless part on the international stage and none survived as head of state for as long. Over almost 50 years, he was one of the most controversial political figures in the world, and his legacy has yet to be fully evaluated. Some of his most cherished plans were realized and are a model for many Third World countries. Yet despite enormous sacrifices by Cubans, his grand vision remains unfulfilled and its continued pursuit is full of risks. The fully revised third edition of this respected political biography provides the first full retrospect of Castro's remarkable career right up to his illness and withdrawal from power in February 2008, incorporating analysis of: the renewed crackdown on dissidents in Cuba from the mid 1990s on the major geopolitical reconfiguration of Latin America in the late 1990s, and the new Cuban-Venezuelan relationship under Hugo Chavez the Helms Burton Act and the continuing US embargo The Cuban economy in the first decade of the new millennium It also revisits earlier events in Castro's career, for instance the various assassination plots against him , the Cuban missile crisis and the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in the light of documents released by Cuba and the US over the past decade and a half.

From the 1960s, conflict emerged in the medical profession regarding the role of private doctors in prescribing opiates and other drugs to patients. Were they simply licensed drug dealers or instead providing a treatment neglected by the public sector? "The Politics of Addiction" provides a balanced explanation of this conflict, its origins and outcomes.