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Books > Humanities > History > World history > From 1900 > Postwar, from 1945
This is the second volume in Philip Bell's study of
Franco-British relations in the twentieth century It covers the
period from the Fall of France in 1940 to the opening of the
Channel Tunnel. Philip Bell views the half-century as a long
separation - with France committed early on to a new concept of
Europe, in partnership with Germany, whilst Britain stood apart.
The tensions and resentments it has generated have kept
French/British relations at the very heart of the burning question
of Britain's place in Europe. Yet the story has another side, to
which Philip Bell also does justice. Much has been achieved by the
two countries together and alongside their European partners. For
all their divergencies and antagonisms, the French and British know
and understand each other better today than at any other time in
their modern histories and all these developments are fully
explored in Philip Bell's engrossing and often amusing,
account.
Despite the Second World War and the Holocaust, post-war Britain was not immune to fascism. By 1948, a large and confident fascist movement had been established, with a strong network of local organizers and public speakers, and an audience of thousands. However, within two years the fascists had collapsed under the pressure of a successful anti-fascist campaign. This book explains how it was that fascism could grow so fast, and how it then went into decline.
The result of a lifetime of research and contemplation on global phenomena, this book explores the idea of humanity in the modern age of globalization. Tracking the idea in the historical, philosophical, legal, and political realms, this is a concise and illuminating look at a concept that has defined the twentieth century.
It is only with the benefit of hindsight that the Germans have become acutely aware of how profound and comprehensive was the impact of the United States on their society after 1945.This volume reflect the ubiquitousness of this impact and examines the German responses to it. Contributions by well-known scholars cover politics, industry, social life and mass culture.
This is the ideal companion text to "A Political History of Western Europe Since 1945." It is an introductory survey which explains how western Europe built up its postwar prosperity and is moving towards continental integration. Themes treated include: the origins of the EC; consumerism; youth culture and protest; immigration; the oil crisis and its aftermath; and the contrasting experience and expectations of the Nordic world and the Mediterranean south. The book ends with the consequences of Soviet collapse. Designed for general history students, it assumes no formal knowledge of economics, and is notably accessible and user-friendly in its approach.
Ideal for student research, this book provides a reference guide to the war as well as seven essays analyzing a variety of aspects of the war and its consequences. The essays address questions such as: How did Saddam Hussein become such a major threat and how has he survived the war? How critical was George Bush in driving U.S. and global foreign policy during the crisis? How were key decisions made? Did the war fail or succeed in retrospect? What were its long-run political, economic, strategic and cultural effects? Can collective security work? Is the United Nations likely to be effective in future crises? What lessons can be learned from the crisis? Yetiv draws on primary documents and extensive interviews with many key players such as Colin Powell, James Baker, and Brent Scowcroft, and Arab and European leaders which cast new light on the event. Following a list of key players and a complete chronology of events, seven essays offer a contemporary perspective on the war: Drama in the Desert; War Erupts in a Storm: The Continuation of Diplomacy by Air and on the Ground; From Truman to Desert Storm: The Rising Eagle in the Persian Gulf; President Bush and Saddam Hussein: A Classic Case of Individuals Driving History; The West Arms a Brutal Dictator: Can Proliferation Be Controlled in the Post-Cold War World?; The United Nations and Collective Security: Was the Gulf War a Model for the Future?; The Impact of the Persian Gulf War. Reference components include a narrative historical overview of the war and biographical profiles of each of the major players in the war. Twelve primary documents include speeches and UN resolutions. A glossary of terms particular to the war and an annotated bibliography complete the work. A selection of photos complements the text. This readable guide is a one-stop source for reference material and in-depth analysis of the key foreign policy event of the 1990s, and should appeal to a broad readership.
Eurasia remains a zone of confrontation between the United States and Russia. Over the last decade, this confrontation has reached the Middle East, and, extending through Central Asia to China and points further afield, it has acquires global dimensions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Eurasia and the territories on Russia's periphery acquired increased geopolitical importance. After a decade of euphoria at what seemed to be new freedoms and another decade adjusting to new realities, the last ten years have witnessed a struggle between Putin's Russia and America of Cold War proportions. Gradually, Moscow redefined its geopolitical priorities and reclaimed a sphere of influence over the newly independent countries of Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova and has projected power into Ukraine and the three Caucasian republics. This is now a battleground between Russia and the United States. Since the end of the Cold War, relations between Washington and Moscow fluctuated from open and amicable to cool and suspicious. Presently, they seem to be contradictory and difficult to grasp, though it is certain that Russia is doing everything to keep the "Near Abroad" under its control while harassing American interests globally wherever it can. As of 2019, Russia has just won a new battle in Syria that may reconfigure the geopolitical balance of the entire Middle East. What we need the most in this situation is honest and competent leaders capable of wrestling with politics as well as with ethical and moral issues that both influence and reflect international politics.
Today the problems of reunification seem to feature more often
in the international spotlight than the benefits. This timely
volume offers a reassessment of Germany's postwar development from
its inception through to reunification, including a thorough
examination of the implications for economic, political and social
policies.
By looking through the prism of the West's involvement in the breakup of Yugoslavia, this book presents a new examination of the end of the Cold War in Europe. Incorporating declassified documents from the CIA, the administration of George H.W. Bush, and the British Foreign Office; evidence generated by The Hague Tribunal; and more than forty personal interviews with former diplomats and policy makers, Glaurdić exposes how the realist policies of the Western powers failed to prop up Yugoslavia's continuing existence as intended, and instead encouraged the Yugoslav Army and the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milosević to pursue violent means. The book also sheds light on the dramatic clash of opinions within the Western alliance regarding how to respond to the crisis. Glaurdić traces the origins of this clash in the Western powers' different preferences regarding the roles of Germany, Eastern Europe, and foreign and security policy in the future of European integration. With subtlety and acute insight, "The Hour of Europe" provides a fresh understanding of events that continue to influence the shape of the post-Cold War Balkans and the whole of Europe.
In 1991 the politicians of Northern Ireland sat down at the formal negotiating table for the first time in seventeen years. This book tells the fascinating story of the Initiative's three years of painstaking political deals in an enlightening and entertaining narrative, using the words of many of the participants. It shows how the Initiative laid the necessary groundwork for the subsequent Irish peace process and how its failures also illuminate current events.
Contributors to this Hansard Society/Palgrave volume consider how British government and politics changed as Tony Blair gave way to Gordon Brown. "Gordon at the Helm" looks at a range of factors under Brown such as public opinion, party and opposition politics, British government and administration, public policy, local government and foreign policy.
This interdisciplinary volume provides a range of perspectives on the collective memory of the German Democratic Republic in contemporary Germany. Individual essays examine the controversial commemoration of the victims of state socialism, memories of the GDR state's institutions (e.g. The National People's Army and the State Security Police), museums and the debates they inspire, the memories of the GDR's former elites, memories of everyday life in the GDR, and the contested legacies of antifascism and socialism. Taken as a whole, the collection explores the parallels between coming to terms with the GDR past and continuing debates about memories of National Socialism.
Swiss Foreign Policy, 1945-2002 presents for the first time a comprehensive collection of eight essays addressing the post-war foreign policy of Switzerland. The essays deal with a diverse range of issues: general foreign policy and neutrality; defense and security policy; relations with the United Nations; the Swiss policy of good offices; relations with the International Committee of the Red Cross; Swiss human rights policy; arms control and non-proliferation and foreign economic policy. Through these essays, the dualistic nature of Swiss foreign policy, being at once both strongly internationalist and strongly unilateralist, is examined.
This work deals with the integration of thousands of survivors of the Holocaust into Israeli society in the early years of the new State's existence. Among the issues discussed are: the ways in which the survivors were recruited into the defence forces and the role they played in the War of Independence, the settlement of the immigrants in towns and villages abandoned by Arabs during the war and the immigrant youth.
Robert Rosenstone was among the first 'postmodern' historians, and remains one of the most renowned. In this honest, revealing and often funny memoir, he shows us how he got there and why. Adventures of a Postmodern Historian chronicles Rosenstone's research journeys over half a century. Beginning in the 1960s, his offbeat trajectory took him on adventures through the police states of Franco Spain and the Soviet Union, to the Shinto shrines and Zen temples of Japan and ultimately to Hollywood. Alongside his own memoirs, Rosenstone reflects upon developments and changes within the realm of professional history, which in turn reflect the social, cultural, and intellectual shifts of the late 20th century. A pioneer of experimental and creative history, he suggests how the experience of the historian can inflect the written history, and provides a defence of innovation in historical writing that is both intellectually rigorous and entertaining. In doing so he offers a window into the state of history today - and points to exciting new ways of writing the past. This is a book about the craft of history, about both doing research and writing it. It should be required reading for all historians.
During the three decades from 1945 to 1975, the Catholic Church in West Germany employed a broad range of methods from empirical social research. Statistics, opinion polling, and organizational sociology, as well as psychoanalysis and other approaches from the "psy sciences," were debated and introduced in pastoral care. In adopting these methods for their own work, bishops, parish clergy, and pastoral sociologists tried to open the church up to modernity in a rapidly changing society. In the process, they contributed to the reform agenda of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). Through its analysis of the intersections between organized religion and applied social sciences, this award-winning book offers fascinating insights into the trajectory of the Catholic Church in postwar Germany.
During the Cold War era, the United States faced the prospect of expanding its power in Central America. But we miscalculated--grievously. After 1945, Central America teemed with leaders willing to alter the region's quasi-colonial status. Some, like Fidel Castro, sought out revolution to shatter the status quo. Others, like Anastasio Somoza Garcia, attempted to seek out new directions along more subtle paths. Nicaragua subsequently challenged American hegemony in a manner at once more deliberate and more dangerous than any other effort in the hemisphere. The Somoza regime, unlike its contemporaries, chose to utilize American institutions and American preferences to subvert the latter's power rather than reinforce it. American arrogance, combined with a complacent approach to policy in its global "backyard," offered a myriad of political, military, and economic opportunities to a leader willing to take risks. In the years after 1945, Somoza was thus able to peel away layers of clientage until, at certain moments, he could act as a partner of his northern neighbor.
As the fortieth anniversary of the Nixon resignation approaches, it is time to take a fresh look at Watergate's impact on the American political system and to consider its significance for the historical reputation of the president indelibly associated with it.
The unification of Germany set in motion the transformation of a whole society. In the GDR, employment for men and women has been taken for granted, wages were low, housing cheap, childcare plentiful and child-benefits generous. After unification, former certainties turned into unknown risks of employment mobility, unemployment, income differentiation and in some cases poverty. This work examines key areas of transformation with special reference to the place and future of the family. The first part of the book evaluates family policy agendas while the second looks at income and employment change and the challenges faced by women, the young and older people in Germany's post-communist society.
Israel is the only new state among the twenty-one countries in the world today that have maintained democracy without interruption since the end of the Second World War. Israel's case is all the more notable because its democracy was established under extremely adverse conditions: massive immigration; severe social dislocation; the introduction of ethnic, cultural, linguistic, religious, and national differences; rapid economic growth; a permanent security threat that led to five major wars in thirty-five years; and a population that, in the main, had little or no experience of a democratic order. In this insightful study of Israel's founding period from 1948 to 1967, Peter Medding addresses this puzzle, providing a lucid account of the political and historical conditions that gave rise to this distinctive period, as well as the changes which brought it to an end. The result is an eminently readable account of the state-building process and of the role played by David Ben-Gurion and other politicians in moving from consensus politics to a majoritarian-like democracy. Medding's analysis is further enriched by his comparisons of the development of Israeli democracy with that of other countries.
Publication of this complete edition of The Movement is an important contribution to popular understanding of the social movements of the 1960s. No other periodical provided such extensive coverage of the transformation of the civil rights movement into the diverse radical movements of the late 1960s. Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, and Huey Newton are among the many black militant leaders who are discussed in The Movement. Its insightful and sympathetic coverage, including participants' accounts, of a wide range of community organizing activities such as anti-war/anti-draft protests and Cesar Chavez's National Farm Workers Association and grape workers' strike in Delano, California. It covers national and international events, with articles on revolutionary movements in Cuba, Vietnam, and Africa. It is an excellent source of information regarding the social change activities of the late 1960s. As such, it is invaluable to students of the New Left, contemporary race relations, African-American history and Black Studies.
At the dawn of the nuclear age, strategist Bernard Brodie recognized our predicament when he said, "Nuclear weapons exist and they are incredibly destructive." Despite the end of the Cold War, thousands of nuclear weapons remain on hair-trigger alert on both sides of the Atlantic. Plans to develop, deploy, and detonate nuclear weapons (for purposes of war prevention or war fighting) are informed by the ambiguous notion that nuclear war can be avoided by maintaining a balance of power. Policy-makers and decision-makers believe that once the balance of power is destroyed, a crisis will ensue, and if this crisis cannot be resolved with words, it is somehow necessary to use weapons. This idea is held as an historic inevitability, but the nuclear subculture is unaware of the highly problematic nature of their fundamental assumptions. Hirschbein entertains the possibility that the theory and practice of these policy-makers and decision-makers are informed by concepts at once ancient and metaphorical. He analyzes the primary and secondary metaphors invoked to conceptualize and manage nuclear weaponry. Hirschbein draws a striking parallel between dramatic changes in the ancient Greek account of conflict and the American conceptualization of nuclear weapons. Facing harrowing times, Thucydides avoided supernatural, Homeric imagery in favor of naturalistic metaphors to account for conflict--an account regarded as "eternal wisdom" by today's realist. Likewise, facing the Soviet challenge, American strategists abandoned supernatural Judeo-Christian accounts of nuclear weapons in favor of Thucydides' naturalistic tropes.
In this book, a stellar collection of contributors consider each British post-war Prime Minister and examine how they have dealt with Britains changing role, domestic and overseas, since the end of WWII. Even at the start of the 21st century, Britain remains in a state of transition, between a world which is dead and one still struggling to be born.
This work looks at competing, overarching, guiding principles for American foreign policy in the post-Cold War era, not only by delineating these belief systems but also by linking them to current foreign policy actors in Congress and the executive branch. The book perfects a tool, schools-of-thought analysis, which relates theory to political processes and specific policymakers. It is an attempt to both classify and analyze the intellectual and political nature of the post-Cold War era.
This account of US foreign policy reveals the story of the covert activity in Indonesia undertaken by President Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles in the late 1950s. |
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