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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Totalitarianism & dictatorship
This thought-provoking collection of essays analyses the complex,
multi-faceted, and even contradictory nature of Stalinism and its
representations. Stalinism was an extraordinarily repressive and
violent political model, and yet it was led by ideologues committed
to a vision of socialism and international harmony. The essays in
this volume stress the complex, multi-faceted, and often
contradictory nature of Stalin, Stalinism, and Stalinist-style
leadership, and. explore the complex picture that emerges. Broadly
speaking, three important areas of debate are examined, united by a
focus on political leadership: * The key controversies surrounding
Stalin's leadership role * A reconsideration of Stalin and the Cold
War * New perspectives on the cult of personality Revisioning
Stalin and Stalinism is a crucial volume for all students and
scholars of Stalin's Russia and Cold War Europe.
Stalin's Quest for Gold tells the story of Torgsin, a chain of
retail shops established in 1930 with the aim of raising the hard
currency needed to finance the USSR's ambitious industrialization
program. At a time of desperate scarcity, Torgsin had access to the
country's best foodstuffs and goods. Initially, only foreigners
were allowed to shop in Torgsin, but the acute demand for
hard-currency revenues forced Stalin to open Torgsin to Soviet
citizens who could exchange tsarist gold coins and objects made of
precious metals and gemstones, as well as foreign monies, for foods
and goods in its shops. Through her analysis of the large-scale,
state-run entrepreneurship represented by Torgsin, Elena Osokina
highlights the complexity and contradictions of Stalinism. Driven
by the state's hunger for gold and the people's starvation, Torgsin
rejected Marxist postulates of the socialist political economy: the
notorious class approach and the state hard-currency monopoly. In
its pursuit for gold, Torgsin advertised in the capitalist West,
encouraging foreigners to purchase goods for their relatives in the
USSR; and its seaport shops and restaurants operated semilegally as
brothels, inducing foreign sailors to spend hard currency for
Soviet industrialization. Examining Torgsin from multiple
perspectives—economic expediency, state and police surveillance,
consumerism, even interior design and personnel—Stalin's Quest
for Gold radically transforms the stereotypical view of the Soviet
economy and enriches our understanding of everyday life in Stalin's
Russia.
Conversations with Milosevic is a firsthand portrayal of the
so-called Butcher of the Balkans, the Serbian president whose
ambitions sparked the Bosnian conflict. At its heart the book is a
portrait of an autocrat who rode the tiger of nationalism to serve
his own ends and to promote those who furthered his agenda. The
architect of ethnic cleansing in modern Europe, Slobodan Milosevic
created and sponsored two Frankenstein's monsters, Ratko Mladic and
Radovan Karadzic, who were also indicted for war crimes. Through
these personalities, diplomat and political advisor Ivor Roberts
analyzes the unfolding of the Kosovo conflict, which directly sowed
the seeds of radicalization in Europe today. He contends that this
conflict later provided a false template for the Bush/Blair
administrations' illegal invasion of Iraq: regime change under the
guise of a humanitarian war. He further investigates how
international recognition of Kosovoin the years after the conflict
in breach of United Nations Security Council resolutions set a
disastrous precedent for the Russian annexation of Crimea.
We live in a time where old orders are collapsing: from the
postcolonial nation states of the Middle East, to the EU and the
American election. Through it all, tech savvy and extremist groups
rip up political certainties. Amidst this, a generation of young
men find themselves burning with resentment, without the money,
power and sex they think they deserve. This crisis of masculinity
leads them into an online world of fantasy, violence and reality.
The Believers Are But Brothers is based on Alipoor's experiences of
working with young people, and research he conducted online. The
original show was performed at the Edinburgh Fringe and transferred
to the Bush Theatre, London. The show envelops its audience in this
digital realm, weaving us into the webs of resentment, violence and
power networks that are eating away at the structures of the
twentieth century. This bold one-man show explores the smoke and
mirrors world of online extremism, anonymity and hate speech.
Ante Pavelic was the leader of the fascist party of Croatia (the
Ustase), who, on Adolf Hitler's instruction, became the leader of
Croatia after the Nazi invasion of 1941. Pavelic was an extreme
Croatian nationalist who believed that the Serbian people were an
inferior race - he would preside over a genocide that ultimately
killed an estimated 390,000 Serbs during World War II. Croatia
under Ante Pavelic provides the full history of this period, with a
special focus on the United States' role in the post-war
settlement. Drawing on previously unpublished documents, Robert
McCormick argues that President Harry S. Truman's Cold War
priorities meant that Pavelic was never made to answer for his
crimes. Today, the Ustase remains difficult legacy within Croatian
society, partly as a result of Pavelic' political life in exile in
South America. This is a new account of US foreign policy towards
one of the Second World War's most brutal dictators and is an
essential contribution to Croatian war-time history.
A new and chilling study of lethal human exploitation in the Soviet
forced labor camps, one of the pillars of Stalinist terror In a
shocking new study of life and death in Stalin's Gulag, historian
Golfo Alexopoulos suggests that Soviet forced labor camps were
driven by brutal exploitation and often administered as death
camps. The first study to examine the Gulag penal system through
the lens of health, medicine, and human exploitation, this
extraordinary work draws from previously inaccessible archives to
offer a chilling new view of one of the pillars of Stalinist
terror.
In the midst of the political upheavals that engulfed Myanmar from
2010 to 2011, international attention was fixed upon the military
regime and its dissident opponents. But away from the cameras, a
very different set of struggles were unfolding across the country.
These struggles were manifested not as violent clashes, but as
everyday interactions involving taxi drivers, community organizers,
farmers, heads of domestic NGOs, and many more. A product of five
years' research, during which the author conducted over five
hundred ethnographic interviews across the country, Pathways that
Changed Myanmar provides a voice for those ordinary Burmese whose
trials and aspirations went unheard and unnoticed during this
pivotal moment in the nation's history.
To the Threshold of Power is the first volume of a two-part work
that seeks to explain the origins and dynamics of the Fascist and
National Socialist dictatorships. It lays a foundation for
understanding the Nazi and Fascist regimes - from their respective
seizures of power in 1922 and 1933 to global war, genocide, and
common ruin - through parallel investigations of Italian and German
society, institutions, and national myths; the supreme test of the
First World War; and the post-1918 struggles from which the Fascist
and National Socialist movements emerged. It emphasizes two
principal sources of movement: the nationalist mythology of the
intellectuals and the institutional culture and agendas of the two
armies, especially the Imperial German Army and its Reichswehr
successor. The book's climax is the cataclysm of 1914-18 and the
rise and triumph of militarily organized radical nationalist
movements - Mussolini's Fasci di combattimento and Hitler's
National Socialist German Workers' Party - dedicated to the
perpetuation of the war and the overthrow of the post-1918 world
order.
Why do some autocratic leaders pursue aggressive or expansionist
foreign policies, while others are much more cautious in their use
of military force? The first book to focus systematically on the
foreign policy of different types of authoritarian regimes,
Dictators at War and Peace breaks new ground in our understanding
of the international behavior of dictators.
Jessica L. P. Weeks explains why certain kinds of regimes are
less likely to resort to war than others, why some are more likely
to win the wars they start, and why some authoritarian leaders face
domestic punishment for foreign policy failures whereas others can
weather all but the most serious military defeat. Using novel
cross-national data, Weeks looks at various nondemocratic regimes,
including those of Saddam Hussein and Joseph Stalin; the Argentine
junta at the time of the Falklands War, the military government in
Japan before and during World War II, and the North Vietnamese
communist regime. She finds that the differences in the conflict
behavior of distinct kinds of autocracies are as great as those
between democracies and dictatorships. Indeed, some types of
autocracies are no more belligerent or reckless than democracies,
casting doubt on the common view that democracies are more
selective about war than autocracies.
Between 1976 and 1983, during a period of brutal military
dictatorship, armed forces in Argentina abducted 30,000 citizens.
These victims were tortured and killed, never to be seen again.
Although the history of "los desaparecidos," "the disappeared," has
become widely known, the stories of the Argentines who miraculously
survived their imprisonment and torture are not well understood.
"The Reappeared" is the first in-depth study of an officially
sanctioned group of Argentine former political prisoners, the
Association of Former Political Prisoners of Cordoba, which
organized in 2007. Using ethnographic methods, anthropologist
Rebekah Park explains the experiences of these survivors of state
terrorism and in the process raises challenging questions about how
societies define victimhood, what should count as a human rights
abuse, and what purpose memorial museums actually serve. The men
and women who reappeared were often ostracized by those who thought
they must have been collaborators to have survived imprisonment,
but their actual stories are much more complex. Park explains why
the political prisoners waited nearly three decades before forming
their own organization and offers rare insights into what motivates
them to recall their memories of solidarity and resistance during
the dictatorial past, even as they suffer from the long-term
effects of torture and imprisonment. "The Reappeared" challenges
readers to rethink the judicial and legislative aftermath of
genocide and forces them to consider how much reparation is
actually needed to compensate for unimaginable--and
lifelong--suffering.
Between 1976 and 1983, during a period of brutal military
dictatorship, armed forces in Argentina abducted 30,000 citizens.
These victims were tortured and killed, never to be seen again.
Although the history of "los desaparecidos," "the disappeared," has
become widely known, the stories of the Argentines who miraculously
survived their imprisonment and torture are not well understood.
"The Reappeared" is the first in-depth study of an officially
sanctioned group of Argentine former political prisoners, the
Association of Former Political Prisoners of Cordoba, which
organized in 2007. Using ethnographic methods, anthropologist
Rebekah Park explains the experiences of these survivors of state
terrorism and in the process raises challenging questions about how
societies define victimhood, what should count as a human rights
abuse, and what purpose memorial museums actually serve. The men
and women who reappeared were often ostracized by those who thought
they must have been collaborators to have survived imprisonment,
but their actual stories are much more complex. Park explains why
the political prisoners waited nearly three decades before forming
their own organization and offers rare insights into what motivates
them to recall their memories of solidarity and resistance during
the dictatorial past, even as they suffer from the long-term
effects of torture and imprisonment. "The Reappeared" challenges
readers to rethink the judicial and legislative aftermath of
genocide and forces them to consider how much reparation is
actually needed to compensate for unimaginable--and
lifelong--suffering.
"Dictators and Dictatorships" is a qualitative enquiry into the
politics of authoritarian regimes. It argues that political
outcomes in dictatorships are largely a product of leader-elite
relations. Differences in the internal structure of dictatorships
affect the dynamics of this relationship. This book shows how
dictatorships differ from one another and the implications of these
differences for political outcomes. In particular, it examines
political processes in personalist, military, single-party,
monarchic, and hybrid regimes.The aim of the book is to provide a
clear definition of what dictatorship means, how authoritarian
politics works, and what the political consequences of dictatorship
are. It discusses how authoritarianism influences a range of
political outcomes, such as economic performance, international
conflict, and leader and regime durability.Numerous case studies
from around the world support the theory and research presented to
foster a better understanding of the inner workings of
authoritarian regimes. By combining theory with concrete political
situations, the book will appeal to undergraduate students in
comparative politics, international relations, authoritarian
politics, and democratization.
The victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 election left specialists
of American politics perplexed and concerned about the future of US
democracy. Because no populist leader had occupied the White House
in 150 years, there were many questions about what to expect.
Marshaling the long-standing expertise of leading specialists of
populism elsewhere in the world, this book provides the first
systematic, comparative analysis of the prospects for US democracy
under Trump, considering the two regions - Europe and Latin America
- that have had the most ample recent experiences with populist
chief executives. Chapters analyze the conditions under which
populism slides into illiberal or authoritarian rule and in so
doing derive well-grounded insights and scenarios for the US case,
as well as a more general cross-national framework. The book makes
an original argument about the likely resilience of US democracy
and its institutions.
Between 1970 and 1975 Jon Swain, the English journalist portrayed
in David Puttnam's film, The Killing Fields, lived in the lands of
the Mekong river. This is his account of those years, and the way
in which the tumultuous events affected his perceptions of life and
death as Europe never could. He also describes the beauty of the
Mekong landscape - the villages along its banks, surrounded by
mangoes, bananas and coconuts, and the exquisite women, the odours
of opium, and the region's other face - that of violence and
corruption.
In this volume Europe's leading modern historians offer new
insights into two totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century
that have profoundly affected world history--Nazi Germany and the
Stalinist Soviet Union. Until now historians have paid more
attention to the similarities between these two regimes than to
their differences. "Stalinism and Nazism" explores the difficult
relationship between the history and memory of the traumas
inflicted by Nazi and Soviet occupation in several Eastern European
countries in the twentieth century. The first part of the volume
explores the origins, nature, and organization of Hitler's and
Stalin's dictatorial power, the manipulation of violence by the
state systems, and the comparative power of the dictator's personal
will and the encompassing totalitarian system. The second part
examines the legacies of the Nazi and Stalinist regimes in Eastern
European countries that experienced both. "Stalinism and Nazism"
features the latest critical perspectives on two of the most
influential and deadly political regimes in modern history.
Authoritarian Legacies and Democracy in Latin America and Southern
Europe brings together well-known comparative political scientists
to define and explore the effects of authoritarian rule in
post-authoritarian regimes in Southern Europe, the Southern Cone,
and Brazil. Contributors to this volume use the research of
historians, social psychologists, anthropologists, and sociologists
to formulate their conceptualizations of legacies. Their analysis
is also sensitive to the experiences of those who live with the
consequences of authoritarian regimes. Each chapter offers a
multi-case comparison either from within Latin America or between
Latin America and Southern Europe. Among the challenges for
democracies in Latin America and Southern Europe are weakened
political parties, politicized militaries, compromised judiciaries,
corrupt police forces, and widespread citizen distrust. Utilizing a
historical-sociological methodology that incorporates both the
formal-legal and cultural dimensions of legacies, these essayists
offer a fruitful examination of the political structures and
institutions bequeathed by authoritarian regimes. They look at such
core institutions as political parties, executives, legislatures,
constitutions, and interest groups as well as symbolic-discursive
dimensions related to individual and collective memories,
citizenship, public perception, and trust. They also suggest policy
directions to eradicate authoritarian legacies from democratic
institutions and praxis. Authoritarian Legacies and Democracy in
Latin America and Southern Europe encourages comparativists to
consider more systematically the many manifestations of
authoritarian legacies as challenges to democracy.This volume will
appeal to all students and scholars interested in comparative
politics, Latin America, Southern Europe, and democratization.
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