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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > International institutions > United Nations & UN agencies
La Insignia del Cambio Climatico esta disenada para ayudar a educar a ninos y jovenes sobre el papel vital que juega el clima en el apoyo a la vida en la Tierra. La insignia analiza como nuestra vida cotidiana afecta el clima de la Tierra y proporciona ideas sobre como las personas pueden tomar medidas para ayudar a que esta relacion cercana sea mas sostenible. La Serie YUNGA 'Aprender y actuar'- Insignias, desarrolladas en colaboracion con otras agencias de las Naciones Unidas, consisten en libros cortos que tienen como objetivo sensibilizar a los jovenes sobre temas de actualidad y alentarlos a convertirse en agentes activos de cambio en sus comunidades locales.
The Oxford Handbook of International Human Rights Law provides a comprehensive and original overview of one of the fundamental topics within international law. It contains substantial new essays by more than forty leading experts in the field, giving students, scholars, and practitioners a complete overview of the issues that inform research, as well as a 'map' of the debates that animate the field. Each chapter features a critical and up-to-date analysis of the current state of debate and discussion, assessing recent work and advancing the understanding of all aspects of this developing area of international law. The Handbook consists of 39 chapters, divided into seven parts. Parts I and II explore the foundational theories and the historical antecedents of human rights law from a diverse set of disciplines, including the philosophical, religious, biological, and psychological origins of moral development and altruism, and sociological findings about cooperation and conflict. Part III focuses on the law-making process and categories of rights. Parts IV and V examine the normative and institutional evolution of human rights, and discuss this impact on various doctrines of general international law. The final two parts are more speculative, examining whether there is an advantage to considering major social problems from a human rights perspective and, if so, how that might be done: Part VI analyses current problems that are being addressed by governments, both domestically and through international organizations, and issues that have been placed on the human rights agenda of the United Nations, such as state responsibility for human rights violations and economic sanctions to enforce human rights; Part VII then evaluates the impact of international human rights law over the past six decades from a variety of perspectives. The Handbook is an invaluable resource for scholars, students, and practitioners of international human rights law. It provides the reader with new perspectives on international human rights law that are both multidisciplinary and geographically and culturally diverse.
When President George W. Bush launched an invasion of Iraq in March of 2003, he did so without the explicit approval of the Security Council. His father's administration, by contrast, carefully funneled statecraft through the United Nations and achieved Council authorization for the U.S.-led Gulf War in 1991. The history of American policy toward Iraq displays considerable variation in the extent to which policies were conducted through the UN and other international organizations. In Channels of Power, Alexander Thompson surveys U.S. policy toward Iraq, starting with the Gulf War, continuing through the interwar years of sanctions and coercive disarmament, and concluding with the 2003 invasion and its long aftermath. He offers a framework for understanding why powerful states often work through international organizations when conducting coercive policies-and why they sometimes choose instead to work alone or with ad hoc coalitions. The conventional wisdom holds that because having legitimacy for their actions is important for normative reasons, states seek multilateral approval. Channels of Power offers a rationalist alternative to these standard legitimation arguments, one based on the notion of strategic information transmission: When state actions are endorsed by an independent organization, this sends politically crucial information to the world community, both leaders and their publics, and results in greater international support.
Are transnational corporations (TNCs) and foreign direct investment beneficial or harmful to societies around the world? Since the birth of the United Nations more than 60 years ago, these questions have been major issues of interest and involvement for UN institutions. What have been the key ideas generated by the UN about TNCs and their relations with nation-states? How have these ideas evolved and what has been their impact? This book examines the history of UN engagement with TNCs, including the creation of the UN Commission and Centre on Transnational Corporations in 1974, the failed efforts of these bodies to craft a code of conduct to temper the revealed abuses of TNCs, and, with the advent of globalization in the 1980s, the evolution of a more cooperative relationship between TNCs and developing countries, resulting in the 1999 Global Compact.
Modernizing the United Nations system is necessary to deal with the anarchy of globalization. Significant institutional change means winners and losers in the game of power. To make the UN more competent it must have more authority, which means constraining sovereignty. Some states fear international organizations interfering in their affairs. Others want to maintain their power over parts of the UN. How can the UN system be modernized if governments are unwilling or unable to do so? This book contends that civil society must mobilize its capacities to bring a new will to national and international politics and oblige governments to act. Modernizing the United Nations System starts by demonstrating the need for institutional change at the UN and then shows how, both in the past and the present, leading individuals and non-governmental organizations, using their knowledge base and their organizational networks, have led the fight for international organizations. After a summary of major UN reform proposals over the years, the book concludes by identifying leading global reformers and elaborating a detailed plan for a global reform movement to spearhead the modernization of the UN system.
Human rights activists Roger Normand and Sarah Zaidi provide a broad political history of the emergence and development of the human rights movement in the 20th century through the crucible of the United Nations, focusing on the hopes and expectations, concrete power struggles, national rivalries, and bureaucratic politics that molded the international system of human rights law. The book emphasizes the period before and after the creation of the UN, when human rights ideas and proposals were shaped and transformed by the hard-edged realities of power politics and bureaucratic imperatives. It also analyzes the expansion of the human rights framework in response to demands for equitable development after decolonization and organized efforts by women, minorities, and other disadvantaged groups to secure international recognition of their rights.
Released in annual editions of 6 volumes, the Annual Review of United Nations Affairs is the only thorough annual survey of major developments at the United Nations. The 2015/2016 edition includes the full text of all General Assembly, Security Council, and ECOSOC resolutions from the 70th United Nations session (Sept. 2015 to Sept. 2016), along with other key UN documents, including the annual reports of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, of the ICJ and international criminal tribunals, and of various funds and programs of the United Nations system. This edition also includes a Preface by the series editors and five introductory commentaries written by expert contributors. These introductions offer invaluable guidance on the activities of various United Nations bodies, including the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the International Court of Justice and Tribunals, and the Secretariat. The Annual Review of United Nations Affairs series Since the publication of its first edition in 1950, the Annual Review of United Nations Affairs has stood as the authoritative resource for scholars, students, and practitioners researching the latest developments at the United Nations. From introductory articles on particular topics, prepared by experts on the relevant United Nations bodies, to the full-text presentation of reports and resolutions, ARUNA provides a comprehensive tour of each year's UN actions and debates. The expert selection of documents by Joachim Muller and Karl Sauvant and the topic-based organization of those documents make any researcher's task much easier than the vast searching and sorting required by the UN's website, and the series' topic-based organization of the materials is also useful to researchers. Beginning with the 2010/2011 edition, detailed commentaries on the various UN bodies by experts on the relevant topics were added to each annual edition, and the analysis provided in these commentaries has helped to make ARUNA a more complete resource for anyone engaged in research on the activities of the United Nations. ARUNA presents comprehensive documentation of the work of the UN on an annual basis, starting in September of each year with the beginning of the regular sessions of the General Assembly. Coverage of and commentary on the UN's key organs are provided, including the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the International Court of Justice, and the UN Secretariat. In addition, selected reports of intergovernmental bodies and expert groups are included. ARUNA is an important reference source for policy-makers and academic researchers alike.
During the first decade of the twenty-first century, the rising demand for peacekeepers saw the United Nations (UN) operate at a historically unprecedented tempo, with increases in the number and size of missions as well as in the scope and complexity of their mandates. The need to deploy over 120,000 UN peacekeepers and the demands placed upon them in the field have threatened to outstrip the willingness and to some extent capacity of the UN's Member States. This situation raised the questions of why states contribute forces to UN missions and, conversely, what factors inhibit them from doing more? Providing Peacekeepers answers these questions. After summarizing the challenges confronting the UN in its force generation efforts, the book develops a new framework for analyzing UN peacekeeping contributions in light of the evidence presented in sixteen case study chapters which examine the experiences of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, Nigeria, Ghana, Nepal, Uruguay, Brazil, Turkey, South Africa, and Japan. The book concludes by offering recommendations for how the UN might develop new strategies for force generation so as to meet the foreseeable challenges of twenty-first century peacekeeping and improve the quantity and quality of its uniformed peacekeepers.
Mining and hydrocarbon production in Latin America is high-stakes for extractive firms, communities in resource-rich zones, and states. Amid global commodity price increases and liberal economic policies, the sectors have expanded dramatically in recent decades. This surge has made private investors and governments in the region ever more committed to extraction. It also has increased alarm within local communities, which have organized around the environmental, cultural, and social impacts of mining and hydrocarbons. Moreover, activists have mobilized to demand material benefits, in the forms of royalty distributions and direct company investment in local services and infrastructure. These conflicts take the form of legal battles, large-scale protests, and standoffs that pit communities against companies and the state, and consequently have suspended production, destabilized politics, and expended state security resources. In The Politics of Extraction, Maiah Jaskoski looks at how mobilized communities in Latin America's hydrocarbon and mining regions use participatory institutions to challenge extraction. In some cases, communities act within formal participatory spaces, while in others, they organize "around" or "in reaction to" these institutions, using participatory procedures as focal points in the escalation of conflict. Based on analysis of thirty major extractive conflicts in Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru in the 2000s and 2010s, Jaskoski examines community uses of public hearings built into environmental licensing, state-led prior consultation with native communities affected by large-scale development, and local popular consultations or referenda. She finds that communities select their strategies in response to the specific participatory challenges they confront: the trials of initiating participatory processes, gaining inclusion in participatory events, and, for communities with such access, expressing views about extraction at the participatory stage. Surprisingly, the communities least likely to channel their concerns through state institutions are the most unified and have the strongest guarantee of participation. Including a wealth of data and complex stories, Jaskoski provides the first systematic study of how participatory institutions either channel or exacerbate conflict over extraction.
Sergio Vieira de Mello-a humanitarian, peacemaker and state builder -was at centre of the most significant geopolitical crises of the last half-century. Born in 1948, just as the post-World War II order was taking shape, he died in a terrorist attack on UN headquarters in Iraq in 2003 as the battle lines in the twenty first-century's first great polarizing struggle were being drawn. This is a dual biography: the story of a man who never stopped learning and the biography of a perilous world whose ills are too big to ignore but too complex to manage quickly or cheaply. Even as Vieira de Mello arranged food deliveries, organized refugee returns, or negotiated with warlords, he pressed his colleagues to join him in grappling with such questions as: When should killers be engaged and when should they be shunned? When is military force justified? How can outsiders play a role in healing broken people and broken places? He did not have the luxury of simply posing these questions; he had to find answers, apply them, and live with the consequences.
The son of a Baltimore fireman and the first person in his family to go to university, with scholarships to Yale College and Yale Law School, John Bolton candidly recounts his sixteen month tenure as US Ambassador to the United Nations, his Senate confirmation battle, and the highlights of his career in public service in two prior Republican administrations. In this explosive book, Bolton describes why practices such as the Oil for Food scandal, procurement fraud and sexual exploitation and abuse by U.N. peacekeepers are explained away or ignored. He also details how he made sure that U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan did not run for a third term and that another 'secular Pope' did not succeed him and why no country except the United States has done much about ending the genocide in Darfur. With a no-holds barred approach, John Bolton provides a unique insight into the workings of this monolithic institution and America's place within it.
Latin America is a region made up of multiple states and societies with a diversity of races, ethnicities, and cultures. These states share historical legacies, cultural backgrounds and institutional frameworks, as well as political and socioeconomic challenges-but can one say they share a "regional perspective," if such perspectives even exist? In Transnational Perspectives on Latin America, Luis Roniger argues that the notion of Latin America is significant for understanding these societies' multiple connections and spillover across state boundaries. He claims that cross-border networks, a protracted concern and at times involvement in the affairs of neighboring states have shaped the region's modern character as much as the process of nation-state formation. Geopolitical, sociological, and cultural trends molded a contiguity of influences, leading sometimes to state confrontations, but overall, shaping a transnational arena of connected histories, interactions, and visions, complementing the process of separate nation-state formation. The book offers fresh readings of the dynamics of this region of multiple societies that have shared historical and cultural connections and developed divergent paths while unable to fully disengage from one another. Its chapters analyze persisting forms of circulation and articulation of networks, practices and ideas crossing international borders. Among the topics covered are political exile; the interface of state building and transnationalism; wars and the diffusion of conspiracy theories; the transnational imprint of the Cold War and democratization; social movements and transnational solidarity; states' geopolitical shifts and their impact on Jewish and Muslim citizens. The book closes with a chapter on twenty-first century dilemmas and challenges, including the process of segmented regional integration, state accountability, the vitality and limits of citizenship regimes, and pandemic politics.
The Asia-Pacific region is characterized not only by unprecedented economic growth, but also as being one of the last bastions of authoritarianism. As such, deep political tensions persist in the region, and many questions remain surrounding the uncertainty of the Asia-Pacific's geopolitical future. In The Politics of the Asia-Pacific, senior scholars, former diplomats, and emerging voices introduce readers to the complexities of the colonial history, economics, democratization, authoritarianism, governance, and security within the region. Written by a diverse group of contributors with unique expertise in the region, the book includes immersive active-learning sequences in the form of classroom simulations, including a Model United Nations emergency session involving North Korea, an ASEAN Summit, and a women's movement conference. These exciting simulations are grounded in real-world descriptions of the politics of the region and encourage students to learn through role-playing, research, public-speaking, and diplomatic negotiations with peers. Exploring the region's rapid economic growth and the great deal of politics that remain unsettled, The Politics of the Asia-Pacific shows why an education in global politics for the twenty-first century is incomplete without a consideration of this dynamic region.
Why has the United States repeatedly engaged in the overthrow of foreign leaders and regimes? Although most regime change interventions have neither furthered US national security nor improved the fate of targeted states, the US has turned to this foreign policy instrument in at least sixteen cases from 1906 to 2011. In The Origins of Overthrow, Payam Ghalehdar explains US-imposed regime change by focusing on its emotional underpinnings. Based on a thorough analysis of the emotional state of five US presidents, he shows how "emotional frustration"-an emotional syndrome that combines hegemonic expectations, perceptions of hatred in target state obstructions, and negative affect-has repeatedly influenced US regime change decisions. When US presidents have been gripped by this emotion, Ghalehdar argues, they have turned to the use of force and targeted perceived sources of obstruction in order to ameliorate their emotional state and discharge frustration. Examining five US regime change episodes in two world regions (Cuba 1906, Nicaragua 1909-12, and the Dominican Republic 1963-65 in the Western hemisphere, and Iran 1979-80, and Iraq 2001-03 in the Middle East), he empirically illustrates the emotional sources of US intervention decisions. A novel explanation for a puzzling phenomenon in US foreign policy, The Origins of Overthrow sheds light on how emotions play a previously overlooked role in US regime change decisions.
The Sustainable Development Report 2021 features the SDG Index and Dashboards, the first and widely used tool to assess country performance on the UN Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals. The report analyses and outlines what needs to happen for the Decade of Action and Delivery of the SDGs. In order to build back better following the Covid-19 pandemic, especially low-income countries will need increased fiscal space. The report frames the implementation of the SDGs in terms of six broad transformations. The authors examine country performance on the SDGs for 193 countries using a wide array of indicators, and calculate future trajectories, presenting a number of best practices to achieve the historic Agenda 2030. The views expressed in this report do not reflect the views of any organizations, agency or programme of the United Nations. This title is available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
In a rapidly urbanizing and globalized world, cities have been the epicentres of COVID-19 (coronavirus). The virus has spread to virtually all parts of the world; first, among globally connected cities, then through community transmission and from the city to the countryside. This report shows that the intrinsic value of sustainable urbanization can and should be harnessed for the wellbeing of all. It provides evidence and policy analysis of the value of urbanization from an economic, social and environmental perspective. It also explores the role of innovation and technology, local governments, targeted investments and the effective implementation of the New Urban Agenda in fostering the value of sustainable urbanization.
Opposite pages bear duplicate numbering
This is the official report of the United Nations Environment Assembly of the United Nations Environment Programme submitted to the General Assembly on its fourth session in Nairobi (11-15 March 2019).
This ECLAC annual report sets out and analyses the main foreign direct investment (FDI) trends in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. In the region, FDI inflows were up (by 13.2%) year on year for the first time in five years, at US 184.287 billion. This performance is explained by higher flows into just a few countries, however, mainly Brazil and Mexico. Moreover, it does not reflect equity investment, but higher inflows in the form of intercompany loans and, to a lesser extent, reinvestment of earnings. Manufactures and services were the sectors receiving most equity, although there was a slight rise in investment in natural resource sectors compared with 2018
This is the official report to the General Assembly of the Committee on Contributions on its seventy-ninth session dated 3 to 21 June 2019.
Official Records of the Report of the International Law Commission Sixty-seventh session 2 May-10 June and 4 July-12 August 2016
The United Nations, whose specialized agencies were the subject of an Appendix to the 1958 edition of Oppenheim's International Law: Peace, has expanded beyond all recognition since its founding in 1945.This volume represents a study that is entirely new, but prepared in the way that has become so familiar over succeeding editions of Oppenheim. An authoritative and comprehensive study of the United Nations' legal practice, this volume covers the formal structures of the UN as it has expanded over the years, and all that this complex organization does. All substantive issues are addressed in separate sections, including among others, the responsibilities of the UN, financing, immunities, human rights, preventing armed conflicts and peacekeeping, and judicial matters. In examining the evolving structures and ever expanding work of the United Nations, this volume follows the long-held tradition of Oppenheim by presenting facts uncoloured by personal opinion, in a succinct text that also offers in the footnotes a wealth of information and ideas to be explored. It is book that, while making all necessary reference to the Charter, the Statute of the International Court of Justice, and other legal instruments, tells of the realities of the legal issues as they arise in the day to day practice of the United Nations. Missions to the UN, Ministries of Foreign Affairs, practitioners of international law, academics, and students will all find this book to be vital in their understanding of the workings of the legal practice of the UN. Research for this publication was made possible by The Balzan Prize, which was awarded to Rosalyn Higgins in 2007 by the International Balzan Foundation.
This report addresses the development challenges facing young people in the Arab region. The current young generation is the largest this region has had over the past 50 years, making up 30% of its population. In light of the youth-led movements during and after the 2011 uprisings, the report argues for a renewed policy focus on youth development in the region. It deals with the pillars of human development (income, education and health) with the attainment, achievement and equitable distribution of education, and with the challenges of finding stable and decent jobs. With protracted conflict in several Arab countries, young Arabs have become victims or perpetrators of violence, challenged by difficulties of mobility and migration. AHDR 2016 aims to engage youth in building a better future.
Ending humanitarian atrocities has become as important for the United Nations as preventing interstate war. This book examines the transformation of UN operations, analysing its changing role and structure. Ramesh Thakur asks why, when and how force may be used, and argues that the growing gulf between legality and legitimacy is evidence of an eroded sense of international community. He considers the tension between the United States, with its capacity to use force and project power, and the United Nations, as the centre of the international law enforcement system. He asserts the central importance of the rule of law and a rules-based order focused on the United Nations as the foundation of a civilised system of international relations. This book will be of interest to students of the United Nations and international organisations in politics, law and international relations departments, as well as policymakers in governmental and non-governmental international organisations.
In August 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) won a crushing victory over the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), thus bringing to an end over fifty years of one-party dominance. Around the world, the victory of the DPJ was seen as a radical break with Japan's past. However, this dramatic political shift was not as sudden as it appeared, but rather the culmination of a series of changes first set in motion in the early 1990s.The Evolution of Japan's Party System analyses the transition by examining both party politics and public policy. Arguing that these political changes were evolutionary rather than revolutionary, the essays in this volume discuss how older parties such as the LDP and the Japan Socialist Party failed to adapt to the new policy environment of the 1990s. Taken as a whole, The Evolution of Japan's Party System provides a unique look at party politics in Japan, bringing them into a comparative conversation that usually focuses on Europe and North America. |
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