At a time when Jimmy Carter warns against asking too much of the
federal government, a book extolling the expanders of presidential
power seems a non-starter. But that, presumably, is what spurred
Yale historian Blum to this defense of progressivism. Blum argues
that, by 1900, America had already become a de facto world power,
and that Teddy Roosevelt was merely acknowledging this in his
insistence on the power of the presidency. Without such a powerful
office, in Blum's view, the government cannot function properly in
a complex and fast-moving world, and it is up to the other branches
- legislative and judicial - to see to it that presidential power
is held within reasonable bounds. But without a president willing
to utilize the power, the bounds will shrink. Blum summarizes the
rise of progressivism in the Roosevelt and Wilson years, describing
the antitrust and social reform measures which the White House
championed, but also noting those occasions - like the suppression
of dissent in World War I - when presidential efforts in one area
led to excesses in others. The power to do right overwhelmed
Wilson, and the reaction from Congress and the people resulted in a
backlash favoring weak executives. FDR's New Deal resurrected the
older tradition, and New Dealer Johnson kept it alive until Vietnam
toppled him and, with him, Progressivism. Blum is aware that these
presidents all combined progressive domestic policies with
aggressive foreign policies, but, without judging any particular
foreign episode, he sees the two as logically connected and the
price which must be paid for progressive principles. To a skeptic,
the wars might seem to provide the economic stimulus that makes the
social legislation look good. Blum has made a case, but the verdict
is not assured. (Kirkus Reviews)
Advocates of a strong versus a weak presidency have struggled
throughout American history, but never so fiercely as in the
twentieth century, which saw the rise of progressivism. This is the
story of four progressive presidents, from the first Roosevelt, who
himself brought plenty of backbone to the office, to Woodrow Wilson
, who articulated the theory of a progressive presidency, to FDR,
who brought it unique power, and, finally, to Lyndon Johnson, who
provided perhaps its last great surge in our century. In a time of
progressive malaise, it is important to know the history, to see
the benefits as well as the liabilities, in the progressive
presidential tradition. That is the aim and achievement of this
book.
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