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Books > Humanities > History > European history > 1750 to 1900
A powerful and frightening account - based on fresh research and
eye-witness accounts - of the great Terror that swept France after
the Revolution From early 1793 to the summer of 1794, the young
French Republic was subject to a reign of institutionalised terror
which grew ever more bloodthirsty and paranoid in its actions.
Personified by Robespierre and the "Angel of Death", Saint-Just,
the Terror convulsed and very nearly ruined France - until they too
met their fate under the guillotine. That extraordinary period - in
many ways the precursor of Stalin's Great Terror of the 1930s - is
vividly re-created by Graeme Fife. He has used contemporary
documents, eye-witness accounts, and reports from the dreaded
Committee of Public Safety, to show the atmosphere of fear,
suspicion and betrayal that gripped France. But amidst the horror
there was also great heroism and pathos - the author includes
heartbreaking letters written by those awaiting execution.
John Hatsell (1733-1820) held the office of Clerk of the House of
Commons from 1768 to 1820. In his letters and Memorabilia entries -
published here for the first time - Hatsell brought to bear his
intimate familiarity with high politics during the reign of George
III. Hatsell's expertise in financial policy inspired him to offer
counsel to Pitt the Younger during Pitt's first premiership
(1783-1801). Hatsell's other correspondents include Henry Addington
(speaker 1789-1801 and prime minister 1801-1804), Charles Abbot
(speaker 1802-1817), and William Eden (diplomat and President of
the Board of Trade in the Ministry of All the Talents, 1806-1807).
Hatsell centres his attention on the enduring constitutional
significance of the changes he experienced in his public and
private life. Hatsell's wry humour is often on display as he
reveals the lighter side of social and political life in Great
Britain.
The Crimean War was the most destructive conflict of Queen
Victoria's reign, the outcome of which was indecisive; most
historians regard it as an irrelevant and unnecessary conflict
despite its fame for Florence Nightingale and the Charge of the
Light Brigade. Here Hugh Small shows how the history of the Crimean
War has been manipulated to conceal Britain's - and Europe's -
failure. The war governments and early historians combined to
withhold the truth from an already disappointed nation in a
deception that lasted over a century. Accounts of battles, still
widely believed, gave fictitious leadership roles to senior
officers. Careful analysis of the fighting shows that most of
Britain's military successes in the war were achieved by the common
soldiers, who understood tactics far better than the officer class
and who acted usually without orders and often in contravention of
them. Hugh Small's mixture of politics and battlefield narrative
identifies a turning point in history, and raises disturbing
questions about the utility of war.
How Soviet scientists and pseudoscientists pursued telepathic
research, cybernetic simulations, and mass hyptonism over
television to control the minds of citizens. In October 1989, as
the Cold War was ending and the Berlin Wall about to crumble,
television viewers in the Soviet Union tuned in to the first of a
series of unusual broadcasts. "Relax, let your thoughts wander
free..." intoned the host, the physician and clinical
psychotherapist Anatoly Mikhailovich Kashpirovsky. Moscow's Channel
One was attempting mass hypnosis over television, a therapeutic
session aimed at reassuring citizens panicked over the ongoing
political upheaval-and aimed at taking control of their responses
to it. Incredibly enough, this last-ditch effort to rally the
citizenry was the culmination of decades of official telepathic
research, cybernetic simulations, and coded messages undertaken to
reinforce ideological conformity. In Homo Sovieticus, the art and
media scholar Wladimir Velminski explores these scientific and
pseudoscientific efforts at mind control. In a fascinating series
of anecdotes, Velminski describes such phenomena as the conflation
of mental energy and electromagnetism; the investigation of aura
fields through the "Aurathron"; a laboratory that practiced mind
control methods on dogs; and attempts to calibrate the thought
processes of laborers. "Scientific" diagrams from the period
accompany the text. In all of the experimental methods for
implanting thoughts into a brain, Velminski finds political and
metaphorical contaminations. These apparently technological
experiments in telepathy and telekinesis were deployed for purely
political purposes.
In the maelstrom of Napoleonic Europe, Britain remained defiant,
resisting French imperial ambitions. This Anglo-French rivalry was,
essentially, a politico-economic conflict for pre-eminence fought
on a global scale and it reached a zenith in 1806-1808 with
France's apparent dominance of Continental Europe. Britain reacted
swiftly and decisively to implement maritime-based strategies to
limit French military and commercial gains in Europe, while
protecting British overseas interests. The policy is particularly
evident in relations with Britain's "Ancient Ally": Portugal. That
country and, by association her South American empire, became the
front line in the battle between Napoleon's ambitions and British
maritime security. Shedding new light on British war aims and
maritime strategy, this is an essential work for scholars of the
Napoleonic Wars and British political, diplomatic, economic and
maritime/military history.
A leading expert examines one of Napoleon's most decisive but least
analysed victories In early July 1809 Napoleon crossed the Danube
with 187,000 men to confront the Austrian Archduke Charles and an
army of 145,000 men. The fighting that followed dwarfed in
intensity and scale any previous Napoleonic battlefield, perhaps
any in history: casualties on each side were over 30,000. The
Austrians fought with great determination, but eventually the
Emperor won a narrow victory. Wagram was decisive in that it
compelled Austria to make peace. It also heralded a new, altogether
greater order of warfare, anticipating the massed manpower and
weight of fire deployed much later in the battles of the American
Civil War and then at Verdun and on the Somme.
This title draws on contemporary testimonies of life in Napoleon's
army, documenting the reality of conscription, training, camp life
and combat action for the common infantry soldier. In contrast to
most works on this period, it calls into question the propagandist
views expounded by numerous Bonapartists - the romantic notion of
La Gloire is very much tempered by some hard-hitting recollections
of the horror and misery of military life 200 years ago. Packed
with prints taken from contemporary sources and superb colour
illustrations, it provides a concise, revealing and authentic
portrait of life in the Grand Armee.
The Mediterranean was one of Napoleon's greatest spheres of
influence. With territory in Spain, Italy and, of course, France,
Napoleon's regime dominated the Great Sea for much of the early
nineteenth century. The 'Napoleonic Mediterranean' was composed of
almost the entirety of the western, European lands bordering its
northern shores, however tenuously many of those shores were held.
The disastrous attempt to conquer Egypt in 1798-99, and the rapid
loss of Malta to the British, sealed its eastward and southern
limits. None of Napoleon's Mediterranean possessions were easily
held; they were volatile societies which showed determined
resistance to the new state forged by the French Revolution. In
this book, acclaimed historian and biographer of Napoleon, Michael
Broers looks at the similarities and differences between Napoleon's
Mediterranean imperial possessions. He considers the process of
political, military and legal administration as well as the
challenges faced by Napoleon's Prefects in overcoming hostility in
the local population. With chapters covering a range of imperial
territories, this book is a unique and valuable addition to the
historical literature on Napoleonic Europe and the process and
practice of imperialism.
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