This comprehensive Research Handbook examines the key drivers of the arms trade, mapping the main trends in Asia, Europe, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America. It also explores the principal defence markets internationally, including the US, China, India, Russia and the UK in greater detail. Across twenty-six chapters, international experts assess the central drivers of the arms trade, such as the insecurities of small states in an increasingly realist world of power politics, the continued presence of conflict, technological change and the presence of corruption. Analysing critical issues from the future of air and naval power and their implications for the trade to the impact of emerging technology and the prospects for arms control, the chapters raise a number of central issues as to the challenges and future direction of the arms trade. The Research Handbook concludes that defence spending and procurement have remained paramount and on a general upward trend since the Cold War, particularly in Asia and the Middle East. This Research Handbook will be a valuable resource for academics and students of international relations, security studies and political science. Its global approach will also be beneficial for arms policy analysts and defence professionals.

The Munitions Inquiry, often called the Nye Committee after its chairperson, Senator Gerald Nye, critically examined the pre-World War II military-industrial complex of government agencies, corporations, labor unions, and financial institutions. Cold War-era historians typically presented the inquiry as a naive isolationist search for evil arms dealers who caused wars. Going beyond the concept of the Merchants of Death theory and into the social, intellectual, political, and cultural currents of the 1930s, Coulter expands the dimensions of a topic formerly framed within the narrow confines of isolationism and internationalism. In addition, he shows how the committee's 19th-century values and progressive idealism were unsuited to an era dominated by Hitler and Mussolini. In divesting the Munitions Inquiry of its image as an historical oddity, this book recovers a piece of American history that had been a casualty of World War II and the Cold War.

This book is the first in eight years to address the purposes, patterns, and prospects of Chinese arms transfers, and the only book to address China's recent and provocative rise to prominence as an arms trader since the mid-1980s. Focusing on the 1980s and the prospects for the 1990s, the work analyzes the principal arms trade relationships of the People's Republic of China to provide a greater understanding and more nuanced insight into the arms trade policies and goals of the world's fourth largest arms supplier.

This study finds that the economic motive for arms exports--the generating of foreign currency--while important, does not fully or even adequately explain why the Chinese export arms. Rather, Chinese arms exports should be seen in the light of political and strategic motivations, which are often more important. This book should appeal to both scholars and policymakers in the field of international relations.

A major historical study of the global arms trade, revolving around the transfer of small arms from metropolitan Europe to the turbulent frontiers of Indian Ocean societies during the 'long' nineteenth century (c.1780-1914).

"Treating Weapons Proliferation" is a chilling exploration of the dynamics of weapons proliferation and nonproliferation. Through an analogy with the disease of cancer, the book walks the reader through the history of the phenomenon, its growing complexities and changing dimensions, its causes and consequences, and the various policy responses currently available to address it. Taking stock of the nature and challenges of such responses, the book shows that there is no all-encompassing cure for weapons proliferation at the present time, only treatments of relative and contextual effectiveness. Simply put, weapons proliferation, like cancer, has no single cure, but it is a condition that can often be treated, sometimes successfully.

The idea of space control and the militarization or weaponization of space has become
increasingly prominent in contemporary society. This book puts the widely-held view that
'arms control in space is not feasible' to the test and aims to explore how, and under what
conditions, arms control in space is feasible and could become a reality. Developing a
hypothesis on the general conditions for preventive arms control, Mutschler uses three major
theoretical approaches to international relations, neoliberal institutionalism, neorealism, and
constructivism, and examines the unsuccessful case of arms control regarding space weapons
and the successful case of arms control in the field of Anti-Ballistic Missiles (ABMs).

This is a comprehensive examination of the strategic affairs of the Persian Gulf since the Gulf War of 1991. The authors conclude that the arms race in the Persian Gulf should be controlled, but maintain it is likely to continue because of the clashing strategic perspectives of Saudi Arabia and Iran, and because of the sustained willingness of all major suppliers to find new revenue sources for their declining defense industries in the post-Cold War decade. They also argue that the U.S. should not adopt a policy of isolating or ignoring Iran in its endeavors to find security arrangements in the Persian Gulf, and that a weakened Iraq has become a major source of instability in the Persian Gulf.

Although the illicit arms trade has evolved over recent years, despite the end of the Cold War it appears to be as vibrant as ever. From Bosnia and Kosovo to Angola and Sierra Leone, illicit arms flows have played a key role in areas of contemporary instability and violence. Against this background, this volume brings together studies of several key issues relating to this trade: the changing nature of the illicit arms trade; the origins of the Iran-Contra affair; the flow of illicit arms from post-communist Russia; the role of France in arming the genocide in Rwanda; the question of the role of private security companies in areas of instability; and the prospects of controlling the illicit trade in small arms. This timely volume will be essential reading for courses in Criminology, War and Peace Studies, International Politics, and African and other Area Studies which deal with arms trafficking and conflict issues.

The literature on the post-1950 arms trade is exhaustive. In contrast, there is almost nothing that examines the pre-1950 trade in arms in a solid, empirical manner. This volume fills that void. It is a broad collection of articles that examines aspects of the global trade in armaments from 1815 to 1940. Its collective thrust analyzes the connections between diplomacy, the domestic politics of procurement, private business, and military technology transfers in Asia, Europe, and Africa and the Americas. The Stoker-Grant collection disentangles the threads of diplomatic, domestic, political, and economic factors in explaining specific outcomes for each country. The research and conclusions are empirically and uniquely grounded in the archival evidence from the state and company records of the participants. Moreover, it advances academic and popular understanding of the arms trade in a number of significant ways. First, it elucidates the existing discussions of the arms race leading up to World War I by providing a longer-term context. In considering nearly a century and a half of case studies rather than a single decade, this work allows for a more accurate and non-polemical appraisal of the linkages between armaments and the outbreak of wars. An important collection for scholars, students, and other researchers involved with military history and business and political linkages in the global arms trade.

Most nuclear proliferation literature is focused on states seeking nuclear weapons, conducted in most cases clandestinely. The sharing of nuclear weapons technology between states is as important strategically, if unexpected, because nuclear weapons are such a powerful instrument in international politics. This book proposes to answer why, if nuclear weapons are such good preservers of peace, are states not more willing to see them proliferate? Schofield also examines the underlying phenomenon of the threat of proliferation races, and how nonproliferation bargains between adversaries make nuclear sharing far less common. But sharing is not rare. This book proposes a theory to explain nuclear sharing and surveys its rich history from its beginnings in the Second World War, including the cases of France-Israel, US-NATO, Russia-China, Israel-South Africa, China-Pakistan and Pakistan-Iran, as well as the incidence of soft balancing and permissive nuclear sharing in the cases of the US and Japan, Israel and India.

Military power and conflict have fuelled economic growth throughout history. Money matters to the military; it is needed to finance war and the desire to acquire it is often the motive for fighting. This book examines the interaction of economics and conflict, it explains the economic concepts used, and illustrates them with a range of military examples, both contemporary and historical. Among the many links explored lies the undeniable fact that fighting and finance are often both driven by the same basic human motives, fear and greed.
'Military Economics' draws on technical literature to provide an accessible introduction to: security, military expenditures, the arms industry, military operations and the economic consequences of defence spending. It raises current debates about the optimal size of the defence budget and examines how it is used to acquire forces, troops and weapons. The book examines how these forces are used to provide maximum military capability, and the potential to prevail in combat. Economic issues are central to the preparation for war, which involves balancing resources and commitments. By exploring the interaction between the military and economy, power and money, Ron Smith provides an insightful contribution to military planning, which becomes essential to the modern world. This book will be indispensable reading forall interested in defence economics, war studies andpeace studies.
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In this book William Durch examines conventional weapons proliferation since World War II, the role of arms transfers in fueling regional conflict, and prospects for curbing the global arms trade. Noting that supply side arms control efforts, which seek to constrain the companies and countries that produce and distribute major conventional weapons, have a poor international track record, Durch argues for a broader approach that tries to get at the demand side of the equation. Addressing the political and regional dynamics that impel arms acquisitions, he looks at how arms control might be combined with confidence and security-building measures to contain demand, and how value-based arms trade control measures like “codes of conduct” could be implemented in stepwise fashion consistent with US national interests in regional stability.

After marked reductions in military spending in the 1990s, military budgets around the world are on the increase. In this book, renowned authorities re-examine the economics of military expenditure, arms production and arms trade in developing nations. It includes analysis of military spending in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and new forms of civil conflict as well as nine case studies (Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Mozambique, Angola, sub-Saharan Africa, Greece, Turkey, Guatemala, and Chile). The book will serve as a valuable contribution to the fields of both development economics and security studies.

On the debate over whether or not arms transfers increase or deter the chances of war, Cassady B. Craft offers a balanced assessment of the effect of arms transfers on war involvement and outcomes. He considers correlations at the state and global level, supplier and recipient relationships, and the extent of the relationship in the perceptions of individual leaders.
This is the first study to examine the influence of arms transfers on combined interstate and civil wars. Drawing on a variety of theories and quantitative methods, including force-on-force attrition models, it uses innovative techniques that have the potential to change the way analysts weigh the impact of weapons sales. This book will provide both analysts and policymakers with a comprehensive examination of the various tradeoffs between weapons sales and the probability of conflict.

Stephen Valone takes the first in-depth look at the China arms embargo (1919-1929) and places it in the larger context of United States foreign policy. Until now historians have focused on the formation of the Second Banking Consortium as the U.S.'s primary weapon against Japan's aspirations in China. Valone explores the crucial role that the China arms embargo concurrently played in limiting Japan's intentions. The embargo's ostensible goal was to inhibit the flow of weapons into China forcing rival Chinese factions to negotiate their differences at the conference table. The United States' deeper motive was to roll back Japan's influence and defend its Open Door policy in China. Valone's diplomatic history concludes with a positive assessment of the embargo as a tool of U.S. foreign policy. From 1919 to 1929 the United States participated in an international agreement known as the China arms embargo. Stephen Valone's study provides an in-depth coverage of this embargo. Chapters cover Japan's wartime gains in China; Japan's apogee; ban on loans; arms embargo; challenges to the embargo; embargo success; British defense; unsuccessful attempts to strengthen the embargo; and the Soviet threat and cancellation of the embargo.

Technology offsets, a nonconventional international trade-financing tool, is used by governments (buyers) to obtain industrial and technological benefits from companies (sellers) as part of international procurement. Offsets deals involve billions of dollars and this practice exists in around 80 countries around the world. Though offsets is a popular practice in defence, it is increasingly gaining popularity in civil sectors. Offsets is often tainted by controversy and receives bad press. What then makes offsets popular? Governments claim that offsets delivers technology and knowledge transfer, skills in high technology sectors and employment, and offsets expands export opportunities through participation in OEM supply chains. For companies, offsets is mainly employed as a tool to obtain a competitive edge and win sales in international business. In the past, there have been mixed results of case studies on the impact of offsets successes and failures. Considering the mismanagement of globalisation, unfair trade agreements and current political and economic discontent, there is a stronger need for governments and companies to use vehicles such as offsets to create a relationship of trust and commitment for sustainable development. This book fills the gap in offsets and focuses on how to manage offsets more effectively by addressing issues of strategy, policy and implementation, technology management, governance and risk. Technology Offsets in International Defence Procurement is designed for those studying international procurement, international trade, international business, technology management, defence policy and industrial policy. This book will also be of interest to practitioners and policy makers in both government and industry.

In vast swathes of America, the sacredness of the Second Amendment has become a political third rail, never to be questioned. Gun rights supporters wear tri-cornered hats, wave the stars and stripes, and ask what would have happened if the revolutionaries had been unarmed when the British were coming. They have had great success in conflating unfettered gun ownership with the Founding Fathers, the Constitution, and all things American, even in an era of repeated mass shootings. Yet the all-to-familiar narrative of America's gun past, echoed in the Supreme Court's Heller gun rights decision, is not only mythologized, but historically wrong. As Robert J. Spitzer demonstrates in Guns across America, gun ownership is as old as the nation, but so is gun regulation. Drawing on a vast new dataset of early gun laws reflecting every imaginable type of regulation, Spitzer reveals that firearms were actually more strictly regulated in the country's first three centuries than in recent years. The first 'gun grabbers' were not 1960's Chablis-drinking liberals, but seventeenth century rum-guzzling pioneers, and their legacy continued through strict gun regulations in the 1920s and beyond. Spitzer examines interpretations of the Second Amendment, the assault weapons controversy, modern 'stand your ground" laws, and the so-called 'right of rebellion' to show that they play out in America's contemporary political landscape in ways that bear little resemblance to our imagined past. And as gun rights proponents seek to roll back gun laws and press as many guns into as many hands as possible, warning that gun rights are endangered, they sidestep the central question: are stricter gun laws incompatible with robust gun rights? Spitzer answers this question by examining New York State's tough gun laws, where his political analysis is complemented by his own quest for a concealed carry handgun permit and construction of a legal AR-15 assault weapon. Not only can gun rights and rules coexist, but they have throughout American history. Guns across America reveals the long-hidden truth: that gun regulations are in fact as American as apple pie.

A gripping and urgent investigation into the secretive world of the global arms trade - from a former member of the African National Congress Revealing the corruption and the cover-ups at the heart of ex-President Jacob Zuma's South Africa Andrew Feinstein delves behind BAE's controversial transactions in South Africa, Tanzania and eastern Europe and the revolving-door relationships that characterise the US Congressional-Military-Industrial Complex. The Shadow World exposes both the formal government-backed trade in arms as well as the illicit deals and lays bare the shocking links between the two. 'Essential reading for anyone who cares about justice, transparency and accountability in both the public and private spheres, and for anyone who believes that it is more important to invest in saving lives than in the machinery of death' Archbishop Desmond Tutu 'Andrew Feinstein has written an authoritative guide to the business of war. Chilling, heartbreaking and enraging' Arundhati Roy 'The nobility and justice of Feinstein's sentiments are indisputable. The arms trade is a loathsome commerce conducted by people who wear suits and occupy big boardroom tables, but should have trouble sleeping at night' Max Hastings, Sunday Times 'Remarkable and courageous . . . The Shadow World is a heroic book by an author who, in writing it, has put himself in the firing line' Iain Macwhirter 'Feinstein's book is a singularly powerful study, and deserves to be read by anyone who wants to see light shining on such a shadowy world' Independent

"Taking Aim at the Arms Trade" takes a critical look at the ways in which NGOs portray the arms trade as a problem of international politics and the strategies they use to effect change. While NGOs have been pivotal in bringing the suffering caused by the arms trade to public attention and documenting its negative impacts on human rights, conflict, security and development around the world, their overall activity has the perverse effect of justifying the status quo in the arms trade. They unintentionally contribute to the generation of consent for a hierarchical and asymmetrical world military order, facilitating intervention in the global South based on liberal understandings of the arms trade and associated issues of conflict, development and human rights. As a consequence, their actions contribute to the construction of the South as a site of Northern benevolence and intervention, a stark contrast to NGOs' self-image and widespread reputation as progressive actors. In exposing the contradictions inherent in NGOs engagement with the arms trade, Stavrianakis argues forcefully for a change of approach that can avoid such damaging outcomes.

When the British Labour party announced the withdrawal of British forces from the Persian Gulf in January 1968, the United States faced a potential power vacuum in the area. The incoming Nixon administration, preoccupied with the Soviet Union and China, and the war in Vietnam, had no intention of replacing the British in the Gulf. To avoid further military commitments, the US encouraged Iran and Saudi Arabia to maintain area security. A critical policy decision, overlooked by most scholars, saw Nixon and Kissinger engineer the rise in oil prices between 1969 and 1972 to enable Saudi Arabia and Iran to purchase the necessary military hardware to serve as guardians of the Gulf. For all their bluster about reversing Labours withdrawal decision, after their surprise victory in the election of June 1970 the Conservatives adhered to Labours policy. But in contrast to Labours wish to cut the umbilical cord of empire, the Tories wanted to retain influence in the Persian Gulf, pursuing policies largely independent of the US by the creation of the United Arab Emirates, deposing the sultan of Oman, and trying to solve the dispute over the Buraimi oasis with Saudi Arabia. By trying to maintain its empire on the cheap, Britain turned into an arms supplier supreme. But offering and selling arms does not a foreign policy make, leaving Britain in the long run with less influence in regional affairs. This was true also for the US, whose arms sales were to prove no realistic an alternative to foreign policy. The US hid under the Iranian security blanket for almost a decade. Given the weakness of the regime and the Shahs nonsensical dreams of turning Iran into one of the top five industrial and military powers in the world, the policy was cavalierly irresponsible. Similarly, leaving Saudi Arabia wallowing in oil money and medieval stupor a seedbed for Islamic fundamentalists created major future problems for the United States, as evinced by 9/11.

The Arms Industry is an area that is of huge concern to many people around the world. The economics of this hugely important industry are a vital strand that needs to be understood.
This volume brings together contributors from all over the globe, such as Todd Sandler and Keith Hartley, and focuses on the important issues surrounding the Arms Trade such as:
*the determinants of US military expenditure
*alliance formation and expansion
*new challenges to export controls
This well-rounded, comprehensive book will be of huge interest to students and academics involved in the economics of defence, as well as more general studies of the defence industry. The book will also be an invaluable read for those with an interest in the Arms Industry such as policy-makers and corporate managers.

This book dispels two common myths about the American-Israeli patron-client relationship -- that arms transfers to Israel have been motivated by American domestic politics rather than national interests and that these arms transfers have come without any political strings attached to them. The first part of the book describes and analyses the institutionalisation of the American-Israeli arms pipeline during the Johnson administration, demonstrating conclusively in the process that arms transfers to the Jewish state were based primarily on American national interests. The second part of the book consists of four case studies that clearly reveal that American arms transfers to Israel, whether in wartime or in peacetime, have always come with a diplomatic price tag attached to them. The book is based largely on American government documents from the Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series, from the Lyndon B Johnson Presidential Library, and from the United States National Archives.

This volume provides a comprehensive and interdisciplinary examination of the Multilateral Non-Proliferation Export Control system and the national and international context within which it functions. Key features: "

Bringing together the latest developments in the realm of international military expenditure and nuclear weapons, this twenty-third edition also reviews nuclear explosions, arms production and trade, chemical and biological weapons, as well as military use of outer space, proliferation of ballistic missile technology, armed conflicts in 1991, nuclear arms control of the United States and the Soviet Union, and conventional arms control in Europe.