The voice of a proud, conservative Republican, who is a veteran and a patriot. Norm Richards gives his personal opinion of socialism, liberalism, many Democrats and what lies ahead for the United States of North America. This book sets out to explain how dastardly, incomprehensible decisions have been made to grow the size of our government to make our citizens beholden to them forever and to look to them to always take care of us. You are too dumb to take care of yourself and your own family. The bleeding heart liberals demand that government provide for you from the womb to the tomb. The incremental destruction of this country began with the creation of the social security system. The start of the socialism cancer which has never worked anywhere in any country which embraces it and believers in this policy are flat out wrong to say that it has just not been done properly. It has been proven wrong and many countries are paying the price the longer that they continue this absurdity. "We are a nation of laws, governed by the constitution and bylaws lest we forget " What we have here and why. I systematically recant what has happened to this great country, who did it and why. I am mad as hell and won't take it anymore. Socialism is killing this country and only the conservatives have a chance to save us. There are too many people living here already, too many trucks and cars and it is getting worse with many illegals pouring across our borders. Disrespect and disbelief in God will be our undoing. If only Barry Goldwater had been elected our president, more than likely, we wouldn't have here that point in time we have today

Bring Back America, Land That We Love is a potent, persuasive and passionate book that boldly takes issues with the ''wrongheaded'' actions and policies and attitudes of the Bush administration.

Originally a New Deal liberal and aggressive anticommunist, Senator Eugene McCarthy famously lost faith with the Democratic party over Vietnam. His stunning challenge to Lyndon Johnson in the 1968 New Hampshire primary inspired young liberals and was one of the greatest electoral upsets in American history. But the 1968 election ultimately brought Richard Nixon and the Republican Party to power, irrevocably shifting the country's political landscape to the right for decades to come.
Dominic Sandbrook traces one of the most remarkable and significant lives in postwar politics, a career marked by both courage and arrogance. Sandbrook draws on extensive new research - including interviews with McCarthy himself - to show convincingly how Eugene McCarthy's political experience embodies the larger decline of American liberalism after World War II. These were tumultuous times in American politics, and Sandbrook vividly captures the drama and historical significance through his intimate portrait of a singularly interesting man at the heart of it all.

What role did right-wing women play in the Nazi rise to power?Mothers of the Nation analyzes the work of women in the German Peoples Party and the German National Peoples Party - parties that covered the range from the moderate to the radical right. Looking at politics on both the local and national level, the author discusses issues ranging from social welfare to foreign policy. He shows that right-wing women, in keeping with the tradition of the German bourgeois womens movement, refused to stand up primarily for womens interests and instead invoked the Volksgemeinschaft (community of the people), a vision of harmony and cooperation of the groups involved in production.These right-wing campaigners believed that German women should use their newly won political rights to strengthen the Volksgemeinschaft by reconciling the divided nation and by infusing it with a higher morality. This stance proved to be both a liability and an asset. The emphasis on the Volksgemeinschaft made it difficult for female conservatives to fight for specific womens rights. Yet it also allowed them to paste over the conflicts between interest groups that tore apart Germanys bourgeois parties prior to 1933 and that divided politically active women as well. The ways in which women sought to contain the fragmentation that ultimately rendered their parties defenceless against the Nazis sheds new light on Weimar politics.Bringing the controversial story of right-wing women to life, this book offers a compelling account of gender and politics during a crucial period in German history.

Reviews of the first edition: "A spirited polemic, which will give a lot of amusement and, perhaps more important, cause a lot of annoyance. It will never be possible to take conservative claims about tradition, moderation, constitutionality or limited government wholly seriously ever again." -- Rodney Barker, Tribune"It offers a powerful critique of the major beliefs of modern Conservatism, and shows how much a rigorous philosopher can contribute to understanding the fashionable but deeply ruinous absurdities of his times." -- Bhikhu Parekh, New Statesman"The whole book must be read. Indeed, only the final page, like a good detective story, brings with it the full philosophical discovery, and one much too rich to be exposed to impatient disclosure." -- Michael Foot, the Observer"The work of a virulent partisan." -- Enoch Powell, the IndependentIn a new edition of this text whose wit does not conceal its serious intent, Britain's pre-eminent progressive political philosopher explores the distinctions of conservatism, seeking the fundamental principle that unifies it and is its rationale and foundation.He brings the resources of analytic philosophy to bear on such political parties as the Republican party in the United States and the Conservative Party and now also the New Labour party in Britain.He examines the thinkers of this tradition, From Edmund Burke and Adam Smith to Michael Oakeshott and Robert Nozick. He does not give up his search for the rationale of conservatism. He finds it. It is not an expected one.

Dinesh D'Souza rose to national prominence as one of the founders of the Dartmouth Review, a leading voice in the rebirth of conservative politics on college campuses in the 1980s.He fired the first popular shot against political correctness with his best-selling expose Illiberal Education. Now, after serving as a Reagan White House staffer, the managing editor of Policy Review, and a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and the Hoover Institution, he addresses the next generation in Letters to a Young Conservative . Drawing on his own colourful experiences, both within the conservative world and while skirmishing with the left, D'Souza aims to enlighten and inspire young conservatives and give them weapons for the intellectual battles that they face in high school, college, and everyday life. Letters to a Young Conservative also illuminates the enduring themes that for D'Souza anchor the conservative position: not "family values" or patriotism, but a philosophy based on natural rights and a belief in universal moral truths.With a light touch, D'Souza shows that conservatism needn't be stodgy or defensive, even though it is based on preserving the status quo. To the contrary, when a conservative has to expose basic liberal assumptions to scrutiny, he or she must become a kind of imaginative, fun-loving, forward-looking guerrilla- philosophically conservative but temperamentally radical.Among the topics Dinesh D'Souza covers in Letters to a Young Conservative : Fighting Political CorrectnessAuthentic vs. Bogus MulticulturalismWhy Government Is the ProblemWhen the Rich Get RicherHow Affirmative Action Hurts BlacksThe Feminist MistakeAll the News That FitsHow to Harpoon a LiberalThe Self-Esteem HoaxA Republican Realignment?Why Conservatives Should Be Cheerful

For anyone who believes that "liberal" isn't a dirty word but a term of honor," "this book will be as revitalizing as oxygen. For in the pages of Reason," " one of our most incisive public thinkers, and a former secretary of labor mounts a defense of classical liberalism that's also a guide for rolling back twenty years of radical conservative domination of our politics and political culture.
To do so, Robert B. Reich shows how liberals can:
.Shift the focus of the values debate from behavior in the bedroom to malfeasance in the boardroom
.Remind Americans that real prosperity depends on fairness
.Reclaim patriotism from those who equate it with pre-emptive war-making and the suppression of dissent
If a single book has the potential to restore our country's good name and common sense, it's this one.

Liberals have been called knee-jerk opponents of war and business and have been accused of belittling personal responsibility. It's a bum rap, says keen observer Keevan D. Morgan, who has watched the workings of both liberal and conservative administrations throughout his career as an attorney. The author urges liberals to claim their place as the rightful heirs to Abraham Lincoln, the President whose victorious armies made Washington, D.C., the protector of last resort of our freedom, welfare, and security. He both traces the history of liberalism and offers solutions to the most controversial topics of our day.

Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

1880. John Stuart Mill is one of the foremost representatives of utilitarian thought as well as one of the most influential of nineteenth century liberals. Influenced by his wife, Harriet Taylor, Mill developed a very humane version of utilitarianism that was sympathetic to women's rights, labor unions, proportional representation, and other liberal themes. Contents: Of the liberty of thought and discussion; Of Individuality, As One of the Elements of Well-Being; Of the Limits to the Authority of Society Over the Individual and Applications. See the many other works by this author available from Kessinger Publishing.

In this New York Times bestseller, David Limbaugh exposes the liberal hypocrisy of promoting political correctness while discriminating against Christianity. From the elimination of school prayer to the eradication of the story of Christianity in America from history text-books, this persuasive book shows that our social engineers inculcate hostility toward Christianity and its values in the name of "diversity," "tolerance," and "multiculturalism."

Limbaugh explains through court cases, case studies, and true stories the widespread assault on the religious liberties of Christians in America today and urges Christians to fight back to restore their First Amendment right of religious freedom.

This passionately argued book provides the first in-depth investigation of the religious politics of current American neo-conservatism. It shows that behind the neo-imperialism of the White House and George W. Bush lies an apocalyptic vision of the United States's sacred destiny "at the end of history," a vision that is shared by millions of Americans. The authors trace the roots of American apocalyptic to Puritan Millennialism and contemporary fundamentalist readings of the Book of Revelation. They suggest that Americans urgently need to recover a critique of Empire of the kind espoused by the founder of Christianity--or else risk becoming idolaters of a new Holy Roman Empire that leads others into servitude.

Twice in the past generation, the Republican party has proclaimed a "revolution" in American politics. In 1980, Ronald Reagan won a landslide victory on a platform of tax cuts, smaller government, and a stronger defense. And in 1994, Newt Gingrich took up the revolutionary mantle, tossing out the Democratic Congress and proclaiming the end of "business as usual" in Washington.

As the 2000 presidential election draws near, the optimism of those heady days seems like ancient history. The Reagan years are a dim memory, and the Republican leadership on Capitol Hill after five years in power has failed to enact the Contract with America. In 2000, the GOP faces not only the possibility of a third consecutive presidential defeat but the prospect of losing its House majority as well. The time for dithering is over, and the time for action is now.

"Completing the Revolution" is Robert Novak's manifesto for a Republican victory in November and for implementing a conservative vision for government in the years to come. He brings to his analysis the combativeness familiar to those who watch him on CNN's "Crossfire, " and the insight and perspective that have helped to make him one of America's leading political columnists. He is not afraid to criticize the various presidential candidates or the Republican leaders in Congress, especially those who fail to stand up for the party's principles -- whom he calls "Clintonized Republicans."

At the center of "Completing the Revolution" is Novak's bold proposal for a new Republican agenda, one that remains true to the party's core values and can command a majority in the country. He offers surprising and original perspectives on taxes, Social Security, abortion, campaign finance, race and gender politics, and term limits, among other issues. He also lays bare the fault lines that have emerged in the 2000 presidential race and shows how they offer the party a stark choice: division and defeat, or principled victory. The road to the White House, Novak admonishes, requires one thing above all, from candidates and supporters alike: the courage to stick to real Republican principles.

For any conservative who cares about the direction of public life in America, Robert Novak has provided the essential guide to our nation's millennial election.

"Liberalism: Time-Tested Principles for the Twenty-First Century" offers a multi-dimensional definition of Liberalism and calls upon American Liberals to rally behind their principles. Key sentences: The principal concern of Liberalism has always been good government, which Liberals regard as an essential element of a good society. Liberals have a tradition of Nationalism. If they wish to flourish again, Liberals must find leaders who can win the confidence of those ordinary Americans who consider the well-being of America as their primary concern. Bill Clinton, and his counterpart in Britain, Tony Blair, were on the right track. They had grasped the essential principles of Liberalism, and they made an effort of avoid the contentious, special-interest issues that had become attached to the liberal message. My book is a work of passion, and I hope it arouses a similar passion in others, because without passion there will be no action.

Who is Margaret Thatcher? Her influence on politics is well documented - not least by Lady Thatcher herself. This book takes a different angle, presenting the personal story of the woman who has been described as the most significant Englishwoman since Elizabeth I. Combining research undertaken by the production company Brook Lapping for the ITV series Maggie with her own analysis, Brenda Maddox traces the life of the grocer's daughter from Grantham who became the most successful Conservative Prime Minister of the 20th century. Unprecedented access to people who have known her throughout her life - some of whom have never spoken before - enables the author to paint a fully rounded portrait of a woman who is still both vilified and adored. snobbery of Oxford University and then of the Conservative Party? Brenda Maddox shows how the Iron Lady created herself, with the strong assistance of both parents and her husband. Through the eyes of her contemporaries, we begin to understand this extraordinary woman, whose shadow still falls across British life.

When President George W. Bush nominated Linda Chavez to be Secretary of Labor in 2001, few people realized that this hard-nosed conservative began her career among socialists and labor union officials, teaching in college affirmative action programs and writing political propaganda for the Democratic National Committee."An Unlikely Conservative" chronicles Chavez's journey from a poverty-stricken childhood to prominence as one of the most influential public policy advocates in the nation, and the sometimes shocking experiences that shaped her views along the way.

Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) was one of the twentieth century's most brilliant and disturbing critics of liberalism. He was also one of the most important intellectuals to offer his services to the Nazis, for which he was dubbed the "crown jurist of the Third Reich." Despite this fateful alliance Schmitt has exercised a profound influence on post-war European political and legal thought-on both the Right and the Left. In this illuminating book, Jan-Werner Muller traces for the first time the permutations of Schmitt's ideas after the Second World War and relates them to broader political developments in Europe. Offering a fresh account of Schmitt's life and career along with discussions of his key concepts, Muller explains why interest in the political theorist continues. He assesses the current uses of Schmitt's thought in debates on globalization and the quest for a liberal world order. He also offers new insights into the liberalization of political thinking in post-authoritarian societies and the persistent vulnerabilities and blind spots of certain strands of Western liberalism.

The character and object of this work may be indicated by an examination of the general history of the term Conservative, which it incorporates with the most advanced policy. This name, the property of the provisional party which must prevail until the final translation is fully entered upon, has, during the half century of its political existence, naturally followed a course conformable to the development of the situation in which it arose.

View the Table of Contents.
Read the Foreword.

"This thoughtful book will appeal to readers across the political spectrum."
--"Harvard Law Review"

"An invaluable source . . . for anyone interested in navigating the judiciary's politics."
--"National Journal"

"The Myth of the Imperial Judiciary makes a formidable argument that conservatives indeed have an unrealistic conception of the Supreme Court."
--"Austin American Statesman"

"Kozlowski marshals history to show that not only was a strong and active judiciary intended by the Founding Fathers, but also that it has served the nation extremely well."
--"Chicago Sun-Times"

"Kozlowski effectively demonstrates that courts have far less power to operate as free agents than many believe."
--"Law and Politics Book Review"

"Kozlowski marshals history to show that not only was a strong and active judiciary intended by the Founding Fathers, it has served the nation extremely well. . . . A fine piece of scholarship."
--"Washington Post"

"How many minds his book will change on a subject so charged with emotion remainds dubious, but the points Mr. Kozlowski makes so expertly cannot in fairness be ignored."
--"New York Law Journal"

Few institutions have become as ferociously fought over in democratic politics as the courts. While political criticism of judges in this country goes back to its inception, today's intensely ideological assault is nearly unprecedented.

Spend any amount of time among the writings of contemporary right-wing critics of judicial power, and you are virtually assured of seeing repeated complaints about the "imperial judiciary." American conservatives contend not onlythat judicial power has expanded dangerously in recent decades, but that liberal judges now willfully write their policy preferences into law. They raise alarms that American courts possess a degree of power incompatible with the functioning of a democratic polity.

The Myth of the Imperial Judiciary explores the anti-judicial ideological trend of the American right, refuting these claims and taking a realistic look at the role of courts in our democracy to show that conservatives have a highly "unrealistic" conception of their power. Kozlowski first assesses the validity of the conservative view of the Founders' intent, arguing that courts have played an assertive role in our politics since their establishment. He then considers contemporary judicial powers to show that conservatives have greatly overstated the extent to which the expansion of rights which has occurred has worked solely to the benefit of liberals.

Kozlowski reveals the ways in which the claims of those on the right are often either unsupported or simply wrong. He concludes that American courts, far from imperiling our democracy or our moral fabric, stand as a bulwark against the abuse of legislative power, acting forcefully, as they have always done, to give meaning to constitutional promises.

The southern Agrarians were a group of twelve young men who joined, from 1929 to 1937, in a fascinating intellectual and political movement. Prominent among them were Robert Penn Warren, Allen Tate, John Crowe Ransom, and Donald Davidson. In the midst of the depression, these gifted writers tried, as did so many other intellectuals, to plot the best cultural and economic choices open to southerners and Americans as a whole. That they failed to gain most of their goals does not diminish the significance of their crusade, or the enduring values that they espoused.

Interweaving group biography and intellectual history, Conkin traces how these young intellectuals came to write their classic manifesto, "I'll Take My Stand, " relates their political advocacy to the earlier Fugitive movement in poetry, and follows their careers after the Agrarian crusade fell apart. More than any other historian or critic, Conkin takes seriously the economic and political beliefs of these southern writers.

Since the 1930s, industrial sociologists have tried to answer the question, Why do workers not work harder? Michael Burawoy spent ten months as a machine operator in a Chicago factory trying to answer different but equally important questions: Why do workers work as hard as they do? Why do workers routinely consent to their own exploitation?
"Manufacturing Consent," the result of Burawoy's research, combines rich ethnographical description with an original Marxist theory of the capitalist labor process. "Manufacturing Consent" is unique among studies of this kind because Burawoy has been able to analyze his own experiences in relation to those of Donald Roy, who studied the same factory thirty years earlier. Burawoy traces the technical, political, and ideological changes in factory life to the transformations of the market relations of the plant (it is now part of a multinational corporation) and to broader movements, since World War II, in industrial relations.

In 1930, a group of southern intellectuals led by John Crowe Ransom, Allen Tate, Donald Davidson, and Robert Penn Warren published "I'll Take My Stand: The South and the Agrarian Tradition." A stark attack on industrial capitalism and a defiant celebration of southern culture, the book has raised the hackles of critics and provoked passionate defenses from southern loyalists ever since. As Paul Murphy shows, its effects on the evolution of American conservatism have been enduring as well.

Tracing the Agrarian tradition from its origins in the 1920s through the present day, Murphy shows how what began as a radical conservative movement eventually became, alternately, a critique of twentieth-century American liberalism, a defense of the Western tradition and Christian humanism, and a form of southern traditionalism--which could include a defense of racial segregation. Although Agrarianism failed as a practical reform movement, its intellectual influence was wide-ranging, Murphy says. This influence expanded as Ransom, Tate, and Warren gained reputations as leaders of the New Criticism. More notably, such "neo-Agrarians" as Richard M. Weaver and M. E. Bradford transformed Agrarianism into a form of social and moral traditionalism that has had a significant impact on the emerging conservative movement since World War II.

Holding fast to traditional values in the face of unprecedented economic hardship, nearly a million American women joined right-wing organizations during the Great Depression and World War II. "Days of Discontent" provides a new perspective for understanding why the far right appealed to these women, whose political self-awareness grew with the tumultuous times.
Influenced by the conventional image of women as mothers and nurturers, many women viewed the right-wing movement as a way to protect and maintain American morality. The radical right leaders, such as Elizabeth Dilling and Grace Wick, held ideas in common with European fascists but based their politics on a uniquely American mixture of nativism, anticommunism, anti-Semitism, and racism. Benowitz's insight into their motivations sheds new light on the interaction between women's daily lives and national politics.