Two years ago George Lakoff published the bestselling "Don't Think of an Elephant " Its account of the conservative monopoly on effective framing touched off a national discussion about political language. It also gave rise to a chorus of pleas for more:
* What is the progressive vision of America; * Why progressive values are America's values; * How frames are necessary to serve the truth; * Why sloganeering alone doesn't work; * How progressives trap themselves and how they can escape those traps; and * How political arguments and narratives can be put together to counter the Right. "Thinking Points" satisfies that call with a bold, concise, and systematic explanation of how conservatives think and use language--and how progressives can fight back . Lakoff and the Rockridge Institute offer a new understanding of the so-called political center and explain why the most effective way to appeal to those who identify themselves as moderates or conservatives is to remain true to progressive values.
This book is essential reading for anyone who wants to participate in shaping an America that serves the common good.

In the vein of Plato's classics, The Republic and The Dialogues of Plato, E. Robert Morse sets off to explore the difference between the two political forces in modern America, liberalism and conservatism. With patient precision, he is able to wind through a dialogue between a group of young friends in order to make relevant and tangible the complex themes involved with politics--the themes most prominent being Justice and Equality. In a debate this robust, one that issues heated disputes across the globe, Morse cannot help but take sides. But when he does, he does so with grace and humility, not arrogance or condescension. The author's conservatism does not detract from the flowing logical investigation but, rather, lends to imaginative proofs and expands the resilient argument to heretofore-unseen bounds. Considered throughout the dialogue are explanations of free market capitalism and communist socialism, the worth of the self, man's relationship with nature and ideas, absolute and relative morality and the quality of judgment. of Freedom, which draws the argument into the arena of freedom and responsibility, a theme established by Morse in his first book, Amazement. As a whole, Justice and Equality industriously confirms Morse's new tradition of intuitive understanding and creative scholarship.

What is our most important, fundamental right? To the author the answer is quite clear - it is freedom. And is our freedom best guaranteed by a socialist, communist, or capitalist system? Again, we are left in no doubt. The author is a firm advocate of capitalism, examining and dismissing the first two systems in turn. To help convince us he applies his basic theories on a national, European and global scale. He first tackles some key domestic issues under the current Labour government and then looks at the EU's propensity to become a superstate with a single army and currency. He notes that communism, although still present in a few countries, is 'crumbling away' before capitalism. The people realise that free-enterprise capitalism is the only way, the right way, to make progress and gain greater freedom. But we must guard against rogue states that support terrorism and develop weapons of mass destruction. We must stand up and fight for freedom, whatever the sacrifice.

The national bestseller, described by Tom Brokaw as the "wake-up call we cannot ignore," with a new preface by the author
Acclaimed by all sides of the political spectrum, Peter Peterson's" Running on Empty" not only traces the deterioration of America's finances but offers solutions. This national bestseller is required reading for everyone concerned with America's long-term economic survival. In clear and concise prose, Peterson offers America not only a vision but the practical steps by which to ensure our children's economic future." Running on Empty" is not only a warning, it is also a manifesto calling for the next administration to finally confront a deep and disturbing problem that politicians of all parties have insisted on ignoring for too long.

When does Rhetoric become Wire Fraud? "Intellectual Movement" or Organized Crime Syndicate? The "Neoconservative" movement has had a profound effect on America. Neoconservative ideas of military preemption, higher military spending, and iron fisted insistence that the United States will strike and defeat nascent rivals have moved from think tanks into official doctrine. Americans have received a steady mainstream media barrage of Neoconservative analysis and viewpoints on terrorism and every aspect of US foreign policy. Neoconservatives and their policies now reign supreme in the Department of Defense, Congress and Executive Branch. Neoconservative plans to invade the Middle East, unleash "Shock and Awe" upon Iraq, undermine international law and boost the US military budget to Cold War levels are now in full implementation. There is just one problem. Most core neoconservative slogans and dogma are simply unfounded assertions with no empirical basis. Worse, the neoconservative movement has evolved into a sophisticated crime syndicate with all the trappings of a new type of mafia: protection rackets, espionage, extortion, money laundering, wire fraud and tax evasion. Deadly Dogma dives behind the scenes to answer key questions and debunk neocon propaganda. Why do neoconservatives hold international law in contempt? Why is a highly idealized and historically selective concept of Israel so important to neoconservatives, and how does it prevent them from confronting true realities in the Middle East? What is the track record on neoconservative threat assessments made in the 1980's to guide spending and policy? Does military preemption actually work? Are neoconservative ideals "Wilsonian"? Why are neoconservatives so prominent in broadcast and print news media, is it merit or payola? Deadly Dogma reviews the consequences of unchecked law-breaking by core members of the "neoconservative movement" such as Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, Douglas Feith, and Frank Gaffney. It checks the historical record on what they said, and what was actually true at the time. We examine the career cross-promotion of neoconservatives in the Pentagon, and brokering of military contracts in what has become America's biggest protection racket. Deadly Dogma then unveils a pro-forma indictment about how "noble lies" turned into wire fraud, influence peddling morphed into extortion, lobbying and "networking" into espionage.

Princeton theologian Mark Taylor analyzes right-wing Christian movements in the United States amid the powers of religion, politics, empire, and corporate classes in post-9/11 USA.The real gift of Taylor's book is his argument that this militant Christian faith must be viewed against a backdrop of the American political romanticism and corporatist liberalism of U.S. past and present. Taylor uses the best of cultural and historical studies, while deftly drawing lessons for American readers from theologian Paul Tillich's analysis of power and religion during the rise of fascism and nationalism in Germany of the 1930s.The result is an innovative framework for interpreting how Christian nationalists, Pentagon war planners and corporate institutions today are forging alliances in the U.S. that have dramatic and destructive global impact. Moving beyond lament, Taylor also leaves readers with a new romance of revolutionary traditions and a new more radical liberalism, revitalizing American visions of spirit that are both prophetic and public for U.S. residents today.

'Australia First' is a good slogan that has been adopted by several quite different political ideologies. This book deals with the movement that developed slowly from about 1936 and came to an inglorious end in 1942. It grew out of the Victorian Socialist Party and the Rationalist Association. At first it attracted literary figures such as Xavier Herbert, Eleanor Dark, Miles Franklin. When it became heavily political, among its members were former communists and a Nazi Party member; some worked for the Labor Party, some for the United Australia Party (later the Liberal Party). One was a paid agent of the Japanese. Some were connected with Theosophy, some with Odinism, and in Victoria most were Irish Catholics with links to Archbishop Mannix and Sein Fein. Among their close friends were John Curtin, Dr Evatt, Arthur Calwell, Jack Beasley, Robert Menzies, Percy Spender, Archie Cameron. Several had contacts with Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists, and with the Imperial League of Fascists and National Socialists. One had met Hitler and corresponded with General Ludendorff. Two composed and circulated anonymous subversive pamphlets. Others imported Nazi propaganda, one even during the war through the German Consulate-General in New York. At its core was a coterie of elderly men with too much time, too much money, and little common sense. 'Inky' Stephensen was the public face of the AFM and was responsible for the crude and vulgar style of its monthly magazine, the Publicist. But behind it all was Billy Miles, a cynical, arrogant manipulator, who turned it into a vehicle for anti-Semitic propaganda. He who wrote: 'What is the solution to the Jewish question? There can be none while a Jew lives.'Its downfall was precipitated less by its fascist and Nazi tendencies than by its close association with the Japanese. In the end, the internment of AFM adherents was used by both Labor and Liberal politicians as a stick with which to beat each other, until the wrongs and rights of the affair became buried under political abuse.

"Larry the Liberal Lawyer Lashes Out" is a "best of" collection of Op-Eds and essays from Larry Atkins, one of the top freelance Op-Ed writers in America. The issues covered include politics, law, journalism, current events, social issues in sports, humor, and Philadelphia-related topics. Atkins teaches Editorial Writing at Temple University and Journalism at Arcadia University. He has written over 250 Op-Eds, articles, and essays for many publications, including the "Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Baltimore Sun, Chicago Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, Cleveland Plain Dealer, Dallas Morning News, Detroit News, Hartford Courant, Indianapolis Star, Jewish Exponent, Kansas City Star, Los Angeles Daily News," National Public Radio (Commentaries for Morning Edition and Only a Game), "Newark Star-Ledger, Newsday, Philadelphia Daily News, Philadelphia Inquirer, Philadelphia Metro, San Francisco Chronicle, Seattle Post-Intelligencer," and "The Writer Magazine." He wrote a chapter on Op-Eds and essays for the "ASJA Guide to Freelance Writing" (St. Martin's Press).

How an unlikely group of academics came to power in Washington and provided the philosophical justification for the war on Iraq The teachings of political theorist Leo Strauss (1899-1973) have recently received new attention, as political observers have become aware of the influence Strauss's students have had in shaping conservative agendas of the Bush administration-including the war on Iraq. This provocative book examines Strauss's ideas and the ways in which they have been appropriated, or misappropriated, by senior policymakers. Anne Norton, a political theorist trained by some of Strauss's most famous students, is well equipped to write on Strauss and Straussians. She tells three interwoven narratives: the story of Leo Strauss, a Jewish German-born emigre, who carried European philosophy into a new world; the story of the philosophic lineage that came from Leo Strauss; and the story of how America has been made a moral battleground by the likes of Paul Wolfowitz, Leon Kass, Carnes Lord, and Irving Kristol-Straussian conservatives committed to an American imperialism they believe will usher in a new world order.

The Industrial Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster for the human race. They have greatly increased the life-expectancy of those of us who live in "advanced" countries, but they have destabilized society, have made life unfulfilling, have subjected human beings to indignities, have led to widespread psychological suffering (in the Third World to physical suffering as well) and have inflicted severe damage on the natural world. The continued development of technology will worsen the situation. It will certainly subject human beings to greater indignities and inflict greater damage on the natural world, it will probably lead to greater social disruption and psychological suffering, and it may lead to increased physical suffering even in "advanced" countries.

The first full-length biography of William Dudley Pelley, an important figure in the development of right-wing extremism in the United States called by detractors the ""Star-Spangled Fascist."" William Dudley Pelley was one of the most important figures of the anti-Semitic radical right in the twentieth century. Best remembered as the leader of the paramilitary ""Silver Shirts,"" Pelley was also an award-winning short story writer, Hollywood screenwriter, and religious leader. During the Depression Pelley was a notorious presence in American politics; he ran for president on a platform calling for the ghettoization of American Jews and was a defendant in a headline-grabbing sedition trial thanks to his unwavering support for Nazi Germany. Scott Beekman offers not only a political but also an intellectual and literary biography of Pelley, greatly advancing our understanding of a figure often dismissed as a madman or charlatan. His belief system, composed of anti-Semitism, economic nostrums, racialism, neo-Theosophical channeling, and millenarian Christianity, anticipates the eclecticism of later cult personalities such as Shoko Asahara, leader of Aum Shinrikyo, and the British conspiracy theorist David Icke. By charting the course of Pelley's career, Beekman does an admirable job of placing Pelley within the history of both the anti-Semitic right and American occult movements. This exhaustively researched book is a welcome addition to the growing body of scholarship on American extremism and esoteric religions.

Bring Back America, Land That We Love is a potent, persuasive and passionate book that boldly takes issues with the ''wrongheaded'' actions and policies and attitudes of the Bush administration.

The voice of a proud, conservative Republican, who is a veteran and a patriot. Norm Richards gives his personal opinion of socialism, liberalism, many Democrats and what lies ahead for the United States of North America. This book sets out to explain how dastardly, incomprehensible decisions have been made to grow the size of our government to make our citizens beholden to them forever and to look to them to always take care of us. You are too dumb to take care of yourself and your own family. The bleeding heart liberals demand that government provide for you from the womb to the tomb. The incremental destruction of this country began with the creation of the social security system. The start of the socialism cancer which has never worked anywhere in any country which embraces it and believers in this policy are flat out wrong to say that it has just not been done properly. It has been proven wrong and many countries are paying the price the longer that they continue this absurdity. "We are a nation of laws, governed by the constitution and bylaws lest we forget " What we have here and why. I systematically recant what has happened to this great country, who did it and why. I am mad as hell and won't take it anymore. Socialism is killing this country and only the conservatives have a chance to save us. There are too many people living here already, too many trucks and cars and it is getting worse with many illegals pouring across our borders. Disrespect and disbelief in God will be our undoing. If only Barry Goldwater had been elected our president, more than likely, we wouldn't have here that point in time we have today

What role did right-wing women play in the Nazi rise to power?Mothers of the Nation analyzes the work of women in the German Peoples Party and the German National Peoples Party - parties that covered the range from the moderate to the radical right. Looking at politics on both the local and national level, the author discusses issues ranging from social welfare to foreign policy. He shows that right-wing women, in keeping with the tradition of the German bourgeois womens movement, refused to stand up primarily for womens interests and instead invoked the Volksgemeinschaft (community of the people), a vision of harmony and cooperation of the groups involved in production.These right-wing campaigners believed that German women should use their newly won political rights to strengthen the Volksgemeinschaft by reconciling the divided nation and by infusing it with a higher morality. This stance proved to be both a liability and an asset. The emphasis on the Volksgemeinschaft made it difficult for female conservatives to fight for specific womens rights. Yet it also allowed them to paste over the conflicts between interest groups that tore apart Germanys bourgeois parties prior to 1933 and that divided politically active women as well. The ways in which women sought to contain the fragmentation that ultimately rendered their parties defenceless against the Nazis sheds new light on Weimar politics.Bringing the controversial story of right-wing women to life, this book offers a compelling account of gender and politics during a crucial period in German history.

Reviews of the first edition: "A spirited polemic, which will give a lot of amusement and, perhaps more important, cause a lot of annoyance. It will never be possible to take conservative claims about tradition, moderation, constitutionality or limited government wholly seriously ever again." -- Rodney Barker, Tribune"It offers a powerful critique of the major beliefs of modern Conservatism, and shows how much a rigorous philosopher can contribute to understanding the fashionable but deeply ruinous absurdities of his times." -- Bhikhu Parekh, New Statesman"The whole book must be read. Indeed, only the final page, like a good detective story, brings with it the full philosophical discovery, and one much too rich to be exposed to impatient disclosure." -- Michael Foot, the Observer"The work of a virulent partisan." -- Enoch Powell, the IndependentIn a new edition of this text whose wit does not conceal its serious intent, Britain's pre-eminent progressive political philosopher explores the distinctions of conservatism, seeking the fundamental principle that unifies it and is its rationale and foundation.He brings the resources of analytic philosophy to bear on such political parties as the Republican party in the United States and the Conservative Party and now also the New Labour party in Britain.He examines the thinkers of this tradition, From Edmund Burke and Adam Smith to Michael Oakeshott and Robert Nozick. He does not give up his search for the rationale of conservatism. He finds it. It is not an expected one.

Dinesh D'Souza rose to national prominence as one of the founders of the Dartmouth Review, a leading voice in the rebirth of conservative politics on college campuses in the 1980s.He fired the first popular shot against political correctness with his best-selling expose Illiberal Education. Now, after serving as a Reagan White House staffer, the managing editor of Policy Review, and a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and the Hoover Institution, he addresses the next generation in Letters to a Young Conservative . Drawing on his own colourful experiences, both within the conservative world and while skirmishing with the left, D'Souza aims to enlighten and inspire young conservatives and give them weapons for the intellectual battles that they face in high school, college, and everyday life. Letters to a Young Conservative also illuminates the enduring themes that for D'Souza anchor the conservative position: not "family values" or patriotism, but a philosophy based on natural rights and a belief in universal moral truths.With a light touch, D'Souza shows that conservatism needn't be stodgy or defensive, even though it is based on preserving the status quo. To the contrary, when a conservative has to expose basic liberal assumptions to scrutiny, he or she must become a kind of imaginative, fun-loving, forward-looking guerrilla- philosophically conservative but temperamentally radical.Among the topics Dinesh D'Souza covers in Letters to a Young Conservative : Fighting Political CorrectnessAuthentic vs. Bogus MulticulturalismWhy Government Is the ProblemWhen the Rich Get RicherHow Affirmative Action Hurts BlacksThe Feminist MistakeAll the News That FitsHow to Harpoon a LiberalThe Self-Esteem HoaxA Republican Realignment?Why Conservatives Should Be Cheerful

American Empire is at its apex. We are the sole superpower with no potential challenger for a generation. We can reach any point on the globe with our cruise missiles and smart bombs and our culture penetrates every nook and cranny of the global village. Yet we are now the most hated country on earth, buried beneath a mountain of debt and morally bankrupt.
"Where the Right Went Wrong" chronicles how the Bush administration and Beltway conservatives have abandoned their principles, and how a tiny cabal hijacked U. S. foreign policy, and may have ignited a "war of civilizations" with the Islamic world that will leave America's military mired down in Middle East wars for years to come.
At the same time, these Republicans have sacrificed the American worker on the altar of free trade and discarded the beliefs of Taft, Goldwater and Reagan to become a party of Big Government that sells its soul to the highest bidder.
A damning portrait of the present masters of the GOP, "Where the Right Went Wrong "calls to task the Bush administration for its abandonment of true conservatism including:
*The neo-conservative cabal-liberal wolves in conservative suits.
*Why the Iraq War has widened and imperiled the War on Terror.
*How current trade policy outsources American sovereignty, independence and industrial power.
"Buchanan is an honest writer who...minces nothing except an occasional opponent."
--"The Philadelphia Inquirer"

Liberals have been called knee-jerk opponents of war and business and have been accused of belittling personal responsibility. It's a bum rap, says keen observer Keevan D. Morgan, who has watched the workings of both liberal and conservative administrations throughout his career as an attorney. The author urges liberals to claim their place as the rightful heirs to Abraham Lincoln, the President whose victorious armies made Washington, D.C., the protector of last resort of our freedom, welfare, and security. He both traces the history of liberalism and offers solutions to the most controversial topics of our day.

Originally a New Deal liberal and aggressive anticommunist, Senator Eugene McCarthy famously lost faith with the Democratic party over Vietnam. His stunning challenge to Lyndon Johnson in the 1968 New Hampshire primary inspired young liberals and was one of the greatest electoral upsets in American history. But the 1968 election ultimately brought Richard Nixon and the Republican Party to power, irrevocably shifting the country's political landscape to the right for decades to come.
Dominic Sandbrook traces one of the most remarkable and significant lives in postwar politics, a career marked by both courage and arrogance. Sandbrook draws on extensive new research - including interviews with McCarthy himself - to show convincingly how Eugene McCarthy's political experience embodies the larger decline of American liberalism after World War II. These were tumultuous times in American politics, and Sandbrook vividly captures the drama and historical significance through his intimate portrait of a singularly interesting man at the heart of it all.

Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

For anyone who believes that "liberal" isn't a dirty word but a term of honor," "this book will be as revitalizing as oxygen. For in the pages of Reason," " one of our most incisive public thinkers, and a former secretary of labor mounts a defense of classical liberalism that's also a guide for rolling back twenty years of radical conservative domination of our politics and political culture.
To do so, Robert B. Reich shows how liberals can:
.Shift the focus of the values debate from behavior in the bedroom to malfeasance in the boardroom
.Remind Americans that real prosperity depends on fairness
.Reclaim patriotism from those who equate it with pre-emptive war-making and the suppression of dissent
If a single book has the potential to restore our country's good name and common sense, it's this one.

1880. John Stuart Mill is one of the foremost representatives of utilitarian thought as well as one of the most influential of nineteenth century liberals. Influenced by his wife, Harriet Taylor, Mill developed a very humane version of utilitarianism that was sympathetic to women's rights, labor unions, proportional representation, and other liberal themes. Contents: Of the liberty of thought and discussion; Of Individuality, As One of the Elements of Well-Being; Of the Limits to the Authority of Society Over the Individual and Applications. See the many other works by this author available from Kessinger Publishing.

This passionately argued book provides the first in-depth investigation of the religious politics of current American neo-conservatism. It shows that behind the neo-imperialism of the White House and George W. Bush lies an apocalyptic vision of the United States's sacred destiny "at the end of history," a vision that is shared by millions of Americans. The authors trace the roots of American apocalyptic to Puritan Millennialism and contemporary fundamentalist readings of the Book of Revelation. They suggest that Americans urgently need to recover a critique of Empire of the kind espoused by the founder of Christianity--or else risk becoming idolaters of a new Holy Roman Empire that leads others into servitude.

Twice in the past generation, the Republican party has proclaimed a "revolution" in American politics. In 1980, Ronald Reagan won a landslide victory on a platform of tax cuts, smaller government, and a stronger defense. And in 1994, Newt Gingrich took up the revolutionary mantle, tossing out the Democratic Congress and proclaiming the end of "business as usual" in Washington.

As the 2000 presidential election draws near, the optimism of those heady days seems like ancient history. The Reagan years are a dim memory, and the Republican leadership on Capitol Hill after five years in power has failed to enact the Contract with America. In 2000, the GOP faces not only the possibility of a third consecutive presidential defeat but the prospect of losing its House majority as well. The time for dithering is over, and the time for action is now.

"Completing the Revolution" is Robert Novak's manifesto for a Republican victory in November and for implementing a conservative vision for government in the years to come. He brings to his analysis the combativeness familiar to those who watch him on CNN's "Crossfire, " and the insight and perspective that have helped to make him one of America's leading political columnists. He is not afraid to criticize the various presidential candidates or the Republican leaders in Congress, especially those who fail to stand up for the party's principles -- whom he calls "Clintonized Republicans."

At the center of "Completing the Revolution" is Novak's bold proposal for a new Republican agenda, one that remains true to the party's core values and can command a majority in the country. He offers surprising and original perspectives on taxes, Social Security, abortion, campaign finance, race and gender politics, and term limits, among other issues. He also lays bare the fault lines that have emerged in the 2000 presidential race and shows how they offer the party a stark choice: division and defeat, or principled victory. The road to the White House, Novak admonishes, requires one thing above all, from candidates and supporters alike: the courage to stick to real Republican principles.

For any conservative who cares about the direction of public life in America, Robert Novak has provided the essential guide to our nation's millennial election.