What did George W. Bush and John Howard do to conservatism? In their wake, the conservative parties in the US and Australia seem to have lost their way - they no longer have a vision of the future. Their neoconservative foreign policies and neoliberal economics have been discredited, and they are split on climate change and much else. How did the Right in Australia end up in this place? How might it renew itself? In this groundbreaking essay, Waleed Aly begins by unravelling the terms Right and Left, arguing that they have become meaningless - they only foster a political conversation that becomes more about 'teams' than ideas. He discusses neoliberal economics and its corrosive effect on the social fabric, and how, in response, Howard-style conservatism was all too ready to dictate social values, even to the point of prescribing who or what is Australian. Aly discusses what a better conservatism might look like. He argues that the political issues of the day, such as climate change and the financial crisis, mean a reactionary brand of politics is unlikely to work because public opinion is swiftly leaving it behind. He draws on the work of conservative thinkers such as John Gray, Owen Harries and even P.J. O'Rourke to sketch the kind of conservatism that seems scarce in Australia, but which would be a welcome presence.

Silence Makes the Loudest Sound takes an unflinchingly honest and introspective look at the state of the relationship between African Americans and Republicans and discovers painful truths and reasons to hope. Drawing on his own experience as an African American and a Republican, Rogers invites you to join the conversation at the intersection of race and politics in America.

Volume 12 in the "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" series focuses on Russell Kirk's conservative philosophy. Russell Kirk is widely regarded as the individual most responsible for the revival of conservative thought in the latter half of the twentieth century. Kirk's conservative philosophy was well-established with his magnum opus, "The Conservative Mind", published in 1953, and remained constant until his death in 1994. His Christianity, though, grew from something seen as the foundation of Western Civilization to being also a personal faith. He became a Roman Catholic, drawn by its universality, its traditionalism, and his love for the woman he married. Although he believed in certain Catholic distinctives, such as purgatory, he generally seemed to be more of a generic Christian than a dogmatic follower of Rome. "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines, and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also writers and practitioners. The series comprises twenty volumes, each including an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of the thinker's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources, and an index.

Dr. B. L. Baker sets forth a brief manifesto in Tea Party Revival: The Conscience of a Conservative Reborn. It is written at a defining moment in history: the end of the United States' Superpower status due to America's experiments with Big Government growth, unconstrained spending, and disregard for the Constitution. Dr. Baker's message of adherence to the Constitution, is viewed as radical to Big Government politicians, but is considered common sense to members of the Tea Party movement. He argues for the value and importance of constitutional principles--freedom, foremost among them--in contemporary political life. He explains how constitutional compliance leads to smaller, limited government, which results in lower spending, lower taxes and greater freedom for all Americans. He explains how over-spending has placed our children and grandchildren in fiscal bondage for the next century and answers "How did it come to this?" Using the principles as espoused in this concise but powerful book, Baker fundamentally explains today's political landscape, the concerns and demands of the Tea Party movement in clear and concise terms.

Jeb Bush: Aggressive Conservatism in Florida describes the rise of John Ellis (Jeb) Bush, the second son of former President George H.W. Bush, to political power in Florida. It examines the conservative theory that guided his behavior when he was elected and the aggressive manner in which he used the Office of Governor to pursue his goals. The book offers insight into his motivations and competencies, provides an analysis of the extent to which his self proclaimed "revolution" achieved its goals, and asks what the revolution meant for Florida. The author's own views naturally structure the analysis provided, but readers are invited to examine his argument and to propose alternative explanations for the Governor's actions and the policy outcomes of his administration.

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For many who have read this book-length essay, it marked a turning point in a new understanding. The mainstream will forever attempt to pigeonhole belief systems based on the left-right dichotomy. The right supposedly favors economic freedom plus militarism, while the left favors socialism plus peace. Rothbard says that this breakdown is not only incoherent, it has no support in the history of ideas. In fact, Rothbard goes further to say that traditionally, the right has been the party of the establishment, of stasis, of the status quo, while the left in history has been the party of progress, freedom, and peace. These roles have periodically reversed based on the times and the country in question. But in these reversals, the intellectual coherence of these paradigms has gotten lost and confused. Rothbard's broad look is a mind-opening experience. It has the effect of liberating you from the prevailing paradigm. Rothbard's main task, however, is to provide a completely new and ideologically consistent lens with which to view history and current events.

OBAMA GUILTY of BEING PRESIDENT WHILE BLACK examines how the shadows of oppressive Jim Crow laws played a role in the hate spewed towards the 44th President of the United States. The role of race and gender was front and center during the presidential campaign. How a woman was used as a human shield by the Republicans is also clearly illustrated. Barack Obama received a mandate in the general election. A few months later, it was a curious sight to witness people gathered around town hall meeting sites bearing signs depicting the President as Hitler, socialist or a tyrant. Some even carried guns and a pastor prayed that Obama would die. A Republican Congressman even called President Obama a liar on national television during his health-care speech to a joint session of CongressThere was something much deeper at play with President Obama and it centered on his race. Find out how questions about the President's birth, religion, economic policies and patriotism were all smoke screens for feelings as old as the United States itself.

As the 2008 presidential election nears, Americans on both the right and the left agree that America is in a moral crisis. For most citizens, though, this crisis is not about abortion, gay marriage, or the Owar on Christmas, O but a growing culture of self-interest and a lack of greater purpose. Just as Americans must determine the leader that best represents our true values, America's elected officials must look to restore our core beliefs of personal responsibility and duty to others. But we need a clear vision. In The Moral Center, now with a new introduction and updated throughout, Callahan explains how progressives and moderates can find common ground to build a new majority and a unified America.

Long-time Forward columnist David Klinghoffer argues in a new book that "God commands you to be a conservative." This book begs to differ, offering deeper readings of the Torah and Talmud to make the case for voting liberal this election. Controversial issues addressed include gay marriage, abortion, drug policy, taxation and capital punishment.

The bestselling author and "Newsweek" columnist takes a characteristically irreverent look at the rampant mistreatment of liberals and liberalism
The "most honest and incisive media critic writing today"("National Catholic Reporter"), Eric Alterman is committed to restoring the liberal tradition to its honored place as the political philosophy of mainstream American citizens. In this bracing and well-documented counterattack on right- wing spin and misinformation, Alterman briskly disposes of the canards and false definitions that have been foisted upon liberals by the right and have been accepted unquestioningly by nearly everyone else. The perfect post-election book for all those who are ready to fight back against the conservative mudslinging machine and reclaim their voices in the political process, "Why We're Liberals" brings clarity and perspective to the possibility of a new day in America.

Discover how the unelected controllers of our government control our lives and dictate what we do and think. I dare you to read this book. If it doesn't irritate you, I haven't accomplished my objective to get your attention. Unfortunately, most people are simply too apathetic and too busy to get involved with new thoughts and ideas that would drastically change their out-dated opinions. Most of the information presented in this book will more than likely be outside your comfort zone. Perhaps you think you already know all you need to know about religion and the important political issues facing us today. The ideas presented in this book may be shocking-but I sincerely hope it will open your eyes and expand your mind. This is more important than agreeing with the author on every issue.

The new political movement that now controls much of the Republican party is a coalition of Americans who simply wish to be left alone by the government. They want to be free to run a business, keep the money they earn, own a gun, practice their faith, and perhaps homeschool their children--in short, to control their own destinies. Directly opposed is the descriptively titled Takings Coalition, which is at the heart of the tax-and-spend left. These forces will battle for control of America's future over the next fifty years.

In this compelling and powerful narrative, Grover Norquist describes the two competing coalitions in American politics, what they can achieve and what they cannot do, and how you may fit into the contest. Required reading for anyone who wants a deeper understanding of politics in America today, "Leave Us Alone" outlines the order of battle for the next generation.

This book chronicles American Foreign Policy going back to World War I showing how military strength has prevailed in the long run against world tyrants of Nazis, communists, and terrorists and how liberal appeasement has failed and led to nothing but larger conflicts.

New details of the remarkable relationship between two leaders who teamed up to change history.
It's well known that Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher were close allies and kindred political spirits. During their eight overlapping years as U.S. president and UK prime minister, they stood united for free markets, low taxes, and a strong defense against communism. But just how close they really were will surprise you.
Nicholas Wapshott finds that the Reagan-Thatcher relationship was much deeper than an alliance of mutual interests. Drawing on extensive interviews and hundreds of recently declassified private letters and telephone calls, he depicts a more complex, intimate, and occasionally combative relationship than has previously been revealed.

This book offers a rare opportunity to read about how a scholar's teaching informs his research, in this case an examination of the nature of American conservatism. It is based on an interdisciplinary senior seminar Lyons taught in Spring 2006. His teaching log, including student comments from an electronic conferencing system, gives a vivid sense of the daily frustrations and triumphs. Lyons reflects on some of the most difficult issues in higher education today, such as how to handle racism and political passions in the classroom, as well as how a teacher presents his own political convictions.

Lyons begins with the premise that most universities have been negligent in helping undergraduates understand a movement that has shaped the political landscape for half a century. In addition, in a series of essays that frame the teaching log, he makes the case that conservatives have too often failed to adhere to basic, Burkean principles, and that the best of conservatism has often appeared as a form of liberalism from thinkers such as Hannah Arendt, Reinhold Niebuhr, and George Kennan. The essays also cover the history of conservatism, conservative use of the city-on-a-hill metaphor, and an examination of how the promise of Camelot sophistication was subverted by a resurgence of right-wing populism.

This book offers a rare opportunity to read about how a scholar's teaching informs his research, in this case an examination of the nature of American conservatism. It is based on an interdisciplinary senior seminar Lyons taught in Spring 2006. His teaching log, including student comments from an electronic conferencing system, gives a vivid sense of the daily frustrations and triumphs. Lyons reflects on some of the most difficult issues in higher education today, such as how to handle racism and political passions in the classroom, as well as how a teacher presents his own political convictions.

Lyons begins with the premise that most universities have been negligent in helping undergraduates understand a movement that has shaped the political landscape for half a century. In addition, in a series of essays that frame the teaching log, he makes the case that conservatives have too often failed to adhere to basic, Burkean principles, and that the best of conservatism has often appeared as a form of liberalism from thinkers such as Hannah Arendt, Reinhold Niebuhr, and George Kennan. The essays also cover the history of conservatism, conservative use of the city-on-a-hill metaphor, and an examination of how the promise of Camelot sophistication was subverted by a resurgence of right-wing populism.

Today's dispute over the line between church and state (or the lack thereof) is neither the first nor the fiercest in our history. In a revelatory look at our nation's birth, Forrest Church re-creates our first great culture war--a tumultuous, nearly forgotten conflict that raged from George Washington's presidency to James Monroe's.

Religion was the most divisive issue in the nation's early presidential elections. Battles raged over numerous issues while the bible and the Declaration of Independence competed for American affections. The religous political wars reached a vicious peak during the War of 1812; the American victory drove New England's Christian right to withdraw from electoral politics, thereby shaping our modern sense of church-state separation. No longer entangled, both church and state flourished.

Forrest Church has written a rich, page-turning history, a new vision of our earliest presidents' beliefs that stands as a reminder and a warning for America today.

Inspired by their popular "USA Today" column, conservative Cal Thomas and liberal Bob Beckel unmask the hypocrisy of the issues, organizations, and individuals that have created and deepened the partisan divide at the center of American politics, and make a strategic case for why this bickering must stop. Thomas and Beckel explain how bipartisanship and consensus politics are not only good for the day-to-day democratic process but also essential for our nation's future well-being. Entertaining and informative, funny and healing, "Common Ground" is a must-read for all concerned citizens.

For the decade that followed the end of the cold war, the world was lulled into a sense that a consumerist, globalized, peaceful future beckoned. The beginning of the twenty-first century has rudely disposed of such ideas--most obviously through 9/11and its aftermath. But just as damaging has been the rise in the West of a belief that a single model of political behavior will become a worldwide norm and that, if necessary, it will be enforced at gunpoint. In "Black Mass," celebrated philosopher and critic John Gray explains how utopian ideals have taken on a dangerous significance in the hands of right-wing conservatives and religious zealots. He charts the history of utopianism, from the Reformation through the French Revolution and into the present. And most urgently, he describes how utopian politics have moved from the extremes of the political spectrum into mainstream politics, dominating the administrations of both George W. Bush and Tony Blair, and indeed coming to define the political center. Far from having shaken off discredited ideology, Gray suggests, we are more than ever in its clutches. "Black Mass "is a truly frightening and challenging work by one of Britain's leading political thinkers.

"Altman has picked up on things that a good portion of the population has not yet discovered . "The First Liberal "is a timely book, and one I think will get more than a few people talking. It is the kind of talk that has been needed for a long time."-Reverend Fred C. Plumer, president, The Center for Progressive Christianity

Dennis Altman frames a fascinating discussion for both conservatives and liberals. Using Jesus' teachings as logical arguments unadorned by religious overtones, Altman challenges established notions with eye-opening impact.

Altman highlights how Jesus brought humanist values to the Roman world of cruelty and greed. He shows how Jesus was the first liberal voice among religious and political establishments, and the first major advocate for women's and minorities' rights. Altman examines Jesus' teachings in a modern context: our obligations to one another, the dangers of greed, the effective power of nonviolence, and the importance of liberal values in shaping the world for our children.

Regardless of your political or religious orientation, this exciting book will open new doors for you.

Two generations ago Kevin Phillips challenged Republicans to envision a southern-based national majority. In "Whistling Past Dixie," Tom Schaller issues an equally transformative challenge to Democrats: Build a winning coalition outside the South.

Depression is prevalent throughout western society. But while identifying "risk factors," we rarely make the link to the liberal value system which so shapes the society in which we live. Freedom; equality; progress; respect for the "individual." What's wrong with liberalism? As residents of western liberal democracies, aren't we living in the type of society most conducive to happiness? Intellectually, we like to think so. We intone the liberal mantra "rationality defines a person," "my life is up to me," "liberalism is the best there is." But there are parts of ourselves that suspect otherwise, and that remain unconvinced. We become symptomatic. This book challenges individualist readings of depression which are still so dominant in western societies. This is in professional circles and the wider community alike. It also questions the viability of our conception of "mental health." While social models of health have been around for some time now, it goes further in contending that "living under liberalism" is itself a risk factor for depression. The liberal values we want to defend can also, and at the same time, lead to psychological strain. This is because they rest on an understanding of the "person" that is partial and distorted, and which involves us in multiple contradictions which we struggle to reconcile with the experience of everyday life. In contrast to the reading of depression as a pathological and individual "disorder," Living under Liberalism claims that depression may be a realistic, legitimate and healthy response to a social context which is itself pathological. The revised premise that "mental health" is a dynamic process in a society which cannot be assumed to behealthy challenges mainstream "treatments of choice" for depression. It also has major implications for health and healing. Drawing on a range of diverse material (from clinical and sociological to philosophical and popular) the book is designed for a wide audience. Combining social criticism with a practical approach to "self help," Living under Liberalism shows how what we regard as personal depression is far more political than it might seem. It is a book which will be of interest to clinicians, academics and the general public alike.