Support for independence in the Autonomous Community of Catalonia has risen significantly since 2005. Opinion polls confirm that the idea of holding a legally-binding referendum on independence is now supported by 80% of Catalans. Many commentators on nationalism in Western Europe had come to the conclusion that there was no serious threat to the established nation-states from secessionism within their borders. In The Identity of Nations (2007), Montserrat Guibernau wrote that decentralisation 'tames secessionism, both by offering significant power and resources to the national minorities it seeks to accommodate and by enticing regional political elites with the power, prestige and perks associated with devolution'. Scott Greer, in Nationalism and Self-Government (2007), wrote that secession seems unlikely' in the Catalan case because the regional political elites have too much to lose by such a move and are most concerned with winning further autonomy in specific areas that stabilise their own hold on regional power -- a conclusion called into question by the recent radicalisation in Catalan politics and civil society. Causes for these striking changes in public sentiment include changes in the Catalan political landscape since 2003, problems of infrastructure, public apathy with the political process, disillusionment with the Spanish government, a rise in anti-Catalan feeling from other Spaniards (and a rise in anti-Spanish' feeling among Catalans), the effects of the global financial crisis, and the bumpy ride experienced by Catalonia's new Statute of Autonomy. One notable change has been a shift in the dominant discourse of Catalan nationalism from concerns regarding language, culture and identity toward the political and economic welfare of Catalans. These political and economic discourses have overlaid rather than replaced cultural aspects. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies/Catalan Observatory.

In The Modern Liberal Jungle: A Guide for Americans, James Connelly argues that Modern Liberalism is not a recent phenomenon but follows a pattern of consistent thought for over a century. Dangerous visionaries have wanted to create a utopian society. Their plans necessitate undermining our Constitutional principles of limited government and federalism by replacing it with a society engineered by experts. This movement has been inherited by the "Liberals" of today - THE MODERN LIBERALS. In The Modern Liberal Jungle: A Guide for Americans, we are taken through the historical background, education and psyche of today's Liberals. Their distortions, irrational emotional appeals, and personal attacks are exposed. Dr. Connelly describes how - armed with fundamental American principles - "most Modern Liberals can readily be reduced to incoherent and impotent sputtering and mumbling." He explains: Who Modern Liberals are Origins and belief systems of Modern Liberals Reasons Modern Liberals attack America Tactics used by Modern Liberals This guide also shows ways to fight Modern Liberalism through knowing: Americans beliefs that made us great The Conservative alternative How America is uniquely different from Europe Methods for taking our country back

Author Scott Jeffrey Filip is the quintessential ordinary man. Hailing from south Texas, this man in the black hat, the boots, and sometimes camouflage, is a guy who minds his own business and just tries to put food on the table for his family. He praises God, loves the outdoors, and loves the state of Texas. He has no hesitation when it comes to helping people out and he believes that receiving a thank you or a hug, or maybe a simple hand shake, is worth more than a paycheck. This is Scott's America, but he feels it is shrinking away in a mire of political chicanery, selfishness, and a thieving redistribution of wealth that has all but destroyed the middle class. "We live in the best country in the world. God created America and now it is up to us to maintain it as a wealthy nation," Scott Jeffrey Filip says, in this explosive book that pulls no punches. Scott has no qualms about naming names and pointing the finger at the Washington, D.C. elite that he believes is leading our great nation to ruin. "It's not too late," Scott says. "Keep God first in your life and you will be the person you never thought you would be, and from that simple act our country will rise again."

The spellbinding mock history of the Department of Agriculture's most secretive and vital agency
The little-known USDA Agency of Invasive Species -- founded by President and humble peanut farmer Jimmy Carter -- would like to reassure you that they rank among the most effective and cost-efficient offices within the sprawling federal bureaucracy. For decades, under Administrative Director Adam Humphrey and his "strategic disengagement" approach, the Agency has epitomized vigilance against the clear and present danger of noxious weeds. Humphrey's record of triumphant inertia faces only two obstacles. The first is reality; the second is the loud critic who dares to question the magic behind the Agency's success: Nicholas Bader. Formerly known as President Reagan's "bloody right hand," Bader is on an obsessive quest to trim the fat from the federal budget.
Full of oddball characters who shed light on the daily operations of Beltway minions, THE WEED AGENCY showcasesa world in which federal budgets balloon every year, where a career can be built upon the skill of rationalizing astronomical expenses, and where the word 'accountability' sends roars of laughter through DC office buildings. That's life inside the federal Agency of Invasive Species... and it may sound suspiciously similar to your reality.

Fiorello LaGuardia is known best as the tempestuous mayor of New York City in the days when Franklin Delano Roosevelt sat in the White House. There had been, however, an earlier time, which matched his mayoralty years in sheer drama and perhaps surpassed them in lasting achievement-LaGuardia's years in Congress.

He served in the House of Representative almost continuously from 1917 to 1933, representing two ethnically diverse congressional districts: the Fourteenth (Greenwich Village), from 1917 to 1919, and the Twentieth (East Harlem), from 1923 to 1933. Although barred from important committee posts because of his political independence and thus denied from playing a direct role in lawmaking, he was a tireless and vocal champion of Progressive causes, from allowing more immigration and removing U.S. troops from Nicaragua to speaking up for the rights and livelihoods of striking miners, impoverished farmers, oppressed minorities, and struggling families. A goad to the era's plutocrats and their enablers in government, LaGuardia fought for progressive income taxes, greater government oversight of Wall Street, and national employment insurance for workers idled by the Great Depression.

In this book, first published by Cornell University Press in 1959, Howard Zinn establishes LaGuardia's tenure in Congress as a vital link between the Progressive and New Deal eras, offering a lively and informative account of his many legislative battles, his political philosophy, and the distinctly urban (specifically, New York City) sensibilities he brought to the Progressive movement.

For a number of years I have watched with growing concern, while America slipped into a pattern where entitlements seem to outweigh opportunity in public policy. This book contains ideas to reverse that trend and reassert the free enterprise principles that made America the envy of the world.

Conscience of a Conservative reignited the American conservative movement and made Barry Goldwater a political star. It influenced countless conservatives in the United States, helping to lay the foundation for the Reagan Revolution in 1980. It covers topics such as education, labor unions and policies, civil rights, agricultural policy and farm subsidies, social welfare programs, and income taxation. This significant book lays out the conservative position both politically and economically that would come to dominate the Conservative Movement in American, clearly defining Goldwater's uncompromising political views. Goldwater held freedom as the highest value in American society: freedom from law, freedom from government, freedom from anybody else's vision but your own. Much more than a political tract or soulless campaign book of the sort generated by every modern presidential campaign, Goldwater's book continues to be read today because it lays out an intriguing political philosophy. Goldwater's conservatism is not isolationism, nor is it a cold-blooded commitment to the 'haves' as against the 'have-nots.' It is the creed of a fighter who has both a warm heart and a clear mind. Even today, there is more harsh fact and hard sense in this slight book than will emerge from all of the chatter of a normal session of Congress. One of a handful of truly authentic conservatives, Goldwater was said to speak with "the clarity of courage and the courage of clarity."

"The mind and heart of America, in this tremendous hour, require an inspiration which cannot come out of the party caucus and the editorial room of the daily newspaper." So writes Russell Kirk in Prospects for Conservatives. Sixty years hence the hour is late, the situation even more dire. Our governing elites, in all areas of social, political, and cultural life, have snapped the central axis of humanity and trampled upon the principles of natural, social, and transcendent order. But such are not ever lost, and it is these that Russell Kirk offers to us in this work--perhaps his best, in terms of style as well as intellectual depth and creativity, as Bradley Birzer notes in his introduction to this new edition.

As Dr. Birzer goes on to indicate, the book's importance lies less in the specific issues it addresses than in its discussion of eternal truths. In Prospects, the author engages problems of the intellect, community, justice, order, loyalty, tradition, and power; and associates each of these either with the seven classical and Christian virtues or with the seven deadly sins. Yes, the hour is late, but transcendent order can never be entirely extinguished, and its re-articulation in Prospects for Conservatives--bringing it into clear view so that it can affect everyday living--is an unexpected grace from the pen of Russell Kirk, given to all whose intellects and imaginations have not yet lost their bearings. In an age when it is all too easily led off course, Dr. Kirk offers American conservatism a sure way forward, and reason for hope in perilous times.

In 1980 I voted for the first time as an adult. I was 21 years old. I went to the GOP convention in Dallas and sold campaign buttons for the Reagan/Bush campaign. It was thrilling. As a native Texan I had grown up believing in the Republican party, in Conservative principles, and economic theory. Over the course of my life, and as I have studied politics and economics, I have learned that the policies of the GOP are unsustainable, even illogical. What I share with you in this open letter, is what I have learned. We are being lied to by Republican politicians. They do not represent our best interests, indeed it is easy to show that they in fact use us to gain and keep power - pretending to stand for what we believe, while padding the pockets of business interests who funnel them millions in contributions - against the very basic good of those who vote them into office. If you keep an open mind, and are a seeker of the truth, I believe you will see - at some point in your reading - that I am right.

Karl Popper is best known for his contributions to the philosophy of science and the history of ideas. Elements of Popper's thought were clearly libertarian or conservative in character. His politics, however, were recognisably social democratic. His ideal of an open society was not a free market utopia, but a political community in which diverse people engaged with one another in constructive dialogue to seek political solutions to common problems. If Popper made important and enduring contributions to the libertarian and conservative traditions, it would be a mistake to uncritically label him a conservative or libertarian. Rather, Popper was a scholar who contributed to a range of different fields without being shackled to one particular perspective or approach. It is in this context that we should understand Popper's contribution to libertarian and conservative thought.

"CLIPS" CHRONICLING OBAMA

"Deanna Drab is a true American who is giving of her time and passion to express the outrage and concerns that many of us feel about President Obama and the "give-a-way" Congress ...."

Dave D'Antoni Florida

"As sunlight cuts through darkness, Deanna Drab forces the light of facts and common sense into the political, economic, and social darkness that engulfs this nation."

Larry and Paula Jaques Athens TX

"Columnist Erma Bombeck spread humor like Deanna spreads constitutional conservatism. America needs both."

Jim Romer Tool TX

"Deanna is a Great Grandmother who is as nice as she can be unless the subject is the future of her beloved U.S.A. Then she takes no prisoners and uses the sharpest knuckles in six counties to blast the Obama Administration for its socialist ways. Her opinion pieces are down home and pithy and her political analysis is razor sharp."

Phil Brantley Gun Barrel City TX

"With fear of socialism sweeping our country, many citizens rung their hands and cried "someone do something." Deanna Drab "did something." She took up her pen and expressed our anger, our hope, the patriotic truths, and our fragile freedom. She exposed false claims and accusations with facts.

Deanna Drab is indeed a Pen Warrior for truth and liberty." Betty Holland, County Chair Republican Party of Henderson County

"Our friendship with Deanna has lasted over 40 years and as the saying goes 'if you want something done ask a busy person.' That's Deanna In our neighborhood, no job was too small or too large for her to tackle. So we weren't surprised to see her 'Letters to the Editor.' She is giving her time to a subject she knows must be heard."

Gerry and Hank(deceased) Henry Irving TX

"When reading Deanna's "letters" I always think, 'Atta, girl Keep up the good work.'"

Ray Allenson Belton TX

"Regardless of your party affiliation, we all want what's best for our country and those we love. Our personal freedoms the Constitution gives us are rapidly being swallowed up by those in power. We, as freedom loving people, need to speak out, and Deanna does an excellent job of that. We need more powerful voices like hers."

Cled and Peggy Painter Athens, TX.

"Years ago when I met Deanna, I realized I was a Political virgin. Deanna knew I was confused about politics in general and she took special care to give me a balanced look at all sides of the political parties so I would be well informed especially when it came time to vote. Her political ideas and ideals are as important to her as is her love for family and country. Thanks to Deanna and her tutelage, I am no longer a virgin."

Sandy Tiffee Whitewright, TX

Since 1950, the South has undergone the most dramatic political transformation of any region in the United States. The once Solid-meaning Democratic-South is now overwhelmingly Republican, and long-disenfranchised African Americans vote at levels comparable to those of whites. In The Rational Southerner, M.V. Hood III, Quentin Kidd, and Irwin L. Morris argue that local strategic dynamics played a decisive and underappreciated role in both the development of the Southern Republican Party and the mobilization of the region's black electorate. Mobilized blacks who supported the Democratic Party made it increasingly difficult for conservative whites to maintain control of the Party's machinery. Also, as local Republican Party organizations became politically viable, the strategic opportunities that such a change provided made the GOP an increasingly attractive alternative for white conservatives. Blacks also found new opportunities within the Democratic Party as whites fled to the GOP, especially in the deep South, where large black populations had the potential to dominate state and local Democratic Parties. As a result, Republican Party viability also led to black mobilization. Using the theory of relative advantage, Hood, Kidd, and Morris provide a new perspective on party system transformation. Following a theoretically-informed description of recent partisan dynamics in the South, they demonstrate, with decades of state-level, sub-state, and individual-level data, that GOP organizational strength and black electoral mobilization were the primary determinants of political change in the region. The authors' finding that race was, and still is, the primary driver behind political change in the region stands in stark contrast to recent scholarship which points to in-migration, economic growth, or religious factors as the locus of transition. The Rational Southerner contributes not only to the study of Southern politics, but to our understanding of party system change, racial politics, and the role that state and local political dynamics play in the larger context of national politics and policymaking.

Why do we see the same political entrenchment between the two parties at every election cycle? How can so many well educated people not see eye to eye on the most basic issues? Why do we see the same stubbornness at the PTA meeting, the board meeting at work or the family squabble in our own homes? Is there something going on here that we are missing? A Better Way To Govern will make you think beneath the surface of your decision making process. Many of your presuppositions will come to light as never before as you audit your political and religious mindset. Your own thinking will become apparent in a way you may not have considered before. For some, this material may seem too nebulous for others it may seem irrelevant. I dare say it is more important to potential solutions in your life and in our world than we realize. If you are unconcerned about expanding your worldview, I ask you to consider those for whom you are responsible for. This may help you better lead them. Why even bother to consider this philosophical line of reasoning? Because you and I know there is a lack of life giving solutions in our institutions and relationships as humans. We don't need more energy pouring into the same strategies which produce the same results. We are missing something. Whether it is your church or marriage, the local school board meeting, your state legislature or Congress, we seem to have become stuck in a continual quagmire of irreconcilable differences. There seems to be some hidden reason why we haven't come together to resolve life's pressing issues. I believe there is a reason for our "stuckness" and that we can change it with some new insight and courage. If you are ready to switch things up a bit, read on.

Support for independence in the Autonomous Community of Catalonia has risen significantly since 2005. Opinion polls confirm that the idea of holding a legally-binding referendum on independence is now supported by 80% of Catalans. Many commentators on nationalism in Western Europe had come to the conclusion that there was no serious threat to the established nation-states from secessionism within their borders. In The Identity of Nations (2007), Montserrat Guibernau wrote that decentralisation tames secessionism, both by offering significant power and resources to the national minorities it seeks to accommodate and by enticing regional political elites with the power, prestige and perks associated with devolution'. Scott Greer, in Nationalism and Self-Government (2007), wrote that secession seems unlikely' in the Catalan case because the regional political elites have too much to lose by such a move and are most concerned with winning further autonomy in specific areas that stabilise their own hold on regional power a conclusion called into question by the recent radicalisation in Catalan politics and civil society. Causes for these striking changes in public sentiment include changes in the Catalan political landscape since 2003, problems of infrastructure, public apathy with the political process, disillusionment with the Spanish government, a rise in anti-Catalan feeling from other Spaniards (and a rise in anti-Spanish' feeling among Catalans), the effects of the global financial crisis, and the bumpy ride experienced by Catalonia's new Statute of Autonomy. One notable change has been a shift in the dominant discourse of Catalan nationalism from concerns regarding language, culture and identity toward the political and economic welfare of Catalans. These political and economic discourses have overlaid rather than replaced cultural aspects. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies / Catalan Observatory.

Over the last few generations, African-American families have been destroyed by crime, absentee fathers, unemployment, escalating dropout rates and immorality. It's no coincidence that Democrats are repeatedly elected with millions of uncontested votes from African-Americans, resulting in super-majorities in these communities. Now Andre Harper, a former Democrat, exposes how he rejected the dominant political thought process that has crippled the black community. He outlines how many of today's political elite have gained control of the American political system by exploiting African-Americans and the so-called poor. Harper explains how the same oppressive tactics used by politicians like Andrew Jackson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson and Barack Obama are still being used today by those who masquerade as "progressives." Harper gives first hand accounts of how he overcame poverty and realized the American Dream, which he believes is available to all Americans. Political Emancipation empowers readers to break free from political environments that are dependent on maintaining a permanent underclass.

This book is part of the TREDITION CLASSICS series. The creators of this series are united by passion for literature and driven by the intention of making all public domain books available in printed format again - worldwide. At tredition we believe that a great book never goes out of style. Several mostly non-profit literature projects provide content to tredition. To support their good work, tredition donates a portion of the proceeds from each sold copy. As a reader of a TREDITION CLASSICS book, you support our mission to save many of the amazing works of world literature from oblivion.

As recently as 2008, when Presidents Bush and Obama acted to bail out the nation's crashing banks and failing auto companies, the perennial objection erupted anew: government has no business in . . . business. Mike O'Connor argues in this book that those who cite history to decry government economic intervention are invoking a tradition that simply does not exist. In a cogent and timely take on this ongoing and increasingly contentious debate, O'Connor uses deftly drawn historical analyses of major political and economic developments to puncture the abiding myth that business once operated apart from government. From its founding to the present day, our commercial republic has always mixed--and battled over the proper balance of--politics and economics.

Contesting the claim that the modern-day libertarian conception of U.S. political economy represents the "natural" American economic philosophy, O'Connor demonstrates that this perspective has served historically as only one among many. Beginning with the early national debate over the economic plans proposed by Alexander Hamilton, continuing through the legal construction of the corporation in the Gilded Age and the New Deal commitment to full employment, and concluding with contemporary concerns over lowering taxes, this book demonstrates how the debate over government intervention in the economy has illuminated the possibilities and limits of American democratic capitalism.

Murray Rothbard (1926-1995) was an economist, historian, philosopher, and legal theoretician. His work was unified by a passionate and resolute commitment to a libertarianism that may be characterized as 'anarcho-capitalism' and which implied a belief that even the legal system may be provided privately without the need for a coercive collective authority. Hence, anarcho-capitalists envisage a society where the traditional role of government is wholly subsumed by private, profit-making enterprises and all social relationships are ultimately founded upon consent. Rothbard's unique intellectual contribution was to build this system of thought from many pre-existing but previously disparate strands and to develop it to its logical conclusion. Rothbard's starting points were the notions of methodological individualism, natural rights theory, and individual self-ownership. He showed that if we wish these seriously then the justification for government falls away. According to Rothbard government can only be 'justified' if we abandon the notion that individuals have the right to determine what to do with their own bodies, a step he believed to be unconscionable.

Milton Friedman (1912-2006) was one of the most important 20th century advocates of libertarian and conservative ideas in academia and amongst the wider public. He made a critical contribution to the development of the free market and monetarist economics that challenged the dominant interventionist and Keynesian paradigm throughout the developed world. His books, popular writings, and television programmes, were crucial to the public understanding of the role of the market in the promotion of human freedom and well-being. This outstanding sets out Friedman's intellectual contribution to economic methodology and our understanding of a host of economic phenomena, including the relationship between consumption and income, the workings of flexible exchange rates, and the relationship between inflation and the supply of money in the economy. Dr Ruger also sets out Friedman's contribution to political theory, discussing Friedman's work on the relationship between economic and political freedom, the social responsibilities of business, and the proper relationship between the individual and the state, particularly in the context of conscription, drug prohibition and discrimination.

Compilation of newspaper articles in Sparks Tribune, Reno News and Review and Ames (Iowa) Tribune

This book is about liberal legislators and presidents in Washington, D. C. destroying our Constitutional Republic, and what we citizens must do to stop them. Our Founding Fathers gave us the most profound and amazing governmental system in history, a form of government based on the Constitution and Bill of Rights. They laid the foundation for what might be possible in a free society. William Gladstone, four-time Prime Minister of England, said of the Constitution, ..".it is the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man." Liberal politicians think they know a better way, and have proceeded to disregard the Constitution, the free market system and their responsibility to provide an environment in which people are empowered to stand on their own two feet, receiving their rewards based on what they accomplish in their lives. Rather, they have convinced millions of people to believe the lie that the best in life for them is to become wards of the State and receive the monthly "gov'ment" check. The development of the welfare state is the result, and this cannot exist alongside a Constitutional Republic. A welfare state degrades people by convincing them they are incapable of caring for themselves. A Constitutional Republic provides every citizen with freedom to be responsible for themselves by developing and using the potential our Maker placed within them during the creation process. Liberal legislators have considered themselves to be the the "do-good-ers" by helping the poor. In reality, they have been the "do-badders." In the process, they have brought our nation to its knees. In the last election, we elected a man to our highest office who has no intention of following the Constitution, and he has a deep need or lust for determination of what this nation will become. Can what they have done be corrected? Yes, it can, but restoration of a Constitutional Republic will demand the best that real Americans have within them. We are the ones who will put our nation back on the road that leads to Life, Liberty and Pursuit of Happiness for all who are wiling to earn it.