This book makes available in English the four key proposals on constitutional reform already in the public domain in Japan. The book is unique in that it is the only book to bring together these documents (some of which are presented in English translation for the very first time) all in one volume. These proposals form the backdrop against which the constitutional debate will evolve. Hook and McCormack place these documents in their historical and contemporary context, providing an analysis of their meaning in the development of postwar thinking on the constitution. They introduce the constitution and explain the government's established interpretation of the key clauses subject to controversy, going on to provide a thorough analysis of the differing interpretations of these clauses. Subjects covered include;
* the no war, `pacifist' clause
* tension between the constitution and the US-Japan security treaty
* the political import of the constitution for Japanese political parties
* the significance of the constitution for the Japanese people

Japan's Contested Constitution is essential reading for anyone with an interest in Japanese domestic politics and the international role of Japan.

Monarchy, Aristocracy and the State in Europe 1300 - 1800 is an important survey of the relationship between monarchy and state in early modern European history. Spanning five centuries and covering England, France, Spain, Germany and Austria, this book considers the key themes in the formation of the modern state in Europe.
The relationship of the nobility with the state is the key to understanding the development of modern government in Europe. In order to understand the way modern states were formed, this book focusses on the implications of the incessant and costly wars which European governments waged against each other, which indeed propelled the modern state into being.
Monarchy, Aristocracy and the State in Europe 1300-1800 takes a fascinating thematic approach, providing a useful survey of the position and role of the nobility in the government of states in early modern Europe.

This collection takes as its subject how and why the British constitution developed during the course of the 20th century. In chapters that analyse in detail the evolution of various aspects of the constitution, this work explores debates about how the constitution ought to operate and the political goods it ought to secure among politicians, jurists and academics. In addition, it looks at the influence of political parties, nationalism, social and economic change, European integration, and the contests in over particular reforms in Parliament, courts, media and on the hustings.

The military has long been associated with hard power, yet it is engaged in public diplomacy as it represents the U.S. abroad and facilitates the diffusion of ideas. Military Soft Power examines one such aspect of U.S. public diplomacy: how the United States extends its influence or "soft power" worldwide through military educational exchange programs hosted by the United States' elite military schools, its war and staff colleges. The presence of international officers at U.S. military schools is substantial, yet very little is known about the long-term impacts of these exchanges. This study shows how the exchanges build personal and professional networks that then serve as important conduits of ideas between the United States and other countries. These networks help to improve interoperability between the U.S. military and its partner nations and to extend U.S. influence through military soft power rather than through hard power. This is an alternative bottom-up view of how military organizations can influence political processes and decisions through the development of cross-border communities of military professionals. This involves a two-step model of socialization. First, individuals (military officers) are socialized by a large political institution (the U.S. through its war and staff colleges). Second, these individuals function as idea entrepreneurs, bringing new ideas, beliefs, and practices home with them. There is a need for policies and programs that help countries successfully transition from authoritarian governance to democratic rule as well as countries undergoing democratic revolutions and those seeking more gradual change. Exchange programs are one pathway, in which an important group of citizens (military officers and their families) can experience the everyday functioning of democratic practices and institutions. This unique survey provides timely insights into the important political impacts of military exchange programs and how military institutions and their personnel influence international politics beyond simply being used as an instrument of coercion.

Absolutism in Central Europe is about the form of European monarchy known as absolutism, how it was defined by contemporaries, how it emerged and developed, and how it has been interpreted by historians, political and social scientists. It investigates how scholars from a variety of disciplines have defined and explained political development across what was formerly known as the 'age of absolutism'. It assesses whether the term still has utility as a tool of analysis and it explores the wider ramifications of the process of state-formation from the experience of central Europe from the early seventeenth century to the start of the nineteenth.

Series Information:
Historical Connections

The Cold War Presidency: A Documentary History is a must-have reference for students and scholars of this era. This new volume contains an extensive collection of documents alongside carefully crafted, objective analysis of all the key events of the Cold War. Organized chronologically by president, The Cold War Presidency presents original, analytical essays on the presidents and their roles during the Cold War from Harry Truman through George H.W. Bush, and over 150 important primary source documents with explanatory headnotes. The pairing together of these useful materials allows researchers to learn comprehensively or selectively about the interdependence of the presidency and the Cold War. Important primary source documents contained in this volume include: Presidential speeches Executive and military orders Internal planning and guidance memoranda Conversations Memoirs Telegrams Meeting minutes Private letters And many more The Cold War Presidency also includes selected documents from the other side of the Cold War from recently disclosed Soviet, Chinese, Eastern European document files. Engaging maps, timelines, and biographies of notable figures help readers understand key issues and information. This new reference resource will be a great fit for academic, school, and public libraries serving researchers in U.S. history, government, politics, foreign policy, and more.

"YOU ARE HEREBY COMMANDED to be and appear before the Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives of the United States, or a duly appointed subcommittee thereof, on February 10 (Monday), 1958, at ten o'clock a.m. at City Council Chambers, City Hall, Gary, Indiana, then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said committee, and not to depart without leave of said committee." So began a decade of hardship for Ed and Jean Yellin and their three young children as the repressive weight of the U.S. government, caught up in the throes of McCarthyism, crashed down upon their careers, their daily household budget, and their relationships to colleagues, neighbors, and their country. In Contempt is a faithful, factual testament to the enduring quality of patriotic dissent in our evolving democracy-and a loving reconstruction of what it meant to be labeled "unAmerican" for defending the Constitution.

In the last two decades, objects of analysis such as 'the state' have increasingly been seen as uncertain and contested theoretical concepts. Mark J. Smith presents a counter argument that highlights how existing theoretical approaches can provide useful tools for understanding contemporary political developments.

In the rapid world-wide spread of privatization, progress in the Middle East and North Africa region has been markedly slow. This volume argues that a high level of overstaffing in public enterprises and the inability of economies to create jobs fast enough is mainly responsible for this. An in-depth study of the facts and a well-supported conclusion makes this an impressive collection of work on a very pertinent subject.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203187970

Popular Sovereignty and the Crisis of German Constitutional Law is a historical analysis of competing doctrines of constitutional law during the Weimar Republic. It chronicles the creation of a new constitutional jurisprudence both adequate to the needs of a modern welfare state and based on the principle of popular sovereignty. Peter C. Caldwell explores the legal nature of democracy as debated by Weimar's political theorists and constitutional lawyers. Laying the groundwork for questions about constitutional law in today's Federal Republic, this book draws clear and insightful distinctions between strands of positivist and anti-positivist legal thought, and examines their implications for legal and political theory. Caldwell makes accessible the rich literature in German constitutional thought of the Weimar period, most of which has been unavailable in English until now. On the liberal left, Hugo Preuss and Hans Kelsen defended a concept of democracy that made the constitution sovereign and, in a way, created the "Volk" through constitutional procedure. On the right, Carl Schmitt argued for a substantial notion of the "Volk" that could overrule constitutional procedure in a state of emergency. Rudolf Smend and Heinrich Triepel located in the constitution a set of inviolable values of the political community, while Hermann Heller saw in it a guarantee of substantial social equality. Drawing on the work of these major players from the 1920s, Caldwell reveals the various facets of the impassioned constitutional struggles that permeated German legal and political culture during the Weimar Republic.

The advance of women through the political system has been one of the most significant developments of the second half of the twentieth century. For the first time we have seen women Prime Ministers and Presidents in Europe. Women and Political Power examines the extent of progress women have made in ten western European countries, and looks at the factors which have helped, or hindered, their greater involvement in the political process. This book not only explores fascinating contrasts between northern and southern European countries, it also reveals the strong similarities in all countries. It highlights, in particular, the continuing absence of women from leadership positions, and the concentration of women on committees dealing with social and welfare issues.
Women and Political Power is an essential introduction to the experiences of women in politics in Europe since 1945.

The period from the mid-1960s to the early 1980s signaled the end of the prosperity of the postwar years enjoyed by the cities of the prairie-those cities located immediately within or adjacent to the Mississippi River drainage system, or what is usually called the American Heartland. During this period, the bottom dropped out of local economies and all collapsed except those upheld by massive state institutions. With this collapse, optimism for new opportunities ended, signaling the close of the American frontier.
The Closing of the Metropolitan Frontier looks at mid-sized cities Champaign-Urbana, Decatur, Joliet, Moline, Peoria, Rockford, Rock Island, and Springfield, Illinois; Davenport, Iowa; Duluth, Minnesota; and Pueblo, Colorado. Elazar examines how they adapted to change during the period immediately after World War II, through the Vietnam War, and the Nixon years. He considers the roles of federal and state governments as instruments of change including their efforts to impose new standards and ways of doing business. The Closing of the Metropolitan Frontier analyzes the struggle between federalism and managerialism in the local political arena.
In his new introduction, Daniel J. Elazar discusses this volume's place as part of a forty-year study of the cities of the prairie as well as the changes and developments in that region over that forty-year span. This volume will be of great interest to economists, political scientists, and sociologists interested in the Great Society and the New Federalism and their aftermath.
Daniel J. Elazar (1934-1999) was president of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, and professor of political science and director of the Center for the Study of Federalism at Temple University. He authored many books including the four-volume series The Covenant Tradition in Politics, available from Transaction.
Rozann Rothman is director of the applied politics program at Indiana University-Purdue University in Indianapolis. Stephen L. Schecter and Maura Allan Stein are associate professors of political science at Russell Sage College. Joseph Zikmund II is dean of the School of Letters and Sciences at Menlo College.

The attitudes and assumptions of different cultures and historical periods toward war and the maintenance of peace are reviewed by recalling authors who include Euripides, Sophocles, Plato, Cervantes, Shakespeare, Hobbes, and Zola. The challenges of war, peace, and national security for and by Americans are examined, and documents such as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of 1787. The lives and thought of eminent Americans are also recalled (including George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and Franklin Roosevelt), as well as the challenges posed by incidents such as the Dreyfus Affair and monstrosities such as the Second World War Holocaust. The Appendixes reinforce these inquiries by providing critical documents in American history and interviews with a Holocaust survivor.

This is the second collection of studies by Stephen D. White to be published by Variorum (the first being Feuding and Peace-Making in Eleventh-Century France). The essays in this volume look principally at France and England from Merovingian and Anglo-Saxon times up to the 12th century. They analyze Latin and Old French discourses that medieval nobles used to construct their relationships with kin, lords, men, and friends, and investigate the political dimensions of such relationships with particular reference to patronage/clientage, the use of land as an item of exchange, and feuding. In so doing, the essays call into question the conventional practice of studying kinship and feudalism as independent systems of legal institutions and propose new strategies for studying them.

A pioneering historical analysis of the state from a sociological perspective which focuses on the changing nature of political power and the groups who wielded this power. One of his key insights is the distinction between the economic and the political means of acquiring wealth. This is the 1914 book that started it all in the 20th century, the book that kicked off a century of anti-state, pro-property writing. This was the prototype for Nock's writing, for Chodorov's work, and even the theoretical edifice that later became Rothbardianism. Indeed, Franz Oppenheimer wrote what remains one of the most bracing and stimulating volumes in the history of political philosophy. The author sought to overthrow centuries of fallacious thinking on the subject of the state's origin, nature, and purpose, put its it place a view of the state that constitutes a foundational attack on the structure of modern society. He utterly demolishes the social-contract view of the state as it had been advanced by most thinkers since the Enlightenment. He seeks to replace that view with a realistic assessment of the state, one that can only make anyone with statist leanings squirm: he sees the state as composed of a victorious group of bandits who rule over the defeated group with the purpose of domination and exploitation. It achieves its status through a form of conquest, secures its power through relentless aggression, and sees its main function is to secure its status and power. Consider that when this book was written such views were a scandal, especially in Germany. Oppenheimer, who was a medical doctor who became a professor of sociology, suffered terribly for his libertarian views. Then this book appeared, which stunned even his most vociferous critics with its analytical rigor, historical sweep, and steely resolve. The book has since appeared in more than a dozen languages. In a world that cared about ideas, this would be required reading in political philosophy. From an economic point view, his analysis holds up even where his language about capitalism and socialism can be somewhat confused. In fact, it was Rothbard's own work that took Oppenheimer's theory and fit it into a free-market framework. But to fully understand the state theory behind modern Austro-libertarian thinking, this work is indispensable.

The world is changing very swiftly at the end of the 20th century. New developments in information technology, an increasing flow of information and cultural exchanges, and the rapidity with which trade and investment now takes place has given rise to uncertainty. This book seeks to understand the nature of these changes and find out whether this process of globalization is in fact something new. In particular it examines the impact of change on the sovereignty of the nation state. The authors consider the historical development of the state in the global economy, the forces that have created the modern global economy, regional issues of globalization and the importance of the state. Also included are a series of case studies from around the world. The text provides a combination of theoretical and case material.

Two decades since the enactment of South Africa’s present constitution, the durability and endurance of ‘past’ inequalities and injustices illustrate that the ‘new South Africa’ – lauded as a miracle nation with the best constitution in the world – can no longer be regarded as an unqualified success. The legal and constitutional foundations of post-1994 South Africa are in a process of renegotiation that invites new and alternative perspectives and approaches.

This comprehensive volume explores this process of renegotiation by engaging political and intellectual contestations circulating in South African academic and public discourse relating to continuities and discontinuities between the colonial-apartheid past and the post-1994 constitutional present. The authors analyse the moral, intellectual and political unravelling of post-1994 South African constitutionalism (as legal text and political culture) and enquire whether it has been able to respond adequately to the fundamental contradictions generated by colonisation and apartheid. They also consider how centring the historical problem of European domination and conquest in Africa – and South Africa in particular – might provide an alternative frame or lens to theorise and understand contemporary South African realities.

This book marks out a complex field of contestation – involving competing histories, locations, visions and perspectives – that raises multifaceted questions regarding law, history and politics. It is the outcome of a South African Journal of Human Rights colloquium and was originally published as a special issue of the journal.

Table of Contents

1. Introduction: conquest, constitutionalism and democratic contestations

Joel M. Modiri

2. Conquest and constitutionalism: first thoughts on an alternative jurisprudence

Joel M. Modiri

3. Towards a post-conquest South Africa: beyond the constitution of 1996

Mogobe Bernard Ramose

4. Decolonising equality: the radical roots of the gender equality clause in the South African constitution

Shireen Hassim

5. Is the South African Constitution an obstacle to a democratic post-colonial state?

D. M. Davis

6. Democratic constitutionalism in the time of the postcolony: beyond triumph and betrayal

Firoz Cachalia

7. On conquest and anthropology in South Africa

Anjuli Webster

8. The liberation of history and the end of South Africa: some notes towards an Azanian historiography in Africa, South

Ndumiso Dladla

9. Contested substantive equality in the South African Constitution: beyond social inclusion towards systemic justice

Catherine Albertyn

10. Decolonisation, compensation and constitutionalism: land, wealth and the sustainability of constitutionalism in post-apartheid South Africa

Heinz Klug

11. A decolonial critique of private law and human rights

Emile Zitzke

12. South Africa’s first black lawyers, amaRespectables and the birth of evolutionary constitution

Tshepo Madlingozi

Contents:
Acknowledgements 1. Introduction 2. The Historical Problem in International Relations 3. History, Contingency, and the Roots of Realism: Reinhold Niebuhr and E.H. Carr 4. History, Analogy, and Policy Realism: Hans J. Morgenthau and George F. Kennan 5. The Poverty of Ahistoricism: Kenneth N. Wlatz and Neorealist Theory 6. "The Importance of Being Scientific": J. David Singer and the Correlates of War 7. Exit from History? Postmodern International Relations 8. Conclusion: History, Skepticism, and the Recovery of Theory

Historians in France assume that the restoration of Monarchy after the defeat of Napoleon was doomed. The first compact recent history of the period in English, this book reveals that although the French experimented with two Monarchies and a Republic (1814 - 48), there was substantial stability. The Institutional framework constructed during the Revolutionary years (1789 - 1814) remained intact, and the ruling elites retained basic control.

Utopian ventures are worth close attention, to help us understand why some succeed and others fail, for they offer hope for an improved life on earth. This book is a guide to utopian communities and their founders. It examines the utopias from antiquity to the present and surveys utopian efforts around the world. Included are more than 600 alphabetically arranged entries: roughly half are descriptions of utopian ventures; the other half are biographies of those who were involved. Entries are followed by a list of sources; a general bibliography concludes the volume.

Plato's formulation of the Principle of Non-contradiction (PNC) in Republic IV is the first full statement of the principle in western philosophy. His use of the principle might seem to suggest that he endorses the PNC. After all, how could one possibly deny so fundamental a principle-especially when it seems difficult to deny it without relying on it. However, the endorsement in the text is qualified. Socrates refers to the principle as one that he and his interlocutors will hypothesize and warns that if it should ever be shown to be false, all that follows from it will also be refuted. Scholars who have noticed this issue have tended to assume that the truth of the hypothesis in question can be guaranteed. Laurence Bloom argues against unthinkingly accepting this claim. He suggests that what emerges from the text is more sophisticated: Plato's concession that the PNC is hypothetical is a textual clue pointing us to a complex philosophical argument that grounds the PNC, as well as the sort of reasoning it grounds, in form. Indeed, in framing the problem in this way, we can read the Republic as providing an extended argument for form. The argument for forms that emerges is complex and difficult. It is not and cannot be a normal, discursive argument. Indeed, the argument cannot even be one that assumes the PNC; if it did so, it would fall prey to a vicious circularity. Rather, the argument rests on the very possibility of our hypothesizing the PNC in the first place. Our ability to hypothesize the PNC-and perhaps our inability not to hypothesize it-is the linchpin. When we ask questions such as "to what objects does the PNC apply?" or "how is it possible that we apply the PNC?," we are asking questions that lead us to the existence of form. The Principle of Non-contradiction in Plato's Republic also explores the soul of the knower-the very entity to which and by which the principle is applied in the text-and its underlying unity.

The collapse of the Soviet Union has engendered one of the most momentous and critical regional transformations of our times through formation and development of the post-Soviet states. This book explores the politics of post-Soviet transition and the problems which will continue to face these states in the twenty-first century as they struggle toward democracy, market reform, ethnic co-existence and integration into a new geopolitical post-Cold War world order.
Richly illustrated with examples drawn from Russian and other post-Soviet primary sources, the book focuses upon three broad themes of transition: first, the progression from colonialism to post-colonialism and the consequences of such changes on national identity and the redefinition of national homeland; second, the movement away from totalitarian rule and the processes that both facilitate and challenge the prospects of a democratic future; third, the process of securing a successful place in the global capitalist economy.
New theoretical ways are introduced to map out these themes, providing a framework from which to understand the geopolitical, economic and social processes that are likely to shape this transition into the twenty-first century.

This is a major study of the processes by which the modern European state came to exist. It is a historical analysis of power, and how over the last thousand years it has come to reside in the state and its instruments.

Understand why Donald Trump's negotiations prevailed and failed. Learn from internationally recognized negotiation expert Marty Latz as he analyzes over 100 Trump negotiations and guides you through dozens of Trump's strategies, highlighting which to use and avoid. Trump's dealmaking past provides insight as to how he will negotiate with the rest of the world-and what it means for everyone's future. Trump considers himself one of the world's best negotiators. But is he? Learn how he succeeded and failed in his 50 years of negotiating deals. Then evaluate his negotiations as president. Our safety rests on his skills. Donald Trump has provided unprecedented transparency into his business negotiations. His counterparts have also not been shy (including in over 4,000 lawsuits). We know what he did. Trump Tower. Taj Mahal. The Apprentice. President Trump has also now negotiated with Congress and the world. Does this require different strategies? Find out how to use his effective strategies-and avoid his counterproductive ones. That one new tactic you gain may make the difference between walking away a winner and leaving empty-handed. Learn the Reality of Trump's Negotiations through: Over 100 Trump negotiations - plus many more strategies Trump's Top Ten Business Negotiation Strategies, including: o His win-lose mindset o Threats in Trump's world o Trump's business bullying His counterparts' views Comparisons to masterful negotiations involving: o James Madison o John F. Kennedy o Lyndon B. Johnson o Ronald Reagan o George H.W. Bush Expert analysis of his negotiations with o Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto about the border wall o Congress to repeal and replace Obamacare