The period from the mid-1960s to the early 1980s signaled the end of the prosperity of the postwar years enjoyed by the cities of the prairie-those cities located immediately within or adjacent to the Mississippi River drainage system, or what is usually called the American Heartland. During this period, the bottom dropped out of local economies and all collapsed except those upheld by massive state institutions. With this collapse, optimism for new opportunities ended, signaling the close of the American frontier.
The Closing of the Metropolitan Frontier looks at mid-sized cities Champaign-Urbana, Decatur, Joliet, Moline, Peoria, Rockford, Rock Island, and Springfield, Illinois; Davenport, Iowa; Duluth, Minnesota; and Pueblo, Colorado. Elazar examines how they adapted to change during the period immediately after World War II, through the Vietnam War, and the Nixon years. He considers the roles of federal and state governments as instruments of change including their efforts to impose new standards and ways of doing business. The Closing of the Metropolitan Frontier analyzes the struggle between federalism and managerialism in the local political arena.
In his new introduction, Daniel J. Elazar discusses this volume's place as part of a forty-year study of the cities of the prairie as well as the changes and developments in that region over that forty-year span. This volume will be of great interest to economists, political scientists, and sociologists interested in the Great Society and the New Federalism and their aftermath.
Daniel J. Elazar (1934-1999) was president of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, and professor of political science and director of the Center for the Study of Federalism at Temple University. He authored many books including the four-volume series The Covenant Tradition in Politics, available from Transaction.
Rozann Rothman is director of the applied politics program at Indiana University-Purdue University in Indianapolis. Stephen L. Schecter and Maura Allan Stein are associate professors of political science at Russell Sage College. Joseph Zikmund II is dean of the School of Letters and Sciences at Menlo College.

UMthethosisekelo ungumthetho ophakeme weRiphabhulikhi futhi uyakuthinta wena ngezindlela ezahlukene. Iningi lamalungelo akho liqinisekisiwe kumthethosisekelo. Imininingwane mayelana namandla ePhalamende, isishayamthetho sakho sesifundazwe kanye nomasipala okungenzeka ukuthi wakuvotela, kuyatholakala kuMthethosisekelo. Amandla kanye nemisebenzi kahulumeni nako kuyatholakala kuMthethosisekelo. Kulolu shicilelo uMthethosisekelo uchaziwe kancane kubantu obhalelwe bona.

UmGaqo-siseko ngumthetho owongamileyo weRiphabliki kwaye uyakuchaphazela ngeendlela ezahlukileyo. Amalungelo akho amaninzi agunyazisiwe kumGaqo-siseko. Iinkcukacha ezimalunga namagunya ePalamente, indlu yakho yowiso-mthetho lwephondo kunye nomasipala wakho onokumvotela, ziyavela kulo mGaqo-siseko. Amagunya nemisebenzi kaRhulumente nawo ayavela kumGaqo-siseko. Kule ncwadi umGaqo-siseko uthiwe gqaba-gqaba kulungiselelwa abantu ababhalelwayo.

Historians in France assume that the restoration of Monarchy after the defeat of Napoleon was doomed. The first compact recent history of the period in English, this book reveals that although the French experimented with two Monarchies and a Republic (1814 - 48), there was substantial stability. The Institutional framework constructed during the Revolutionary years (1789 - 1814) remained intact, and the ruling elites retained basic control.

A pioneering historical analysis of the state from a sociological perspective which focuses on the changing nature of political power and the groups who wielded this power. One of his key insights is the distinction between the economic and the political means of acquiring wealth. This is the 1914 book that started it all in the 20th century, the book that kicked off a century of anti-state, pro-property writing. This was the prototype for Nock's writing, for Chodorov's work, and even the theoretical edifice that later became Rothbardianism. Indeed, Franz Oppenheimer wrote what remains one of the most bracing and stimulating volumes in the history of political philosophy. The author sought to overthrow centuries of fallacious thinking on the subject of the state's origin, nature, and purpose, put its it place a view of the state that constitutes a foundational attack on the structure of modern society. He utterly demolishes the social-contract view of the state as it had been advanced by most thinkers since the Enlightenment. He seeks to replace that view with a realistic assessment of the state, one that can only make anyone with statist leanings squirm: he sees the state as composed of a victorious group of bandits who rule over the defeated group with the purpose of domination and exploitation. It achieves its status through a form of conquest, secures its power through relentless aggression, and sees its main function is to secure its status and power. Consider that when this book was written such views were a scandal, especially in Germany. Oppenheimer, who was a medical doctor who became a professor of sociology, suffered terribly for his libertarian views. Then this book appeared, which stunned even his most vociferous critics with its analytical rigor, historical sweep, and steely resolve. The book has since appeared in more than a dozen languages. In a world that cared about ideas, this would be required reading in political philosophy. From an economic point view, his analysis holds up even where his language about capitalism and socialism can be somewhat confused. In fact, it was Rothbard's own work that took Oppenheimer's theory and fit it into a free-market framework. But to fully understand the state theory behind modern Austro-libertarian thinking, this work is indispensable.

This is the second collection of studies by Stephen D. White to be published by Variorum (the first being Feuding and Peace-Making in Eleventh-Century France). The essays in this volume look principally at France and England from Merovingian and Anglo-Saxon times up to the 12th century. They analyze Latin and Old French discourses that medieval nobles used to construct their relationships with kin, lords, men, and friends, and investigate the political dimensions of such relationships with particular reference to patronage/clientage, the use of land as an item of exchange, and feuding. In so doing, the essays call into question the conventional practice of studying kinship and feudalism as independent systems of legal institutions and propose new strategies for studying them.

The Bill of Rights was designed to protect the American public from encroachments of liberty by the federal government. During times of war, the president often spearheads efforts to limit rights in the name of national security. When these cases make their way through the federal courts system, it is expected that the judiciary would use rights-based language in their adjudication of cases dealing with such rights-based claims. Zones of Twilight shows that the courts actually use the separation of powers to decide these cases. In other words, the courts look to see if Congress has authorized the president to limit the liberties in question. More often than not, if Congress is on board, so are the federal courts. Although the common conception is that the courts give the president a blank check during war, it is in fact Congress that has received that blank check. Zones of Twilight looks at four reoccurring issues during times of war where the courts have had to decide cases where the executive has limited individual freedoms: military detentions, warrantless electronic surveillance, emergency economic powers, and free speech.

Contents:
Acknowledgements 1. Introduction 2. The Historical Problem in International Relations 3. History, Contingency, and the Roots of Realism: Reinhold Niebuhr and E.H. Carr 4. History, Analogy, and Policy Realism: Hans J. Morgenthau and George F. Kennan 5. The Poverty of Ahistoricism: Kenneth N. Wlatz and Neorealist Theory 6. "The Importance of Being Scientific": J. David Singer and the Correlates of War 7. Exit from History? Postmodern International Relations 8. Conclusion: History, Skepticism, and the Recovery of Theory

The world is changing very swiftly at the end of the 20th century. New developments in information technology, an increasing flow of information and cultural exchanges, and the rapidity with which trade and investment now takes place has given rise to uncertainty. This book seeks to understand the nature of these changes and find out whether this process of globalization is in fact something new. In particular it examines the impact of change on the sovereignty of the nation state. The authors consider the historical development of the state in the global economy, the forces that have created the modern global economy, regional issues of globalization and the importance of the state. Also included are a series of case studies from around the world. The text provides a combination of theoretical and case material.

Unlike texts that overwhelm with irrelevant details, Kollman gives students a simple framework, consistently applied: politics is about collective dilemmas and the institutions that solve them. How can 535 members of Congress get anything done? The committee system. How can the president change immigration policy? Executive orders. How do we get people to the polls? Voter mobilization strategies. Kollman's concise text gets to the conceptual heart of political science.

The collapse of the Soviet Union has engendered one of the most momentous and critical regional transformations of our times through formation and development of the post-Soviet states. This book explores the politics of post-Soviet transition and the problems which will continue to face these states in the twenty-first century as they struggle toward democracy, market reform, ethnic co-existence and integration into a new geopolitical post-Cold War world order.
Richly illustrated with examples drawn from Russian and other post-Soviet primary sources, the book focuses upon three broad themes of transition: first, the progression from colonialism to post-colonialism and the consequences of such changes on national identity and the redefinition of national homeland; second, the movement away from totalitarian rule and the processes that both facilitate and challenge the prospects of a democratic future; third, the process of securing a successful place in the global capitalist economy.
New theoretical ways are introduced to map out these themes, providing a framework from which to understand the geopolitical, economic and social processes that are likely to shape this transition into the twenty-first century.

The second study carried out under the Democratic Audit of the UK, this volume explores the formal institutions and processes of the liberal democratic state, including the executive, elections, parliament and the civil service.

Popular Sovereignty and the Crisis of German Constitutional Law is a historical analysis of competing doctrines of constitutional law during the Weimar Republic. It chronicles the creation of a new constitutional jurisprudence both adequate to the needs of a modern welfare state and based on the principle of popular sovereignty. Peter C. Caldwell explores the legal nature of democracy as debated by Weimar's political theorists and constitutional lawyers. Laying the groundwork for questions about constitutional law in today's Federal Republic, this book draws clear and insightful distinctions between strands of positivist and anti-positivist legal thought, and examines their implications for legal and political theory. Caldwell makes accessible the rich literature in German constitutional thought of the Weimar period, most of which has been unavailable in English until now. On the liberal left, Hugo Preuss and Hans Kelsen defended a concept of democracy that made the constitution sovereign and, in a way, created the "Volk" through constitutional procedure. On the right, Carl Schmitt argued for a substantial notion of the "Volk" that could overrule constitutional procedure in a state of emergency. Rudolf Smend and Heinrich Triepel located in the constitution a set of inviolable values of the political community, while Hermann Heller saw in it a guarantee of substantial social equality. Drawing on the work of these major players from the 1920s, Caldwell reveals the various facets of the impassioned constitutional struggles that permeated German legal and political culture during the Weimar Republic.

The creation of the European Union arguably ranks among the most extraordinary achievements in modern world politics. Observers disagree, however, about the reasons why European governments have chosen to co- ordinate core economic policies and surrender sovereign perogatives. This text analyzes the history of the region's movement toward economic and political union. Do these unifying steps demonstrate the pre-eminence of national security concerns, the power of federalist ideals, the skill of political entrepreneurs like Jean Monnet and Jacques Delors, or the triumph of technocratic planning? Moravcsik rejects such views. Economic interdependence has been, he maintains, the primary force compelling these democracies to move in this surprising direction. Politicians rationally pursued national economic advantage through the exploitation of asymmetrical interdependence and the manipulation of institutional commitments.

Utopian ventures are worth close attention, to help us understand why some succeed and others fail, for they offer hope for an improved life on earth. This book is a guide to utopian communities and their founders. It examines the utopias from antiquity to the present and surveys utopian efforts around the world. Included are more than 600 alphabetically arranged entries: roughly half are descriptions of utopian ventures; the other half are biographies of those who were involved. Entries are followed by a list of sources; a general bibliography concludes the volume.

Laws exist to incentivize us to act in a certain manner, in accordance with the policies that our community has deemed right for us. And when we disagree with those laws, we must re-examine our policies, and thus our beliefs and ideas, to decide whether our community has changed. This is a book about law and public policy-about the ideas and the rules we build to implement those rules. While similar books have looked at public policy and public administration in an effort to explain how the government works, and others have considered the foundations of the legal system to understand the rulemaking institutions, this book takes a different approach. In this ground-breaking new textbook, author Kevin Fandl develops a complete picture of society, from idea to action -- by examining laws through the lens of policy, and vice versa. This holistic approach gives readers a chance to see not only why certain rules exist, but how those rules evolved over time and the events that inspired them. It offers readers an opportunity not only to see but also to participate in the process of forming the structures that shape our society. This textbook is divided into two sections. The first section provides readers with the tools that they will need to digest the policies and laws that surround them. These tools include a historical deep dive into the foundations of the governance structure in the United States and beyond, an important examination of civics and a reminder of the importance of engaging in the policymaking process, a careful breakdown of the institutions that form the backbone of the law and policy-making institutions in the United States, and finally critical thinking including practical tools to find reliable sources for news, research, and other types of information. The second section of the text is comprised of subject-matter analyses. These subject-based chapters, written by experts on the topic at hand begin with a historical perspective, followed by a careful examination of the key policies and laws that inform that field. Each chapter highlights key vocabulary, provides practical vignettes to add context to the writing, explores a unique global component to compare perspectives from communities worldwide, and includes a number of discussion questions and recommended readings for further examination. This textbook is tailored specifically for undergraduate and graduate students of public policy, to introduce them to the role of law and legal institutions as facilitators and constraints on public policy, exploring those laws in a range of relevant policy contexts with the help of short case studies.

Contents:
List of Figures List of Abbreviations List of Contributors Preface 1. Introduction Michael Nentwich and Albert Weale Part 1: Political Legitimacy and the Democratic Deficit 2. Legitimacy and the European Union David Beetham and Christopher Lord 3. Democracy, Legitimacy and Majority Rule in the European Union Andreas Follesdal 4. Between Representation and Constitutionalism in the European Union Albert Weale 5. Defending the Democratic Deficit Sverker Gustavsson
art 2: Decision Rules and the Constitutional Construction of the European Union 6. The European Union: Trends in Theory and Reform Michael J. Tsinisizelis and Dimitris N. Chryssochoou 7. Legitimacy Dilemmas of Supranational Governance: The European Commission between Accountability and Independence Thomas Christiansen 8. How to Democratize a Multi-Level, Multi-Dimensional Polity Heidrun Abromeit 9. Opportunity Structures for Citizens' Participation: The Case of the European Union Richard Kuper 11. European Union Citizenship as a Model of Citizenship beyond the Nation-State: Possibilities and Limits Theodora Kostakopoulou 12. European Union Citizenship and Supranational Democracy Clara Closa 13. Environmental Protection in a Liberal Democratic Europe: Constitutional Aspects Marcel Wissenburg

This biography of Alfred the Great, king of the West Saxons (871-899), combines a sensitive reading of the primary sources with a careful evaluation of the most recent scholarly research on the history and archaeology of ninth-century England. Alfred emerges from the pages of this biography as a great warlord, an effective and inventive ruler, and a passionate scholar whose piety and intellectual curiosity led him to sponsor a cultural and spiritual renaissance. Alfred's victories on the battlefield and his sweeping administrative innovations not only preserved his native Wessex from viking conquest, but began the process of political consolidation that would culminate in the creation of the kingdom of England.
"Alfred the Great: War, Kingship and Culture in Anglo-Saxon England" strips away the varnish of later interpretations to recover the historical Alfredpragmatic, generous, brutal, pious, scholarly within the context of his own age.

The political changes in South Africa have led to the country being viewed as a standard bearer for democracy within the African continent, and a beacon for democratic reform globally.; In this book, Heather Deegan looks at political reform in South Africa within a broad framework of global patterns of democratization. Her account is rooted in modern literature on democracy and democratization, and it is illuminated by interviews carried out at local and national level among members of the ANC, the Inkartha Freedom Party, the National Party, various women's organizations, labour and economic groups, traditional ethnic organizations, township representatives and religious groups.

In his piercing introduction to An Economic Interpretation the author wrote that "whoever leaves economic pressures out of history or out of discussion of public questions is in mortal peril of substituting mythology for reality." It was Beard's view that the founding fathers, especially Madison, Jay, and Hamilton, never made such a miscalculation. Indeed, these statesmen placed themselves among the great practitioners of all ages and gave instructions to succeeding generations in the art of government by their vigorous deployment of classical political economy.

In this new printing of a major classic in American historiography, Louis Filler provides a sense of the person behind the book, the background that enabled Beard to move well beyond the shibboleths of the second decade of the twentieth century. While the controversies over Beard's book have quieted, the issues which it raised have hardly abated. Indeed, one can say that just about every major work in the politics and economics of the American nation must contend with Beard's classic work. Beard's work rests on an examination of primary documents: land and slave owners, geographic distribution of money, ownership of public securities, the specific condition of those who were disenfranchised as well as those who were in charge of the nascent American economy.

The great merit of Beard's work is that despite its incendiary potential, he himself viewed An Economic Interpretation in coldly analytical terms, seeing such a position as giving comfort to neither revolutionaries nor reactionaries. Attacked by Marxists for being too mechanical, and by conservatives as being blind to the moral purposes of the framers of the constitution, the work continues to exercise a tremendous influence on all concerned. The fact that Beard wrote with a scalpel-like precision that gripped the attention of those in power no less than the common man is, it should be added, no small element in the enduring forces of this work.

Ukraine: State and Nation Building explores the transformation of Soviet Ukraine into an independent state and examines the new elites and their role in the state building process, as well as other attributes of the modern nation-state such as borders, symbols, myths and national histories. Extensive primary sources and interviews with leading members of Ukranian elites, show that state building is an integral part of the transition process and cannot be divorced from democratization and the establishment of a market economy.

The War on Terror has been going on for over a decade and it shows no signs of winding down in near future, a war which has directly contributed to growing security regimes in frontline states. This book focuses on the legal dimensions of the War on Terror and security in Pakistan. It highlights the growth of the security state in Pakistan, and questions the growing and by-now entrenched legal security regime in the country. The book traces the roots of the present security laws in colonial and post-colonial times. One broader dimension from which the legal security regime of Pakistan is approached in this book is through highlighting specific issues concerning the legal identity of the subject such as the rights of aliens in the background of state power versus liberal constitutionalism, and the rights of terrorism suspects in the background of deploying death sentence as a tactical, psychological tool versus the absolute right to life (of every individual). By critically reflecting on the increasingly institutionalized form of the security apparatus in Pakistan, the book (indirectly) suggests the legal ways to resist the growing legal security regime and derogation from human rights. Offering a theoretically engaged and critically reflective overview of the current state of individual identity, rights and freedoms in face of a burgeoning legal regime of security in Pakistan, this study makes advances in critical legal studies and critical IR. It will be of interest to academics working in the field of security studies, South Asian Studies, particularly Pakistan, and the War on Terror.

As a result of the revolutions in Eastern Europe and the collapse of Communism, the ideal of civil society has been revived and is now at the centre of political discussion. It is generally agreed that building genuine civil societies is the only true means of furthering the cause of democracy and human rights. It is also widely agreed that only the institutions of civil society are capable of reconciling the sometimes conflicting demands of individial liberties and the common good. This book provides a systematic analysis of the multi-faceted notion of civil society. It shows how the three main orders of civil society - the moral-cultural, political, and economic - constitute "spheres of autonomy". At the same time, it illustrates how these different orders are closely interrelated and interact in a synergetic manner. In addition, the author attempts to demonstrate how the logic of the various orders of civil society is appropriate to the distinct nature of each order.

Exploring the post-Communist transition that has taken place in the Ukraine, this text covers: nation and state building; national identity and regionalism; politics and civil society; economic transition; and security policy.