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Since its inception, the "Journal of Democracy" has served as the premier venue for scholarship on democratization. The newest volume in the acclaimed "Journal of Democracy" book series, "Democracy: A Reader "brings together the seminal works that have appeared in its pages in nearly twenty years of publication.

Democracy is in retreat around the world, giving renewed relevance and urgency to fundamental questions about the system that nevertheless remains the ideal standard of governance. Contributors ask: What exactly is democracy, and what sustains it? What institutions are best suited to a democratic system? Can elections produce undemocratic outcomes? Is democracy a universal value?

"Democracy: A Reader" addresses these important concerns with critical discussions on delegative democracy, social capital, constitutional design, federalism, hybrid regimes, competitive authoritarianism, and more. With such influential contributors as Francis Fukuyama, Robert Putnam, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and Anwar Ibrahim, this is an indispensable resource for students of democracy and instructors at the undergraduate and graduate levels.

Contributors: Michael E. Alvarez, Nancy Bermeo, Russell Bova, Jose Antonio Cheibub, Larry Diamond, Jorgen Elklit, Abdou Filali-Ansary, M. Steven Fish, Francis Fukuyama, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Donald L. Horowitz, Anwar Ibrahim, Terry Lynn Karl, Steven Levitsky, Arend Lijphart, Fernando Limongi, Vali Nasr, Guillermo O'Donnell, Marc F. Plattner, Adam Przeworski, Robert D. Putnam, Andrew Reynolds, Giovanni Sartori, Andreas Schedler, Philippe C. Schmitter, Amartya Sen, Alfred Stepan, Palle Svensson, Nicolas van de Walle, Lucan A. Way

While many books detail how senators and representatives operate in Washington, this one describes how they stay in power. The congressional elections of 1998 were the most expensive in history. Incumbency reelection rates were 98.3 percent in the House and 89.7 percent in the Senate, and this was a typical outcome after Watergate-era campaign reforms supposedly "reduced" the influence of money in politics. From the unique vantage of credible citizen-candidates who ran against congressional incumbents from Massachusetts to Hawaii during the 1990s, "Against Long Odds" tackles the question of why incumbents nearly always win.

These citizen-challengers learned that the system is rigged against them. Incumbents prevail through a virtual monopoly on campaign cash, lavish congressional perks, local media and business backing, intimidation of their challengers' supporters, and sometimes outright dirty tricks. This is true for Republicans and Democrats; for conservatives, moderates, and liberals alike. This account details, as no other book has, how representatives and senators are zealous participants in a system that threatens to overturn the American traditions of free elections and the free exchange of ideas. Frustrated voters often complain that, no matter which party controls Congress, nothing ever really seems to change. Merriner and Senter explain why.

Contents:
List of Illustrations. Notes on Contributors. Acknowledgements. 1. Comparisons Between an Area of Research in Germany, Great Britain and Italy A. Jobert, C. Marry, L.Tanguy 2. Education, Vocational Training and Employment in Germany C. Marry 3. Thirty Years of the Sociology of Education B. Krais 4. Relationships Between the Educational and Employment Systems M. Frackmann 5. Social Change and the Modernisation of School-to-Work Transitions W. Heinz and U. Nagel 6. The Relationship Between Education and Employment in German Industrial Sociology I. Drexel 7. Labour Market Transitions and Dynamics of Transitions in Germany K. Schomann 8. Institutions and the Market L. Tanguy and H. Rainbird 9. The Transition from School to Work and Its Heirs D. Raffe 10. Labour Market Approaches to the Study of the Relationship Between Education and (Un)employment in the UK D. Ashton 11. Is This a Way of Understanding Education-Work Relations? L. Chisholm 12. The Social Construction of Skill H. Rainbird 13. The Approaches of Economists to the Relationship Between Training and Work D. Marsden 14. Employment, Education and Training in Italy A. Jobert 15. Analysis of Research in the Sociology of Education: 1960-1990 L. Benadusi and P.Botta 16. Youth Employment and Public Action in Italy M. Giovine 17. Connections Between Collective Bargaining, Job Training and Educational Research in Italy S. Meghnagi 18. Industrial Development and Training Policies V. Capecchi 19. Socio-economic Approaches to the Labour Market P. Calzibini. Index.

The United Kingdom faces with two major federal constitutional debates. The first is about the nations which comprise the British state and hence the division of power between Westminster and regional parliaments of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The second surrounds the United Kingdom and the European Union. This text explores the British engagement with the federal idea from the early 1600s onwards, and sets contemporary discussions in context. In the past four centuries, the British have often looked to the federal idea as a possible solution to problems of the unity of the United Kingdom and of the British Empire. This period has also seen successful adoption of federalism by many countries, including Britain's former colonial possessions. John Kendle examines the break-up of the first British empire and the development of modern federalism. As well as discussing the Anglo-Irish relationship and the United Kingdom's relationship to Europe, the author focuses on other contemporary issues such as the world order, imperial federation and decolonization.

The United Kingdom faces with two major federal constitutional debates. The first is about the nations which comprise the British state and hence the division of power between Westminster and regional parliaments of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The second surrounds the United Kingdom and the European Union. This text explores the British engagement with the federal idea from the early 1600s onwards, and sets contemporary discussions in context. In the past four centuries, the British have often looked to the federal idea as a possible solution to problems of the unity of the United Kingdom and of the British Empire. This period has also seen successful adoption of federalism by many countries, including Britain's former colonial possessions. John Kendle examines the break-up of the first British empire and the development of modern federalism. As well as discussing the Anglo-Irish relationship and the United Kingdom's relationship to Europe, the author focuses on other contemporary issues such as the world order, imperial federation and decolonization.

This contributors provide a range of perspectives on the increasingly central issues of state reform, European integration and British regionalism in the 1990s. Using case material, the contributors examine: the effects of state reform and European integration on British regionalism and the devolution debate; and the nature of recent central responses to the re-emergence of regional and devolution issues, with a particular focus on the recent policies of the Major governments and the policies of the Opposition parties.
They also present some evidence which suggests that state reform and EC/EU developments have determined and accentuated important new trends in British regionalism, and underpin the plausibility of far-reaching regional and devolution reforms.

Since the late 1980s and the collapse of communist, military, and race-based regimes across the world, the euphoria over democracy's triumph has given way to the practical question of how to enhance the viability of democratic constitutional government.

That is the subject of this book, with particular attention to the following questions:
-- What are the strengths and weaknesses of the available models of democratic governance and how adaptable are they to other societies? (Joel Aberbach; Bert Rockman; Gregory S. Mahler);
-- What are the most effective mechanisms for ensuring the accountability of public officials? (Fred W. Riggs; James L. Sundquist);
-- How does legislative structure enhance or diminish the prospects for democratic stabilization? (Abdo I. Baaklini);
-- What can transitional societies learn from the experience of India, Turkey, and Russia? (T.V. Sathyamurthy; Ersin Kalaycioglu; Erik P. Hoffmann);
-- How does the need for economic adjustment impact democractic consolidation? (Diane Ethier);
-- How has globalization complicated the task of democratic state-building? (Philp G. Cerny).

Since the late 1980s and the collapse of communist, military, and race-based regimes across the world, the euphoria over democracy's triumph has given way to the practical question of how to enhance the viability of democratic constitutional government.

That is the subject of this book, with particular attention to the following questions:
-- What are the strengths and weaknesses of the available models of democratic governance and how adaptable are they to other societies? (Joel Aberbach; Bert Rockman; Gregory S. Mahler);
-- What are the most effective mechanisms for ensuring the accountability of public officials? (Fred W. Riggs; James L. Sundquist);
-- How does legislative structure enhance or diminish the prospects for democratic stabilization? (Abdo I. Baaklini);
-- What can transitional societies learn from the experience of India, Turkey, and Russia? (T.V. Sathyamurthy; Ersin Kalaycioglu; Erik P. Hoffmann);
-- How does the need for economic adjustment impact democractic consolidation? (Diane Ethier);
-- How has globalization complicated the task of democratic state-building? (Philp G. Cerny).

This series was originally published between 1920-70. The aim of the general editor, C.K. Ogden, was to summarize the most up-to-date findings and theories of historians, anthropologists, archaeologists and sociologists. This reprinted material is available as a set or in the following groupings: "Prehistory and Historical Ethnography" set of 12: 0-415-15611-4 (u800); "Greek Civilization" set of 7: 0-415-15612-2 (u450); "Roman Civilization" set of 6: 0-415-15613-0 (u400); "Eastern Civilizations" set of 10: 0-415-15614-9 (u650); "Judaeo-Christian Civilization" set of 4: 0-415-15615-7: (u250); "European Civilization" set of 11: 0-415-15616-5 (u700).

The law relating to the British constitution is both complex and far-reaching, with future reforms having an increasing effect on every person living in Britain. This book aims to promote better understanding of a complex subject and to cover administrative law and judicial review.

Football, Nationality and the State examines the complex and ever-changing relationship between football (its development and structure), nationality and the state. Divided into two parts the book first deals with the existence of more than one football nation within the same political state. Using international comparisons the authors argue that these divisions may result from football's early history and development, regional movements for independence, or the growth of a language cleavage. The second part of the book goes on to examine the structure of football as an extension, or reflection, of the structure of the state. Resulting structures include the imposition of state socialism on sport, the presence of democratic politics in the organisation of football clubs and the links between big business and football.

In A Living Constitution or Fundamental Law?, distinguished scholar Herman Belz considers the concept of constitutionalism as the subject matter of constitutional history. He argues that the study of constitutionalism should be interdisciplinary, requiring the insights and methods of history, political science, and jurisprudence. Belz illuminates the evolution of American constitutionalism across the span of American history, from the Founding to Reconstruction to the Cold War and the rise of the bureaucratic state in the 1980s.

This text explores current debates within utopian studies, feminist theory and post structuralist deconstruction. Utopian thinking is offered as a route out of the dilemma of contemporary feminism as well as a way of conceptualizing its current situation. This book provides an exploration of, and exercise in, utopian thought. Divided into three parts, part one is concerned with approaches to utopianism. The approach taken to a phenomenon or idea informs the way that phenomenon or idea will be conceptualized. Different ways of approaching utopianism are examined and challenged. The function of utopian thought, it is suggested, is profoundly transgressive; it provokes paradigm shifts in conscoiusness. By reference to debates in contemporary feminism and through an exploration of the difference between utopian and poststructuralist thought, part two illustrates that this approach is the most appropriate when conceptualizing contemporary feminism. The third part of the study incorporates a thematic discussion of feminist utopian literature.

In its propaganda, the Chinese Communist Party does not deny the value of "democracy", but it insists that democracy in China can be only "socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics". The most essential nature of such "democracy" is that it is under the single-party system and it excludes multi-party politics and competitive elections. In recent years, "Chinese democracy" has won more support because of achievements the party has made in developing economy. This raises a question: does this "efficient" authoritarian political system in China, even if it is not democratic, deserve applause because it can facilitate economic development? The party also insists that it is "democratic". But, is the party's theory of "democracy" compatible with western democracy? Since 1998, the party has organized some political reforms, such as "direct elections" for township executives, "direct elections" for township party secretaries, township party congress reform and "deliberative democracy" experiments, while maintaining single-party politics. In the party's propaganda, some of these reforms have become party achievements in improving "socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics". In addition to these four kinds of party-organized reforms, another "reform" originated from the grassroots, the participation of independent candidates in a few local people's congress elections. This book examines these five local political reforms. It demonstrates that the four reforms instigated and organized by the party were tightly controlled and manipulated by the party. Although some reform measures may possibly liberalize parts of China's political mechanism, it is highly unlikely that the four reforms will eventually lead to political democratization in China. In the fifth "reform", which was motivated from outside the bureaucratic system, the party took drastic measures to repress the political participation of grassroots power. As a result, nearly all independent candidates in the local people's congress elections failed in their attempts to gain office. The prospects for this "reform" are also poor. The book argues that all five reforms have failed and that none will lead to China's democratization in the near future. The book concludes that the party's authoritarian regime in China is by nature anti-democratic and that so-called "socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics" is not democratic.

This powerfully conceptualized book is both a rich intellectual history of two hundred years of American constitutional theory and an original philosophical inquiry into the possibility of self-government. Legitimate government in the United States means self-government. Yet Americans also believe that their government must be constrained by a Constitution that is now two hundred years old. Paul W. Kahn sees the development of constitutional theory as a continuous effort to resolve this conflict between self-government and history. Rejecting the conventional idea that constitutional thought has been shaped by political and social events, Kahn argues that the history of constitutionalism has been driven by logic, not experience. He brings this perspective to the familiar events of constitutional history, including the founding, the crisis of Dred Scott, Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, the rise of the Lochner Court, the assault of legal realism, and the rise of the countermajoritarian difficulty. Kahn describes a series of conceptual stages in constitutional history. He shows that the founders' project of constitutional construction was displaced by originalism, which was in turn displaced by the idea of an evolving constitution. The turn to community in contemporary constitutional theory, Kahn argues, represents the final step in this development. At this stage, the theory and practice of constitutional law split apart. This separation is the inevitable result of the effort to do the impossible: reconcile history and self-government. The authority of the state, Kahn concludes, is bound to history in a way that makes government by the people impossible.

Following the Renaissance, democracy was still considered a dangerous form of government. Democracy was often regarded as a fool's folly and a madman's paradise. The well-wishers of the Republican Government would have fanciful debates in intellectual circles, but paternal monarchies dominated the western and eastern world. Yet in a heroic and herculean way, a group of Anglo-Saxons, who grew up under proud monarchies, rose to dethrone the English Crown and to establish the greatest democracy in history. What theories inspired these men? Why didn't they just simply create an American King? Or better yet, make themselves kings? The answers to these questions lie in the eloquent and exact writings of great American Founders, Presidents, and Enlightened Philosophers such as: James Madison, George Clinton, Edmund Randolph, Thomas Paine, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, Patrick Henry, John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Rush, John Hancock, John Jay, Cicero, Aristotle, John Locke, Hugo Grotius, John Winthrop, Franklin Roosevelt, Abraham Lincoln, William McKinley, Ronald Reagan and more. Unlike other rulers, American rulers are bound to the law. There is no doubt that the Founding of America is an event of unparalleled greatness. This book allows the reader to share in the dreams and thoughts of these great men, in their own words, and allows the reader to draw informed conclusions that they surmise from reading the primary documents.

Conventions are fundamental to the constitutional systems of parliamentary democracies. Unlike the United States which adopted a republican form of government, with a full separation of powers, codified constitutional structures and limitations for executive and legislative institutions and actors, Britain and subsequently Canada, Australia and New Zealand have relied on conventions to perform similar functions. The rise of new political actors has disrupted the stability of the two-party system, and in seeking power the new players are challenging existing practices. Conventions that govern constitutional arrangements in Britain and New Zealand, and the executive in Canada and Australia, are changing to accommodate these and other challenges of modern governance. In Westminster democracies, constitutional conventions provide the rules for forming government; they precede law and make law-making possible. This prior and more fundamental realm of government formation and law making is shaped and structured by conventions.

The debate over European integration is a central issue in the study of contemporary Europe. This book seeks to guide the student through the most important of the integration theories and academic literature on this vital topic. The reader starts with a wide ranging introductory essay which offers an overview and analysis of the shifting terms of the debate on European integration during the post-war period. Part two provides key extracts from the seminal authors who have contributed to and fashioned this debate throughout its duration. It brings together the most important parts from the most essential and influential literature on this important topic. This reader should be of value to the growing number of students, at both undergraduate and postgraduate level, who are undertaking courses in European studies and European politics. It should be especially useful to those who require some knowledge of the origins and developments of this important issue at the centre of the debate over Europe.

The debate over European integration is a central issue in the study of contemporary Europe. This book seeks to guide the student through the most important of the integration theories and academic literature on this vital topic. The reader starts with a wide ranging introductory essay which offers an overview and analysis of the shifting terms of the debate on European integration during the post-war period. Part two provides key extracts from the seminal authors who have contributed to and fashioned this debate throughout its duration. It brings together the most important parts from the most essential and influential literature on this important topic. This reader should be of value to the growing number of students, at both undergraduate and postgraduate level, who are undertaking courses in European studies and European politics. It should be especially useful to those who require some knowledge of the origins and developments of this important issue at the centre of the debate over Europe.

This guide is intended for busy legal practitioners and all other professionals who are involved in the criminal justice system and who require quick reference to the provisions of the 1994 Act.

This guide is intended for busy legal practitioners and all other professionals who are involved in the criminal justice system and who require quick reference to the provisions of the 1994 Act.

The Politics of Envy is a fit and proper sequel to the author's previous book, The Politics of Plunder. But beyond the previous collection, Doug Bandow herein offers a theoretical rationale for the current malaise in central government in the United States. He sees the core problem as the immense increase in government spending combined with regulatory machinery that extends to every area of life - from the uses of private property, occupational choices, to issues of employment, trade, and taxation.Bandow sees these centrifugal forces as gaining ground over personal virtue and freedom without much regard to party labels. Indeed, he is at pains to point out that spending and regulation rose particularly dramatically during the previous Bush Administration; and shows few signs of abetting during the current Clinton Administration. But the work emphasizes not simply federal government initiatives to curb freedom of choice, but how this extends to sociological and ideological trends in which extremists pit the values of liberty and virtue against each other. While the book covers familiar ground; issues of abortion, environment, collective security and national defense, international debt, health and welfare, it does so with a unified theory of a morally centered approach to political questions of the times. Written with his customary verve, the book beckons to become a benchmark of libertarian thought - one that will appeal to people for whom questions of political morality remain unsettled as well as unsettling.

This study offers a broad view of the tension between state and market in the political evolution of the European Union. Contemporary developments and issues are set within the historical context of state formation. It is argued that states are invariably formed by violent conquest, or by fusion in the face of an external threat; and that markets can emerge only when the state has been established. The histories of France, Britain, The Netherlands and Germany conform to these rules, but the European Union does not, and the text explores the reasons why this is so, and its implications. The second section of the text is based on empirical research, and underpins its theoretical and historical argument with an analysis of official documents, newspaper articles and interviews with Eurocrats form the various member states. The focus is on two case studies: the Treaty of Schengen on judicial co-operation and harmonization, and the problem of EU fraud. The consequences of the Maastricht Treaty are also discussed.

European integration is the most important single issue currently facing the European Union. Underlying most of the disputes between member states is a dilemma that has faced the countries of Western Europe since the end of the last war. Being aware of their weak national positions these states have striven for ever closer cooperation in order to improve their situation. However, by becoming more closely engaged with each other they also fear the erosion of their own national positions. Paul Kapteyn's book is concerned with this dilemma, whether or not it will be overcome, and what the consequences for Europe and the wider world will be. The process of European integration is unravelled with the help of official documents, articles in newspapers and interviews with business managers, civil servants of the European Commission and of different member states including Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Two items in particular get special attention - the Treaty of Schengen on judicial cooperation and harmonization and the problem of EU fraud related to the agricultural subventions. The author also looks in detail at the consequences of the Maastricht Treaty. Paul Kapteyn places the daily quarrels and conflicts of the EU member states in context and demonstrates that they are part of an ongoing long-term process. This is a book that will enable the student more clearly to understand the complex nature of the debate over European integration and where the results of that process could lead.