When a group of young political activists met in 1944 to launch the African National Congress Youth League, it included the nuscleus of a remarkable generation of leaders who forged the struggle for freedom and equality in South Africa for the next half century: Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Jordan Ngubane, Ellen Kuzwayo, Albertina Smith, A. P. Mda, Dan Tloome, and David Bopape. It was Anton Lembede, however, whom they chose as their first president. Lembede, who had just begun practicing law in Johannesburg, was known for his sharp intellect, fiery personality, and unwavering commitment to the struggle at hand. The son of farm laborers from the district of Georgedale, Natal, Lembede had worked tirelessly to put himself through school and college, and then to qualify for the bachelor of laws degree. When he began law practice in 1943, he had also earned the respect of his fellows, not only for his intellectual achievements (which were many), but also for his dedication to the cause of freedom in South Africa. "I am", he explained, "Africa's own child". His untimely death in 1947 at the age of 33 sent a wave of grief through the Congress Youth, who had looked to him for moral as well as political leadership. With the publication of Freedom In Our Lifetime, the editors acknowledge Lembede's early contribution to the freedom movement, in particular his passionate and eloquent articulation of the African-centered philosophy he called "Africanism".

Thomas Curry argues that discussion and interpretation of the First Amendment have reached a point of deep crisis. Historical scholarship dealing with the background and interpretation of the Amendment are at an impasse, says Curry, and judicial interpretation is in a state of disarray. His purpose is to provide a new paradigm for the understanding and exploration of religious liberty. He traces much of the current difficulty to the largely unexamined assumption on the part of judges and scholars that the Amendment created a right - the right to free exercise of religion - and that the courts are the guardians of that right. In fact, however, the First Amendment is above all a limitation on government and a guarantee that the government will not impinge on the religious liberty that citizens already possess by natural right.

In 1787, a great debate raged in America over whether or not to ratify the newly-proposed Constitution. Arguing against ratification were such patriotic luminaries as Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, and George Clinton. Known as Anti-Federalists, they opposed the Constitution on the grounds that it consolidated too much power in the hands of a central governing -body-something the nation had just fought a war to escape. The Antifederalists: Men of Great Faith and Forbearance couples a wide variety of Antifederalist documents with insightful commentary to provide the first truly representative and up-to-date work on this important political group. David J. Siemers's carefully selected works and clear explanations bring out the variety among Antifederalists and the chronological development of the ratification fight. The result is a fuller portrait of the Antifederalists, ideal for students, historians, and everyone interested in America's founding period.

This book examines how inter- and intra-party coalition-building affects governability in South Korea. Focusing on the Kim Dae-jung administration (1998-2003) as a case study in the failure of a government to turn electoral success into stable governability, or ability to implement reform policies, the book's research draws on two bodies of literature which, though focusing on the same dependent variable (cabinet or government stability), have rarely been used in tandem: coalition research on parliamentary systems and studies of divided government in presidential systems. Youngmi Kim argues that a weak institutionalization of the ruling party and the party-system accounts for political instability and inefficient governability in Korea and in doing so her study makes a number of key contributions to the field. Theoretically it proposes a framework which integrates a rationalist approach with one that acknowledges the role of political culture. It further enhances the understanding of factors affecting governability after coalition-building across regime types and aims to build on recent demands for broader cross-regime analysis of minority/divided government and of the determinants of governability. This has important comparative implications as coalition-building within (semi-) presidential systems has occurred in other post-authoritarian contexts. The book finally provides a new dataset which fills a gap in a field where Western cases constitute the main focus of research. The Politics of Coalition in Korea will be of interest to students and scholars of Korean studies, Korean politics, Asian studies and Asian politics. Youngmi Kim is Assistant Professor at the Departments of Public Policy, and International Relations and European Studies at Central European University, Budapest, Hungary.

This resource uses primary documents and contextualizing essays to illuminate how America's presidents have responded to major tests of their leadership and approached their role and responsibilities in times of national crisis. Presidents hold the attention of the public like no other political actor. In addition, because of their unique role in the constitutional system, presidents often take immediate, unilateral action in the face of national emergencies. Exploring key events, crises, and disasters through the lens of presidential responsiveness, this text reveals not only the larger historical context but also the authority of presidents in meeting the "felt necessities of the time," deepening readers' understanding of those touchstone events. Comprehensive in temporal and topical scope, the book covers crises and disasters from the presidency of George Washington through Donald Trump's first two years in office. Important events covered include natural disasters, wars, assassinations, terrorist attacks, mass shootings, economic crises, riots, tragedies, and political scandals. Each event is explored through a primary document that reveals key dimensions of the presidential response to the crisis or disaster in question and contextual headnotes and essays that provide additional insights into the political, economic, and cultural contexts in which that event occurred and to which the president responded. Provides readers with an understanding of the dynamics that shaped presidential responses to crises and disasters in American history Allows readers to hear directly from presidents during times of national crisis, uncertainty, and mourning through primary documents Provides important information about the circumstances and settings in which the presidents made their statements to the American people (and the wider world) in contextual headnotes for each primary source Contextualizes the extent and limits of presidential authority and influence in times of national crisis, scandal, disaster, or tragedy in introductory essays from the author

An indispensable reference for students studying the Court Specifically written to engage high-school students, Student's Guide to the Supreme Court presents a comprehensive overview of the history, traditions, and people of the highest court in the land. This one-stop source does not require any prior knowledge of the Supreme Court and covers topics that meet national high school curriculum standards. Part One consists of three informative essays: The Supreme Court: The Weakest or the Strongest Branch? How Does the President Nominate a Supreme Court Justice? Do They Matter? How Supreme Court Decisions Affect Modern American Life. Part Two is an alphabetical section of key words and legal concepts spanning abortion to writs of mandamus. The members of the current Roberts Court-including Sonia Sotomayor-are profiled here, as are all chief justices and notable associate justices. Part Three complements the first two sections with a generous sampling of influential primary source documents, including landmark decisions, excerpts from justices' papers, political cartoons, and constitutional provisions related to the Supreme Court. Key Features Easy-to-read Aligns with high school curriculum Unique three-part format

Understand why Donald Trump's negotiations prevailed and failed. Learn from internationally recognized negotiation expert Marty Latz as he analyzes over 100 Trump negotiations and guides you through dozens of Trump's strategies, highlighting which to use and avoid. Trump's dealmaking past provides insight as to how he will negotiate with the rest of the world-and what it means for everyone's future. Trump considers himself one of the world's best negotiators. But is he? Learn how he succeeded and failed in his 50 years of negotiating deals. Then evaluate his negotiations as president. Our safety rests on his skills. Donald Trump has provided unprecedented transparency into his business negotiations. His counterparts have also not been shy (including in over 4,000 lawsuits). We know what he did. Trump Tower. Taj Mahal. The Apprentice. President Trump has also now negotiated with Congress and the world. Does this require different strategies? Find out how to use his effective strategies-and avoid his counterproductive ones. That one new tactic you gain may make the difference between walking away a winner and leaving empty-handed. Learn the Reality of Trump's Negotiations through: Over 100 Trump negotiations - plus many more strategies Trump's Top Ten Business Negotiation Strategies, including: o His win-lose mindset o Threats in Trump's world o Trump's business bullying His counterparts' views Comparisons to masterful negotiations involving: o James Madison o John F. Kennedy o Lyndon B. Johnson o Ronald Reagan o George H.W. Bush Expert analysis of his negotiations with o Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto about the border wall o Congress to repeal and replace Obamacare

Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to the real national zoo

As Aristotle said, "Man is a political animal." Talk radio sensation and New York Times best-selling author Michael Savage is afraid that the ancient philosopher was all too right, and in ways he never could have imagined. In Savage's funniest, most biting book yet, the nation's fiercest independent thinker invites you to take a riotous tour through The Political Zoo--an outrageous look at today's most prominent politicos and pundits as the reptiles, rats, and birds of prey they most resemble.

Animal by animal and cage by cage, Savage brandishes his irreverent wit to keep these beasts in check. Serving as resident biologist and zookeeper, Dr. Savage asks that you watch your step when approaching the widemouth copperhead Ted Turner (also known as Mouthus desouthus), do not feed the ego of stuffed turkey Alec Baldwin (Notalentus anti-americanus), and please keep your children with you at all times around wolf boy Bill Clinton (Fondlem undgropeum).

"The world of politics is filled with uncivilized, snarling, rapacious beasts that, like untrained mutts, raise their legs and urinate on everything we hold dear," says Savage. And this sensational book is your guide for navigating the jungle of today's animal-political kingdom.

For too long Belgium remained an unexplored terrain by comparative political scientists. Belgium's politics were best known through the writings of Arend Lijphart, who considered it a model case of consociationalism. Over the past ten to fifteen years, the analysis of consociationalism has been complemented by a more detailed coverage of Belgium's spectacular transformation process from a unitary into a federal state, moving rapidly now to disintegration. Likewise, several peculiar aspects of Belgian politics, such as the record fragmentation of its party system, have been covered in edited volumes or international journals. However, given the complexity of the Belgian configuration of political institutions and actors, any inclusion of particular aspects of the Belgian case in comparative work calls for an in depth and integrated understanding of the broader political system. This is the first book which provides such an analysis. It brings together a team of 19 political scientists and sociologists who aim to explain the dynamics and incentives of institutional change and seek to analyze the intricate interplay between the main institutional components of the Belgian body politic. The sociological, political and institutional determinants and the consequences of the "federalisation" process of Belgium is the central theme that links each of the individual chapters. This book will be essential reading for students who want to understand the politics of Belgium and for anyone with a strong interest in West European Politics, comparative politics and comparative federalism. This book was published as a special issue of West European Politics.

In this illuminating examination of the Obama presidency, the contributors describe the policy directions followed, and the administration's level of success in achieving its objectives. Throughout the Obama administration, efforts were intended to alleviate the worst of the economic stress facing the nation, move the president closer to the center of the American political spectrum, and prepare for the upcoming reelection campaign, to be fought primarily on the same issues as the earlier one. The contributors present an analysis of the motivations and political thinking underlying the administration's action along with assessments of the policy consequences of the issue agenda favored and the public's reaction. The Obama Presidency is an in-depth account of one of the most intriguing and important presidencies at a time of economic crisis that goes a long way in explaining the policy decisions made and their political consequences, as well as the choices facing a nation in transition.

How important is presidential personality and leadership style in foreign policy decisions? To answer this question, Thomas Preston takes readers inside the Bush administration's decision-making process and use of intelligence to better understand how administration officials justified the Iraq War-and how they sought to avoid blame for the consequences of their actions. Based on extensive interviews with key Bush administration officials, Preston offers students of American foreign policy, presidential decision making, the dynamics of blame avoidance, and future practitioners with an in depth examination of how presidential personality and leadership style impacted Bush's central foreign policy failure. In addition, Preston looks critically at the oft-cited comparisons of Iraq to Lyndon Johnson's leadership during the Vietnam War, exploring where the analogy fits and a number of important differences. He shows how both presidents' styles exacerbated their managerial weaknesses in these cases and the limits of blame avoidance strategies. The book provides a cautionary tale for future leaders to consider more carefully the long-term consequences of satisfying their short term policy desires by lifting the lid to any new Pandora's trap.

This book explains how states informally regulate drug markets in Latin America. It shows how and why state actors, specifically police and politicians, confront, negotiate with, or protect drug dealers to extract illicit rents or prevent criminal violence. The book highlights how, in countries with weak institutions, police act as interlocutors between criminals and politicians. It shows that whether and how politicians control their police forces explains the prevalence of different informal regulatory arrangements to control drug markets. Using detailed case studies built on 180 interviews in four cities in Argentina and Brazil, the book reconstructs how these informal regulatory arrangements emerged and changed over time.

A Different Perspective on the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act provides a brief history of health insurance within the United States, offering an accessible perspective on the highly contentious Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA). This book traces the political and financial conditions that led to the enactment of the Affordable Care Act. Thoroughly researched, A Different Perspective on the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act details the drastic increase of health care expenditures in both state legislatures and the federal government, the fiscal strain experienced throughout the nation, and the main objectives of President Barack Obama s 2010 healthcare reform plan.

With the publication of volumes 21 and 22, Johns Hopkins University Press completes the Documentary History of the First Federal Congress, 1789-1791, a comprehensive edition that presents the official records (volumes 1-8) and the unofficially reported debates (volumes 9-14) of this essential congress, as well as eight volumes of correspondence. These letters and other documents bring the official record to life, illustrating the often informal political negotiations of a young nation's earliest leaders and revealing the world they lived in. Volume 21 begins with a section describing the move to Philadelphia's Congress Hall. Third Session correspondence, arranged chronologically from November 1790 to March 1791, when Congress officially concluded its business, follows. Several key and potentially divisive issues-including a national bank, a tax on domestically produced spirits, and the final location of the permanent seat of the federal government-occupied the time and attention of Congress during this short session. In addition, reports of a successful attack on US troops by Native Americans in the Northwest Territory were the impetus for moves to increase the size of the military while continuing to negotiate with the Indian nations. Volume 22 is unique among the correspondence volumes in that it is topical. It begins with a section of firsthand accounts about Congress that were written after it adjourned, some as late as the 1840s. This is followed by sections of documents relating to the 1790 Treaty of New York with the Creek Nation and its aftermath, as well as the experience of FFC incumbents during the second federal election. The final section includes letters and other documents dated 1789 to 1791 that the editors discovered after the publication of the volume in which they would have otherwise appeared. The documents gathered here include selections from a book of poems by Representatives Thomas Tudor Tucker and John Page, and Page's wife, Margaret Lowther, as well as listings from the New York Society Library's ledger that recorded book loans to members in 1789 and 1790, when Congress met in New York City's Federal Hall. The final volume concludes with an extensive editorial apparatus, including the biographical gazetteer and index for the two-volume set. This extensive index continues the editors' policy of indexing all concepts to provide intellectual access.

The United States Constitution and Bill of Rights (1787-1789) is a foundational document of American democracy. Written by delegates attending the Constitutional Convention, a gathering intended to revise the system of government established under the Articles of Confederation, The Constitution of the United States was ratified in 1788 before becoming effecting in 1789. Nearly two and a half centuries old, it is the oldest continually enforced national constitution in the world. The United States Bill of Rights, containing the first ten amendments to the Constitution, was ratified in 1791, codifying into law the essential individual rights and freedoms of Americans, setting limitations on government power, and diverting powers not specifically granted to Congress to the states and citizens. "We the People." Beginning with these words affirming the democratic aspirations of the nation, The Constitution of the United States defines the foundational organization and function of the federal government. Despite being amended 27 times since its ratification and enforcement, The Constitution of the United States is seen as essential to the American system of government and political representation. Based on several earlier documents, including the Virginia Declaration of Rights (1776) and the English Magna Carta (1215), The United States Bill of Rights adds to the original Constitution-which focuses primarily on the organization and function of the federal government-certain protections and specifications targeting the rights of individual Americans, important safeguards determining the reach of the federal government and ensuring the states and the people are proportionately empowered. The First Amendment, perhaps the most recognizable, guarantees freedom of religion, speech, press, and assembly, as well as the right of every citizen to petition the government without fear of reprisal or punishment. With a beautifully designed cover and professionally typeset manuscript, this edition of The United States Constitution and Bill of Rights is a classic of American political history reimagined for modern readers.

Civilization and Self-Government is the first systematic attempt to explicitly articulate the key elements of Carlo Cattaneo's pioneering attempt to advance freedom and self-government in nineteenth-century Europe. His public science combined two elements that constitute the two parts of this book: the study of incivilimento, and the art and science of self-governance. Cattaneo argued that people have to learn the arts of incivilimento before they can practice self-governance. Though a distinguishing feature of Italian political thought has been to stress the multiform nature of political rule, it was Cattaneo who first showed that it was possible, through a federal commercial republic, to harmonize and foster liberty, equality, and heterogeneity. Characteristically, he envisioned a federal commercial republic for Europe as well. Cattaneo's ideas recast, enrich, and broaden knowledge of the history of European thought beyond that generally available in English and French.This book reveals a strong affinity between Cattaneo's and Tocqueville's spirit and vision.

A firestorm of controversy developed when Michael Newdow challenged the constitutionality of the phrase "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance. In order to understand the legal issues and the public reaction, One Nation Under God? explores the history of the government's references to God in our national motto, on coins, and in other governmental announcements, along with a history of the Pledge of Allegiance. The book discusses the setting of American "civil religion" and other aspects of American culture and then delves into the background of the Constitution and the Supreme Court's Establishment Clause rulings needed to understand the courts' rulings on such governmental uses of "God." State and federal cases on "In God We Trust" and "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance and other references to God are also explored. Finally, a new rationale for accepting these pronouncements as constitutional is presented.

"By the time of Barack Obama's inauguration as the 44th president of the United States, he had already developed an ambitious foreign policy vision. By his own account, he sought to bend the arc of history toward greater justice, freedom, and peace; within a year he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, largely for that promise. In Bending History, Martin Indyk, Kenneth Lieberthal, and Michael O'Hanlon measure Obama not only against the record of his predecessors and the immediate challenges of the day, but also against his own soaring rhetoric and inspiring goals. Bending History assesses the considerable accomplishments as well as the failures and seeks to explain what has happened. Obama's best work has been on major and pressing foreign policy challenges-counterterrorism policy, including the daring raid that eliminated Osama bin Laden; the ""reset"" with Russia; managing the increasingly significant relationship with China; and handling the rogue states of Iran and North Korea. Policy on resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, however, has reflected serious flaws in both strategy and execution. Afghanistan policy has been plagued by inconsistent messaging and teamwork. On important ""softer"" security issues-from energy and climate policy to problems in Africa and Mexico-the record is mixed. As for his early aspiration to reshape the international order, according greater roles and responsibilities to rising powers, Obama's efforts have been well-conceived but of limited effectiveness. On issues of secondary importance, Obama has been disciplined in avoiding fruitless disputes (as with Chavez in Venezuela and Castro in Cuba) and insisting that others take the lead (as with Qaddafi in Libya). Notwithstanding several missteps, he has generally managed well the complex challenges of the Arab awakenings, striving to strike the right balance between U.S. values and interests. The authors see Obama's foreign policy to date as a triumph of discipline and realism over ideology. He has been neither the transformative beacon his devotees have wanted, nor the weak apologist for America that his critics allege. They conclude that his grand strategy for promoting American interests in a tumultuous world may only now be emerging, and may yet be curtailed by conflict with Iran. Most of all, they argue that he or his successor will have to embrace U.S. economic renewal as the core foreign policy and national security challenge of the future. "

The 2012 Republican nomination process went on longer than most pundits predicted early on. While Mitt Romney began the season as the prohibitive favorite, he was tested repeatedly by what was seemingly the Republican flavor of the week (including Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Perry, Newt Gingrich, and Rick Santorum). The sheer number of candidates who were viewed as legitimate contenders demonstrate the fundamental concern facing Republicans moving forward: a fractured party. The pro-business, Tea Party, and evangelical Christian wings disagreed in 2010 on who would provide the best alternative to Democratic President Barack Obama and as a result created a crippling nomination period. By the time Romney was able to claim victory, he was severely wounded after countless attacks from his fellow Republicans. To this internal discontent, we can also add the changing national demographics that could lead to electoral problems for Republicans in their own right. Consider that Mitt Romney did better with older, white male voters than John McCain had. Unfortunately, the share of the national vote for this demographic decreased from 2008 to 2012. As Rand Paul stated recently, the time has come for Republicans to reach out to individuals who do not fit the stereotyped Republican image if they have any hope of being successful. In this volume, we assess how the 2012 GOP nomination cycle is indicative of just how the Republican Party has become, in the words of pundit Cuck Warren, a "Mad Men Party in a Modern Family World."

The discrepancy between the fourteenth amendment's true meaning as originally understood, and the Supreme Court's interpretation of its meaning over time, has been dramatic and unfortunate. The amendment was intended to be a constitutional rule for the promotion and protection of people's rights, administered by the states as front-line regulators of life, liberty, and property, to be overseen by Congress and supported by federal legislation as necessary. In this book, William B. Glidden makes the case that instead, the amendment has operated as a judge-dominated, negative rights-against-government regime, supervised by the Supreme Court. Whenever Congress has enacted legislation to protect life, liberty, or property rights of people in the states, the laws were often overturned, narrowly construed, or forced to rely on the power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce, under the Supreme Court's constraining interpretations. Glidden proposes that Congress must recover for itself or be restored to its proper role as the designated federal enforcement agency for the fourteenth amendment.

The Brazilian State: Debate and Agenda is part of the Bildner Western Hemisphere Studies Series. This book is a collection of 16 essays from the conference "The Brazilian State: Paths and Prospects of Dirigisme and Liberalization" held at The Graduate Center, City University of New York in November 2009. The Brazilian State explores the changing roles, relations with society, and overall impact of the contemporary Brazilian State, including, the newly elected Dilma Rousseff. Collectively, the papers explore state reform, institutional development, policy effectiveness, and economic dynamics since the 1930s.

In its propaganda, the Chinese Communist Party does not deny the value of "democracy", but it insists that democracy in China can be only "socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics". The most essential nature of such "democracy" is that it is under the single-party system and it excludes multi-party politics and competitive elections. In recent years, "Chinese democracy" has won more support because of achievements the party has made in developing economy. This raises a question: does this "efficient" authoritarian political system in China, even if it is not democratic, deserve applause because it can facilitate economic development? The party also insists that it is "democratic". But, is the party's theory of "democracy" compatible with western democracy? Since 1998, the party has organized some political reforms, such as "direct elections" for township executives, "direct elections" for township party secretaries, township party congress reform and "deliberative democracy" experiments, while maintaining single-party politics. In the party's propaganda, some of these reforms have become party achievements in improving "socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics". In addition to these four kinds of party-organized reforms, another "reform" originated from the grassroots, the participation of independent candidates in a few local people's congress elections. This book examines these five local political reforms. It demonstrates that the four reforms instigated and organized by the party were tightly controlled and manipulated by the party. Although some reform measures may possibly liberalize parts of China's political mechanism, it is highly unlikely that the four reforms will eventually lead to political democratization in China. In the fifth "reform", which was motivated from outside the bureaucratic system, the party took drastic measures to repress the political participation of grassroots power. As a result, nearly all independent candidates in the local people's congress elections failed in their attempts to gain office. The prospects for this "reform" are also poor. The book argues that all five reforms have failed and that none will lead to China's democratization in the near future. The book concludes that the party's authoritarian regime in China is by nature anti-democratic and that so-called "socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics" is not democratic.

In American Constitutionalism, Third Edition, renowned authors Howard Gillman, Mark A. Graber, and Keith E. Whittington offer an innovative approach to the two-semester Constitutional Law sequence (Volume 1 covers Institutions and Volume II covers Rights and Liberties) that presents the material in a historical organization within each volume, as opposed to the typical issues-based organization. Looking at Supreme Court decisions historically provides an opportunity for instructors to teach-and for students to reflect on-the political factions and climate of the day. The third edition has been updated through the 2020 SCOTUS session, and features updated cases, analysis, illustrations, and figures.

Presidential campaigns are our national conversations - the widespread and complex communication of issues, images, social reality, and personas. Political communication specialists break down the 2012 presidential campaign and go beyond the quantitative facts, electoral counts, and poll results of the election, to make sense of the "political bits" of communication that comprise our voting choices. The contributors look at the early campaign period, the nomination process and conventions, the social and political contexts, the debates, the role of candidate spouses, candidate strategies, political strategies, and the use of the Internet and other technologies.

An Introduction to Political Science in Nigeria attempts to fill the void in the literature for undergraduate and graduate students in the Third World, particularly Nigeria, that are studying the arts, humanities, social sciences, education, and law. Primarily intended for introductory courses in political science and, specifically, Nigerian government, the material covers such areas as the foundations of political science, key concepts of political thought, political systems, citizenship, world order, and politics.