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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Constitution, government & the state
In January of 1999, the arrest of Wen Ho Lee, the Los Alamos scientist who was falsely accused under a cloud of suspicion of espionage by the U.S. government and imprisoned without trial, sparked controversy throughout the country. It triggered concern for national security, debate about racial profiling and media distortion, and outrage over a return to McCarthy-era paranoia. Throughout the ordeal, Wen Ho Lee quietly and steadfastly maintained his innocence. Now he tells his story. This compelling narrative takes readers inside Los Alamos, revealing how violations of national security were ubiquitous throughout the weapons lab. Dr. Lee describes how the FBI infiltrated his private life -- spying on him for nearly two decades. He relates his own anti-Communist stance, the results of tragic events from his past, and explains how he even assisted the FBI, protecting nuclear secrets. He details his brutal treatment in jail, and how such treatment, without factual justification, is protected under U.S. law. Finally Dr. Lee explains why he downloaded codes, demonstrating once and for all that he was innocent of every charge leveled against him except for one simple procedure common throughout the lab. A riveting story about prejudice, fear, suspicion -- and courage -- My Country Versus Me offers at last a clear and truthful account of one of the great miscarriages of justice of our time.
An analysis of selective aspects of India's constitutional identity, this book provides an analytical account of the changing and changed texture of India's constitutional identity bearing in mind the historical context in which it is articulated. The book conceptualizes the gradual evolution of an idea by tracing the history of India's constitutionalism with reference to its conceptual roots, historical antecedents and the landmark judicial pronouncements in which the concern for its retention and protection is always privileged. The author examines specific constitutional designs that the 1950 Constitution of India put in place and argues that constitutional identity, despite being drawn on specific constitutional provisions, is also changeable in view of the rapidly transforming socio-economic milieu. He demonstrates that there are numerous instances where India's constitutional identity has undergone a metamorphosis in circumstances where newer politico-ideological values and norms are privileged. A valuable addition to the literature on constitutionalism and constitutional practices in general and their manifestation in India's democratic experiences, in particular, this book will be of interest to academics in the fields of Government, Political Science, Law and Jurisprudence, Constitutional and Legal History and Asian Studies.
Lyndon Johnson invaded the Dominican Republic. Richard Nixon sponsored a coup attempt in Chile. Ronald Reagan waged covert warfare in Nicaragua. Nearly a dozen times during the Cold War, American presidents turned their attention from standoffs with the Soviet Union to intervene in Latin American affairs. In each instance, it was declared that the security of the United States was at stake--but, as Michael Grow demonstrates, these actions had more to do with flexing presidential muscle than responding to imminent danger. From Eisenhower's toppling of Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954 to Bush's overthrow of Noriega in Panama in 1989, Grow casts a close eye on eight major cases of U.S. intervention in the Western Hemisphere, offering fresh interpretations of why they occurred and what they signified. The case studies also include the Bay of Pigs fiasco, Reagan's invasion of Grenada in 1983, and JFK's little-known 1963 intervention against the government of Cheddi Jagan in British Guiana. Grow argues that it was not threats to U.S. national security or endangered economic interests that were decisive in prompting presidents to launch these interventions. Rather, each intervention was part of a symbolic geopolitical chess match in which the White House sought to project an image of overpowering strength to audiences at home and abroad--in order to preserve both national and presidential credibility. As Grow also reveals, that impulse was routinely reinforced by local Latin American elites--such as Chilean businessmen or opposition Panamanian politicians-who actively promoted intervention in their own self-interest. LBJ's loud lament--"What can we do in Vietnam if we can't clean up the Dominican Republic?"--reflected just how preoccupied our presidents were with proving that the U.S. was no paper tiger and that they themselves were fearless and forceful leaders. Meticulously argued and provocative, Grow's bold reinterpretation of Cold War history shows that this special preoccupation with credibility was at the very core of our presidents' approach to foreign relations, especially those involving our Latin American neighbors.
This collection of essays from varying perspectives, The Zuma Administration: Critical Challenges rigorously engages with the issues facing the new South African government. The contributors provide a view into the future and explore the responsibilities that the Zuma administration must take on. The monograph seeks to stimulate debate and thinking, to challenge entrenched views and perceptions and to break new ground. Interpreting the dynamics since the birth of democracy in South Africa in1994, through the era of the Mbeki administration and the transition to the Zuma administration, it provides fresh perspectives on the questions of land reform, rural development, service delivery, intergovernmental relations, and poverty reduction in South Africa. Steering clear of biography, the title deals with the micro-mechanics of governance. It is written for policy-makers, scholars in the field of administration and governance and everyone with an interest in the political economy and public administration of South Africa. The issues that this book deals with are high on the research agenda of the Human Sciences Research Council's Democracy and Governance research programme and are in line with its pursuit of informing policy development in South Africa.
This volume of original essays, by some of Israel's most remarkable public and academic voices, offers a series of state-of-the art, accessible analyses of Israel's ever-evolving theater of statecraft, public debates, and legal and cultural dramas, its deep divisions and--more surprisingly, perhaps--its internal affinities and common denominators. Contributors: Fania Oz-Salzberger, Yedidia Z. Stern, Ayman K. Agbaria, Aviad Bakshi, Ariel L. Bendor, Ruth Gavison, Michael M. Karayanni, David Passig, Avi Sagi, Gideon Sapir, Anita Shapira, Daniel Statman, Gadi Taub, Shira Wolosky, Alexander Yakobson, Yaffa Zilbershats.
This volume probes the intersections between the fields of social movements and nonviolent resistance. Bringing together a range of studies focusing on protest movements around the world, it explores the overlaps and divergences between the two research concentrations, considering the dimensions of nonviolent strategies in repressive states, the means of studying them, and conditions of success of nonviolent resistance in differing state systems. In setting a new research agenda, it will appeal to scholars in sociology and political science who study social movements and nonviolent protest.
A pioneering historical analysis of the state from a sociological perspective which focuses on the changing nature of political power and the groups who wielded this power. One of his key insights is the distinction between the economic and the political means of acquiring wealth. This is the 1914 book that started it all in the 20th century, the book that kicked off a century of anti-state, pro-property writing. This was the prototype for Nock's writing, for Chodorov's work, and even the theoretical edifice that later became Rothbardianism. Indeed, Franz Oppenheimer wrote what remains one of the most bracing and stimulating volumes in the history of political philosophy. The author sought to overthrow centuries of fallacious thinking on the subject of the state's origin, nature, and purpose, put its it place a view of the state that constitutes a foundational attack on the structure of modern society. He utterly demolishes the social-contract view of the state as it had been advanced by most thinkers since the Enlightenment. He seeks to replace that view with a realistic assessment of the state, one that can only make anyone with statist leanings squirm: he sees the state as composed of a victorious group of bandits who rule over the defeated group with the purpose of domination and exploitation. It achieves its status through a form of conquest, secures its power through relentless aggression, and sees its main function is to secure its status and power. Consider that when this book was written such views were a scandal, especially in Germany. Oppenheimer, who was a medical doctor who became a professor of sociology, suffered terribly for his libertarian views. Then this book appeared, which stunned even his most vociferous critics with its analytical rigor, historical sweep, and steely resolve. The book has since appeared in more than a dozen languages. In a world that cared about ideas, this would be required reading in political philosophy. From an economic point view, his analysis holds up even where his language about capitalism and socialism can be somewhat confused. In fact, it was Rothbard's own work that took Oppenheimer's theory and fit it into a free-market framework. But to fully understand the state theory behind modern Austro-libertarian thinking, this work is indispensable.
In this book, Michael J. C. Taylor outlines an intellectual history of the six essential phrases of the Preamble of the U.S. Constitution. These phrases convey what the essential goals and purposes of the Constitution are, and this book's essential mission is to discern both the original intent of the Framers, as well as the Enlightenment legacy they left to us. This book examines the writings of the Framers, as well as the various works that inspired their ideas and the abstract concepts they studied.
This title was first published in 1997: This is the definitive English translation of the new Russian Civil Code (Parts 1 and 2), often referred to as "the second Russian Constitution". The Civil Code of the Russian Federation is the result of a collaborative effort of a leading United States expert on Russian law and of the staff of the Private Law Research Center attached to the Office of the President of the Russian Federation -- the Center that had primary responsibility for drafting the new Civil Code. The authoritative introduction, complete table of contents. and comprehensive index combine to set this work far beyond the utility of any existing translations of the Civil Code. It will be a must-have resource for government, law and international business collections.
This collection of essays aims to address the changing constitutional framework of the European Union, and some of the changing patterns of governance within this complex polity. The primary aim of the book is to examine the apparent and gradual shift in the paradigm of European governance from one emphasizing the importance of uniformity and harmonization to one which embraces a substantial degree of flexibility and differentiation. The chapters range from broad, theoretical reflection on the constitutional implications of differentiation and flexibility for the European polity, to more focused case studies which examine various forms of closer co-operation, variable geometry and flexibility existing in specific policy areas. Some of the contributions interrogate the extent to which there has actually been any significant change of paradigm, and others explore the many different meanings and instances of flexibility which have emerged. Overall, in presenting a variety of perspectives
As America's leading expert on the Presidency and an adviser to presidents from Harry S Truman to Bill Clinton, Richard E. Neustadt was ""the most penetrating analyst of power since Machiavelli,"" as Guardian of the Presidency makes clear. In this inspirational book, Neustadt's former colleagues and students celebrate the rich and diverse contributions he made to political and academic life in the United States and beyond. JFK confidant Ted Sorensen, the late historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Harrison Wellford, formerly of the Office of Management and Budget, and Matthew Dickinson focus on his role as a White House adviser. Newsweek's Jonathan Alter highlights Neustadt's ability to interpret the Presidency for the outside world. Fellow scholars Ernest May, Charles O. Jones, Harvey Fineberg, and Graham Allison analyze his legacy as an educator and founding director of Harvard's Institute of Politics. Anthony King (Britain at the Polls) and Eric Redman (The Dance of Legislation) discuss his work in the United Kingdom and Brazil. Former Vice President Al Gore offers an appreciation of Neustadt's influence on generations of students. The book concludes with Elizabeth Neustadt's personal reflections about her father.
Sudan and South Sudan have suffered from repeated cycles of conflict and authoritarianism resulting in serious human rights and humanitarian law violations. Several efforts, such as the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement and transitional justice initiatives have recognized that the failure to develop a stable political and legal order is at the heart of Sudan's governance problems. Following South Sudan's independence in 2011, parallel constitutional review processes are under way that have prompted intense debates about core issues of Sudan's identity, governance and rule of law, human rights protection and the relationship between religion and the State. This book provides an in-depth study of Sudan's constitutional history and current debates with a view to identifying critical factors that would enable Sudan and South Sudan to overcome the apparent failure to agree on and implement a stable order conducive to sustainable peace and human rights protection. It examines relevant processes against the broader (constitutional) history of Sudan and identifies the building blocks for constitutional reforms through a detailed analysis of Sudanese law and politics. The book addresses constitutionalism and constitutional rights protection in their political, legal and institutional context in Sudan and South Sudan, and the repercussions of the relationship between state and religion for the right to freedom of religion, minority rights and women's rights.
Jeffrey E. Cohen asks why U.S. presidents send to Congress the legislative proposals that they do and what Congress does with those proposals. His study covers nearly the entire history of the presidency, from 1789 to 2002. The long historical scope allows Cohen to engage competing perspectives on how the presidency has developed over time. He asks what accounts for the short- and long-term trends in presidential requests to Congress, what substantive policies and issues recommendations are concerned with, and what factors affect the presidential decision to submit a recommendation on a particular issue. The President's Legislative Policy Agenda, 1789 2002 argues that presidents often anticipate the Congressional reaction to their legislative proposals and modify their agendas accordingly."
This book traces the roots of modern-day Kashmir and the role of Sheikh Abdullah in its making. As the most influential political figurehead in twentieth-century Kashmir, he played a crucial role in its transformation from a kingdom to a state in independent India. He was enigmatic and complex, to say the least. Following his meteoric rise, he dominated the political scene for more than 50 years, with enduring impact. The volume presents a keen analysis of pre-Independence events which led to the emergence of a controversial and confused identity of the region. It also looks at other major themes in the political life of Kashmir, including the formation of the Muslim Conference, the plebiscite movement and the Kashmir Accord. A major intervention in the political life of South Asia, this book presents an inside-view of the history of modern Kashmir through the life and times of Sheikh Abdullah. It will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of politics, history, and modern South Asia.
Political realism has recently moved to the centre of debates in contemporary political theory. In this monograph, Matt Sleat presents the first comprehensive overview of the resurgence of interest in realist political theory and develops a unique and original defence of liberal politics in realist terms. Through explorations of the work of a diverse range of thinkers, including Bernard Williams, John Rawls, Raymond Geuss, Judith Shklar, John Gray, Carl Schmitt and Max Weber, the author advances a theory of liberal realism that is consistent with the realist emphasis on disagreement and conflict yet still recognisably liberal in its concern with respecting individuals' freedom and constraining political power. The result is a unique contribution to the ongoing debates surrounding realism and an original and timely re-imagining of liberal theory for the twenty-first century. This provocative work will be of interest to students and all concerned with the possibility of realising liberalism and its moral aspirations in today's world. -- .
Federalism-the division of authority between the states and the federal government-ranks among the most important and lasting political and constitutional contributions of the American founders. Since the founding, however, Americans have engaged in a perpetual argument over federalism's proper structure and function. Arranged thematically and covering the entire span of American history, Debating Federalism: From the Founding to Today provides readers with the sources necessary to trace and understand this perennial debate. By examining the theoretical, polemical, political arguments as well as landmark Supreme Court cases, this collection reveals the continuing relevance and contentiousness of federalism in the American constitutional order.
Federalism-the division of authority between the states and the federal government-ranks among the most important and lasting political and constitutional contributions of the American founders. Since the founding, however, Americans have engaged in a perpetual argument over federalism's proper structure and function. Arranged thematically and covering the entire span of American history, Debating Federalism: From the Founding to Today provides readers with the sources necessary to trace and understand this perennial debate. By examining the theoretical, polemical, political arguments as well as landmark Supreme Court cases, this collection reveals the continuing relevance and contentiousness of federalism in the American constitutional order.
The Reformer John Calvin has influenced America in a formative way. Calvin remains respected as a theologian to whose work intellectuals on both the right and left appeal. In the nineteen-nineties, Evangelicals and Catholics Together (ECT) formed a politically influential ecumenical coalition to oppose abortion and change the culture. Its ecumenism of the trenches influenced the administration of George W. Bush and continues to influence religious elements in the Tea Party. Evangelicals in the coalition presume to speak for Calvin. This book provides a counter argument. Calvin rejects the ethics advocated by ECT, an ethics of individual virtue, conscience and natural right. Instead, he affirms an ethics of obedience to the authority of secular government as an institution with a divinely ordained mandate. This work considers the following themes in Calvin: *Calvin on Faith. Modern and postmodern philosophical approaches, including Reformed epistemology, do not explain how Calvin understood faith. Faith is divine activity. Belief is human activity. Faith is not a belief system or worldview on which to base a political theology. The author provides four Augustinian theses about Calvin on faith *Calvin on Sanctification. Calvin rejected virtue ethics or an ethics of individual conscience. His ethics require self-denial and service. An important requirement of his ethics is obedience to government. The author provides three theses about Calvin on sanctification, as a critique of attempts to revive virtue ethics. *Calvin on Natural Law. Calvin's doctrine of natural law is one of the most vexed issues in Calvin studies. The author provides five theses to clarify Calvin's doctrine of natural law. For Calvin, secular government transcends the authority of conscience, and Christians in conscience are required to obey it. In conclusion, the author discusses Karl Barth's interpretation of Calvin and its relevance for the church struggle against the Third Reich. Based on his analysis of Calvin, he provides a defense of gay marriage and the right to terminate a pregnancy, as well as an analysis of religious freedom. Calvin would reject ECT's theology of virtue, conscience and natural law. But he would affirm its ecumenism as a possible path out of culture war.
The Founding Fathers wrote the Constitution at a level sufficiently general to guide lawmaking while avoiding great detail. This four-page document has guided the United States of America for more than two centuries. The Supreme Court has parsed the document into clauses, which plaintiffs and defendants invoke in cases or controversies before the Court. Some, like the Interstate Commerce Clause, are central to the survival of a government of multiple sovereignties. The practice of observing case precedents allows orderly development of the law and consistent direction to the lower courts. The Court itself claimed the final power of judicial review, despite efforts to the contrary by the executive and legislative branches of the national government and the state supreme courts. The Court then limited its own awesome power through a series of self-imposed rules of justiciability. These rules set the conditions under which the Court may exercise the extraordinary final power of judicial review. Some of these self-imposed limits are prudential, some logical, and some inviting periodic revision. This book examines the detailed unfolding of several Constitutional clauses and the rules of justiciability. For each clause and each rule of justiciability, the book begins with the brilliant foundations laid by Chief Justice John Marshall, then to the anti-Federalist era, the Civil War, the dominance of laissez faire and social Darwinism, the Great Depression redirection, the civil rights era, and finally the often-hapless efforts of Chief Justice Rehnquist.
Unlike texts that overwhelm with irrelevant details, Kollman gives students a simple framework, consistently applied: politics is about collective dilemmas and the institutions that solve them. How can 535 members of Congress get anything done? The committee system. How can the president change immigration policy? Executive orders. How do we get people to the polls? Voter mobilization strategies. Kollman's concise text gets to the conceptual heart of political science.
She has a plan! Get informed about the policies of Massachusetts Senator turned presidential candidate Elizabeth Warren. This concise guide will help you decide quickly if Warren deserves your vote for the Democratic nomination and to take on Donald Trump. Warren's strong economic background sets her apart; the senator from Massachusetts defines herself as a capitalist first and seeks to make capitalism more equitable for all. She has already proposed sweeping anti-corruption reforms, refused PAC donations to her campaign, rolled out plans for college debt forgiveness and a tax on the super wealthy. Her background as a Harvard economist, author of The Two-Income Trap, and experience as an economic advisor to Barack Obama positions her well to make change happen. Warren's campaign also features popular Democratic talking points--rebuilding the middle class, ending corruption in Washington, making voting laws more democratic, bringing our troops home and stopping endless war--but it's her experience that sets her apart. From working the campaign trial for Hillary Clinton to weathering President Trump's refrain of "Pocahontas" in reference to her claimed Native American heritage, Meet the Candidates 2020: Elizabeth Warren: A Voter's Guide is your complete handbook to Elizabeth Warren's resume, campaign, and what America would look like if she won the presidency in 2020. The Meet the Candidates 2020 series is the informed voter's guide to making a decision in the 2020 Democratic primary and presidential election. Each book gives an unbiased, political insider's analysis of each contender, featuring: candidate interviews; an introduction by campaign advisor, Democratic Coalition co-founder, and Dworkin Report host Scott Dworkin; and compilation and writing by Occupy Democrats Editor at Large Grant Stern. In two hours of reading, you'll understand their defining characteristics, credentials, campaign issues, challenges, presidential chances, and everything else you need to know to decide who should challenge Donald Trump. Whether it's for Elizabeth Warren, Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Kamala Harris, Julian Castro, Cory Booker, or another, Meet the Candidates is what you need to make an informed vote for president in 2020.
Rome's once independent Italian allies became communities of a new Roman territorial state after the Social War of 91-87 BC. Edward Bispham examines how the transition from independence to subordination was managed, and how, between the opposing tensions of local particularism, competing traditions and identities, aspirations for integration, cultural change, and indifference from Roman central authorities, something new and dynamic appeared in the jaded world of the late Republic. Bispham charts the successes and failures of the attempts to make a new political community (Roman Italy), and new Roman citizens scattered across the peninsula - a dramatic and important story in that, while Italy was being built, Rome was falling apart; and while the Roman Republic fell, the Italian municipal system endured, and made possible the government, and even the survival, of the Roman empire in the West.
This accessible and detailed book takes an interdisciplinary approach in exploring the position of national parliaments in the EU polity and in particular their position within the EU governance framework. Adam Cygan analyzes the impact of subsidiarity monitoring upon national parliaments and to what extent this provides new opportunities for national parliaments to be engaged in, and exert influence over, the EU legislative process. While the post-Lisbon position of national parliaments may have improved, this book questions whether national parliaments can really be considered as central actors in EU affairs. The author also queries whether subsidiarity monitoring has the capacity to create a collective bloc of horizontal actors which exert effective accountability over the EU legislative process. Accountability, Parliamentarism and Transparency in the EU will strongly appeal to academics, parliamentarians/parliamentary officials working in EU affairs, as well as EU civil servants. Contents: Introduction 1. National Parliaments, Accountability and Transparency in a European Perspective 2. European Integration and Deparliamentarisation 3. National Parliaments in the EU Treaties 4. The Ordinary Legislative Process and National Parliaments 5. Subsidiarity as a Regulatory Principle in EU Law 6. Subsidiarity Control after Lisbon 7. Accountability and Legitimacy in a Multi-Level Context 8. National Parliaments after Lisbon: A New Dawn of Accountability or Remaining on the Periphery? Bibliography Index
This volume, first published in 1925, presents a clear background to the then-contemporary political situation in China, and in doing so sheds much light on the history of Chinese politics. In focusing on the political organization it generates an insightful study of Chinese government. |
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