Winner of the 2010 Book Award from the New England Historical Association

American constitutionalism represents this country's greatest gift to human freedom, yet its story remains largely untold. For over two hundred years, its ideals, ideas, and institutions influenced different peoples in different lands at different times. American constitutionalism and the revolutionary republican documents on which it is based affected countless countries by helping them develop their own constitutional democracies. Western constitutionalism--of which America was a part along with Britain and France--reached a major turning point in global history in 1989, when the forces of democracy exceeded the forces of autocracy for the first time.

Historian George Athan Billias traces the spread of American constitutionalism--from Europe, Latin America, and the Caribbean region, to Asia and Africa--beginning chronologically with the American Revolution and the fateful "shot heard round the world" and ending with the conclusion of the Cold War in 1989. The American model contributed significantly by spearheading the drive to greater democracy throughout the Western world, and Billias's landmark study tells a story that will change the way readers view the important role American constitutionalism played during this era.

In 2015, South Africa celebrated its 21st anniversary as a democratic state. This anniversary was in part boosted by the largely successful rolling out of a fifth free and fair election process in the previous year, albeit with minor hiccups - among others, a vibrant and at times boisterous political party scene; re-energised civil society participation, and a critical reflection of the Chapter 9 institutions, with some under constant scrutiny. However, South Africa's coming-of-age story has also been peppered with signs of increased dissatisfaction with governmental decision making and leadership style, protests around the delivery of services, continuous development and poverty issues as well as concerns about the republic's international conduct and its image and reputation in Africa and the world. Government and politics in South Africa provides an up-to-date introductory narrative on the contemporary political environment in South Africa. Government and politics in South Africa examines and evaluates the processes and policies in place that drive South Africa every day. While most chapters continue to reflect on the first two decades of post-settlement South African politics and governments, particular emphasis is placed upon the Jacob Zuma-led government's first term of office (2009-2014), also touching on the initial months of this head of state's second tenure as president. It examines the current political sphere, the local, provincial and national government, the policy footprint related to these governments, voting behaviour and party politics, foreign policy and the global political economy. Government and politics in South Africa is aimed at both undergraduate and post-graduate students, and other interested observers to the complexities of South African politics and the governmental machinery that operates the country. Chris Landsberg (editor-in-chief) is SARChI chair of African diplomacy and foreign policy at the University of Johannesburg. Suzanne Graham (co-editor) is senior lecturer and doctor of politics at the University of Johannesburg.

Constitutional Law and Federations provides a concise overview of the British occupation of Cyprus(1878-1959), the efforts of the Greek Cypriots for independence, and the structure and peculiarities of the current Cyprus Constitution. Federal states and the concept of federalism worldwide and, in every era, have come into being because of important political and security reasons dictating or necessitating the creation of such governmental organizations. The bi-zonal federation envisaged for Cyprus, in the Accords of 1977 and 1979 is not in compliance with these prerequisites. According to objective legal norms, bi-communal and bi-zonal federation flagrantly violates international law and is incompatible with the notion of human rights with regard to Cyprus. A federation modelled on the United States of America federal Constitution could, indeed, provide an ideal framework for settling the Cyprus problem and safeguarding the protection of basic human rights and constitutional freedoms for all sections of the population on the island. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of constitutional law, international law and international relations as well as diplomats, who deal not only with the Cyprus issue but also with related regional and international issues.

The freedom to think what you want and to say what you think has always generated a pushback of regulation and censorship. This raises the thorny question: to what extent does free speech actually endanger speech protection? This book examines today's calls for speech legislation and places it into historical perspective, using fascinating examples from the past 200 years, to explain the historical context of laws regulating speech. Over time, the freedom to speak has grown, the ways in which we communicate have evolved due to technology, and our ideas about speech protection have been challenged as a result. Now more than ever, we are living in a free speech paradox: powerful speakers weaponize their rights in order to silence those less-powerful speakers who oppose them. By understanding how this situation has developed, we can stand up to these threats to the freedom of speech.

During the late years of the 20th century, the issue of Native American influence on the formation of the U.S. government has become a hotly debated topic as well as a central point of difference in trenchant arguments over multiculturalism and political correctness. While conservative political commentators dismiss the idea out of hand, debate over the subject is prominent in many academic fields, including law, American history, women's studies, political science, and anthropology as well as Native American studies. Johansen's earlier bibliography cited roughly 500 titles on this debate. This volume adds another 500 titles with annotations, including books, articles from scholarly journals, newspapers, trade magazines, and World Wide Web sites.

In addition to new titles published since the first bibliography, this volume also includes older works omitted from the first book, some of them dating back to the 1850s. An increasing number of the citations stem from the work of Sally Roesch Wagner, whose research connects Iroquois political structures to the development of 19th century feminist thought by such women as Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Prepared by a scholar who has written five books on the issue, this bibliography, together with the earlier volume, provides a useful guide to sources on the debate.

How to restore ethics, the rule of law, and democracy as the centerpieces of U.S. government U.S. government has been repeatedly renewed-sometimes simply repaired and other times reinvented-during its over 230 years. Major aspects of the federal system were broken again during the four years of the Trump administration, so it's time for even more fixes. This book sets out the damage that was done and important ideas on how the repairs should be made, focusing on ethics, the rule of law, and democracy. Distinguished scholars and practitioners have come together not only to address what went awry over the past four years, but also the deeper weaknesses that have become more evident, and how those weaknesses can be repaired. The problem areas range from ethics and conflicts of interest to the Hatch Act and big money in politics, and from independence at the Department of Justice and government transparency to reestablishing Congressional oversight, and the government's role in the broader areas of how Americans vote and of international ethics and rule of law. Overcoming Trumpery provides a framework to understand the significant developments that are already happening in Washington with respect to ethics, the rule of law, and democracy. These include the "For the People Act," the "Protecting Our Democracy Act," and President Biden's Executive Order on Ethics. The ideas outlined in this book for fixing flaws in federal governance come from the more than century of collective experience of its expert authors. The book represents a burst of sunshine after a very dark period in the nation's history.

Examining how the White House works-or doesn't-before and after Trump Donald Trump has reinvented the presidency, transforming it from a well-oiled if sometimes cumbersome institution into what has often seemed to be a one-man show. But even Trump's unorthodox presidency requires institutional support, from a constantly rotating White House staff and cabinet who have sought to carry out-and sometimes resist-the president's direct orders and comply with his many tweets. Nonetheless, the Trump White House still exhibits many features of its predecessors over the past eight decades. When Franklin D. Roosevelt was inaugurated, the White House staff numbered fewer than fifty people, and most federal department were lightly staffed as well. As the United States became a world power, the staff of the Executive Office increased twentyfold, and the staffing of federal agencies blossomed comparably. In the fourth edition of Organizing the Presidency, a landmark volume examining the presidency as an institution, Stephen Hess and James P. Pfiffner argue that the successes and failures of presidents from Roosevelt through Trump have resulted in large part from how the president deployed and used White House staffers and other top officials responsible for carrying out Oval Office policy. Drawing on a wealth of analysis and insight, Organizing the Presidency addresses best practices for managing a presidency that is itself a bureaucracy.

A new reading of The Prince, arguing that the classic text is neither a scientific treatise on politics nor a patriotic tract but rather an artful, elaborated critique of the dominant religion of his time The leading interpretations of The Prince focus on Machiavelli's historical context, but they give little attention to the source on which the moral and political thought of Machiavelli's sixteenth century was based, the Christian Bible. In this study of The Prince, William Parsons plumbs Machiavelli's allusions to the Bible, along with his statements on the Church, and shows that Machiavelli was a careful reader of the Bible and an astute observer of the Church. On this basis Parsons contends that Machiavelli's teaching in The Prince is instructively compared with that of the Church's teacher, Jesus Christ. Parsons thus undertakes what recent interpreters of The Prince have not done: contrast Machiavelli's advice with the teaching of Christ. The result is a new reading of The Prince, revealing in Machiavelli's political thought a systematic critique of the NewTestament and its model for human life, Christ. In this commentary on one of the greatest works on politics ever written, Parsons not only challenges the most recent interpretations of The Prince but also sheds new light onthe classic interpretation that Machiavelli was a teacher of immorality. William Parsons is associate professor of political science at Carroll College.

As the current political climate becomes increasingly contentious, the United States' founding document receives added attention. Donald C. Dahlin re-examines the US Constitution, challenging students to form educated opinions on important contemporary discussions. Presenting a limited number of landmark Supreme Court decisions, We the People provides support for multiple sides of a single debate. Each case is carefully contextualized and selections from the justices' rulings are held up for scrutiny. Rich fodder for classroom debate, this volume is both necessary and accessible.

Three of John Locke's finest works, which expound political and religious ideas revolutionary in their time, are presented together in this printing. When Dutch monarch William of Orange ascended to the English throne in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, burning questions over the best form of governance for England were prominent among the intelligentsia of the era. It was a time when England grappled with incremental transition from monarchy to early forms of democracy and voting. In the first treatise of government Locke proceeds to attack and dissect his prominent contemporary Robert Filmer, who was broadly in favour of absolute monarchy under the principle of divine right. The allusions to the Biblical Adam, wherein the monarch can be intimated as a continuation of the first man ever created, are debunked by Locke who asserts that God never asserted that one man had province to rule over all other human beings.

This edited volume explores the relationship between constitutionalism and populism in the Italian context. Italian populism is of interest to comparative lawyers for many reasons. Firstly, the country has a long-lasting tradition of anti-parliamentarism over the course of its history as a unitary state. After the 2018 general election, it has turned into the first European country in which two self-styled populist parties formed a coalition government. Although it collapsed in August 2019, many issues that it had raised remain. Secondly, as Italy is a founding member of the European Communities, the constitutional implications of populist politics have to be considered not only within the national framework but also in a wider context. This book argues that the relationship between populism and constitutionalism should not be seen in terms of mutual exclusion and perfect opposition. Indeed, populism frequently relies on concepts and categories belonging to the language of constitutionalism (majority, democracy, people), offering a kind of constitutional counter-narrative.

While great strides have been made since the Founding years, the United States continues to suffer from a high degree of political inequality. Simply put, some citizens have a louder voice in their democracy than others. Both the malapportioned Senate and Electoral College overrepresent Americans in small states, while gerrymandered districts poorly convert votes into power in the House of Representatives. Over four million Americans living in Washington, D.C. and the territories lack representation in Congress, while citizens everywhere face unnecessary burdens to cast ballots. Finally, biased media and questionable political funding render it difficult to hold elected officials accountable. This book explores these formidable problems and identifies the path to securing a fairer, more representative political system. Sourcing solutions directly from the Constitution, chapters outline the tools that could limit malapportionment, expand voting rights, control the influence of big donors and more. Achieving these reforms, however, requires an engaged citizenry that relentlessly demands change from those in power.

The political and economic crisis of EU integration has made it increasingly apparent how challenging it is to bring together different sovereign cultures, languages and regions into a single political system. Switzerland - being one of the three classic federations in the world - can provide insights, particularly in relation to the accommodation of cultural, linguistic, religious and regional diversity, which can help tackle contemporary challenges. This book describes and analyses the characteristics, institutions, and processes of Swiss federalism, along with its combination of stability and change. It presents a comprehensive study of the federal system of Switzerland, where it comes from, how it operates, and the way it has changed of late. This will allow readers to appreciate the specific and current answers the Swiss case offers to the main questions raised by wider federal research. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students in federalism and territorial politics, political institutions, local and regional government studies, multi-level governance and more broadly to European and comparative politics.

Beginning with an account of Namibia's struggle for self-determination that serves to put the Namibian Constitution in context, this volume moves on to consider the principal features of the Constitution, the organs of state and the fundamental principles that provide the framework for the effective functioning of a democratic State. It goes on to examine the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and freedoms protected by the Declaration of Rights, analyzing the relevant jurisprudence of the Namibian courts in the light of international human rights law.

For many Americans, hearing the words, "United States of America" brings stirring emotions. It is the concept of e pluribus unum-"out of many, one"-that summarizes the sense of national unity that Americans feel, and one that author Martin Street seeks to convey in "Taking the Pulse of America."

This compendium of 110 essays offers a snapshot of American life today. Street offers opinions and suggestions for many of the most contentious issues of our time. From hot button issues like abortion, illegal immigration, and waterboarding to the justice system, education reform, and government affairs, Street doesn't mince words.

Often, Street's commentary is just as contentious as his subjects. Even so, he provides an honest, authentic voice to these conversations that have become part of our national lexicon. Whether he discusses unions, our throwaway society, or professional athletes, Street gives his straightforward, often politically incorrect opinions.

A call to action for Americans to restore the United States of America to her former glory, "Taking the Pulse of America" is essential reading for every citizen.

This book analyses royal education in nineteenth-century, constitutional Spain. Its main subjects are Isabel II (1830- 1904), Alfonso XII (1857-1885) and Alfonso XIII (1886-1941) during their time as monarchs-in-waiting. Their upbringing was considered an opportunity to shape the future of Spain, reflected the political struggles that emerged during the construction of a liberal state, and allowed for the modernisation of the monarchy. The education of heirs to the throne was taken seriously by contemporaries and assumed wider political, social and cultural significance. This volume is structured around three powerful groups which showed an active interest, influenced, and significantly shaped royal education: the court, the military, and the public. It throws new light on the position of the Spanish monarchy in the constitutional state, its ability to adapt to social, political, and cultural change, and its varied sources of legitimacy, power, and attraction.

Democratic Decision-Making: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives contains eight essays by political scientists addressing various aspects of the democratic decision-making process. The book is divided into four parts: democratic statesmanship, the extent to which limitations of the democratic principle of majority rule are desirable, the contemporary doctrine of "deliberative democracy," and informal modes of democratic decision-making. Under these four headings, the contributors discuss a wide variety of issues, including the practice of "political opportunism" by such statesmen as Hamilton and Madison; the historical development of legal restraints on democracy in America ranging from judicial review (during the colonial period) to the filibuster; the operation of classical Athenian democracy, the defects of which may have been exaggerated by the American Founders; the significance of the reflections of Tammany Hall boss George Washington Plunkitt for the development of the American party system; the relation of deliberative-democracy theory to the thought of Rousseau; and the means by which cooperative land-use agreements have been arrived at in California, eliciting the voluntary consent of the affected parties instead of relying on judicial or bureaucratic dictates. The book is well-suited for use in courses on American political thought, democratic theory, American political development, and related subjects.

This book is an insider's account of the way legislative proposals in the Cayman Islands are conceived and processed, as well as the operational context in which the resultant laws are drafted. It is based on the author's well-received earlier publication The Legislative Process: A Handbook for Public Officials (2009). That book was featured significantly in The Parliamentarian: Journal of Commonwealth Parliaments, 2010, Issue 1 XCI. In a review contained in The Loophole: Journal of the Commonwealth Association of Legislative Counsel (August, 2010), the reviewer wrote, "In these times of recession I commend this book to anyone in Government wishing to improve processes to enable the production of legislation with improved efficiency and cost effectiveness." And in the Statute Law Review (April, 2010), 31(2), with reference to its suggestions for improved efficiency, it was said that ." . . there is little that can be described as other than good advice here."

"The FLOTUS Effect" emphasizes the import of agency on the part of Michelle Obama in relation to her politics as evidenced in her positionality and presence as the first African American woman to serve as First Lady of the United States of America. Her occupation of a previously white space and place tended to frame her as an enigma in the American mind and media. Contributors reflect on Mrs. Obama’s eight years in her ceremonial position, and the ways she chose to uniquely embody her role. Hence, the result is a volume that speculates upon her evolving legacy, and the likely “effects” of what it meant to be the first African-American woman to serve in the ceremonial, yet powerful, role of FLOTUS.

Multiculturalism is controversial in the liberal state and has frequently been declared dead, even in countries that have never had a policy under that name. This authoritative book reviews the different meanings multiculturalism has acquired across theories, countries, and domains to evaluate the extent of its demise and the ways in which it lives on. Christian Joppke intriguingly argues that, beyond the ebb and flow of policy, liberal constitutionalism itself bears out a multiculturalism of the individual that is not only alive but necessary in a liberal society. Through a provocative comparison of gay rights in the United States and the accommodation of Islam in Europe, he shows that liberal constitutionalism constrains majority power, requiring the state to be neutral about people's values and ethical commitment. It cannot but give rise to multiple ways of life or cultures, as people are endowed with the freedom to embrace them. Accordingly, impulses toward multiculturalism persist, despite its political crisis, but with a new accent on the individual, rather than group, as the unit of integration. Tightly argued and clearly written, this book provides a judicious assessment of multiculturalism in the West and will be of interest to a broad readership across the social sciences and legal studies.