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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Constitution, government & the state
Nearly two decades after he was anointed by Nelson Mandela as his successor, Cyril Ramaphosa has at last taken office as the president of South Africa. But the country Ramaphosa has inherited is very different from the rainbow nation that Mandela led in the 1990s. The South Africa of 2018 is divided and caught in a web of state capture, corruption, poverty and despair. The Zuma years have left the country and its institutions battered and bruised. Can Ramaphosa pull South Africa out of the quagmire and restore it to its former glory, as so many people desperately hope? Is his turn at the presidency really the beginning of a new dawn. Ralph Mathekga answers these questions, and more, in this riveting book.
Landmark political confrontations between sitting presidents and powerful senators have occurred throughout American history-some have shaped the nation. This book takes an in-depth look at seven of those major "Washington wars," including the personal rivalries that spawned each one, the strategies and events that transpired as a result, and the aftermaths and impacts on the country. Neither compromise nor surrender were considered in these intense debates, which left scars on the national psyche. Each episode could be worthy of a historical narrative all its own but considered together they illustrate the long and bitter history of democratic warfare between the leaders and branches of government at either end of Pennsylvania Avenue.
This book explores the formation of the British state and national identity from 1603-1832 by examining the definitions of sovereignty and allegiance presented in treason trials. The king remained central to national identity and the state until Republican challenges forced prosecutors in treason trials to innovate and redefine sovereign authority. Although jurors resisted the change, by the 1790s parliament and prosecutors accepted that treason law protected all Britons and the general safety of the state.
Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.
This study of politics and government among a West African people, the Banyang of the Upper Cross River, covers the end of the period of Colonial administration. The book: * Shows the inter-relationship between the structure of the small forest communities and the highly autonomous processes by which they were governed * Analyses the relationship between residence and common descent as principles of corporate grouping * Includes a case study of the political struggle involved in one community's claims to independence. Originally published in 1969.
The reliance on state declarations of rights to expand rights protections during the last two decades has highlighted the political importance of state constitutions. Yet, throughout American history up to the present day, state constitutions have been the battleground for fundamental political conflicts. This edited volume analyzes the efforts of various groups to achieve their ends via constitutional revision and constitutional amendments, examines the responses to controversial state constitutional rulings, and assesses the consequences of constitutional politics on substantive state policy.
America's lax moral attitudes are placing the nation on the brink of national suicide. No other nation has ever purposely promoted its own self-destruction. At no other time in recorded history has a nation's internalized sense of guilt dominated its social and political thinking; never a collective desire to purge itself of self-fabricated guilt complexes whose origins are, more often than not, imaginary. We have devolved into groveling apologists seeking redemption for being a great nation. The path of least resistance, it seems, lies in undermining the customs and traditions of time-honored institutions that once made many of us proud Americans.
Updated for Obama's last year in office, the liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press reflects on how the Obama administration has failed and disillusioned the American left. The bestselling liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press turns a critical eye on Barack Obama and assesses why his performance as president on issues liberals care deeply about has failed the American left. Press argues efficiently that Obama may have drawn the wrong lessons from the enthusiastic crowds that swarmed around him on the campaign trail in 2008--instead of seeing the potential and desire for a stronger progressivism, Obama tried to rise above and unite the parties. The tragedy of the Obama presidency is that, by trying to be the first "post-partisan" president, he ended up being one of the weakest. On issues as far ranging as gun safety to health care to foreign policy, Obama has let voters down by simply not doing enough or taking the wrong actions. As Press describes it, liberals began the Obama presidency with high hopes, and they now near its end with deep disappointment and a sense of buyer's remorse.
Liberal democracy is often defended because it secures freedom, order, and prosperity. Without slighting these solid achievements, Liberal Virtues responds to those who worry that the theory and practice of free self-government neglect the importance of community and citizen virtues. Professor Macedo offers a critical interpretation and original defence of the great tradition of individual freedom associated with John Locke and the founders of the American republic. At the moral core of the theory and practice of the rule of law and liberal constitutionalism lies a commitment to public reasonableness: politics is an exercise in reason-giving and not the assertion of raw power. The author defends a theory of public justification, and explains how the legal and political institutions of liberal democracy embody a collective commitment to reasonableness. He concludes by considering the types of personality and society associated with life in a pluralistic, open, and tolerant liberal society.
'A fascinating insider account' Grace Blakeley British democracy is on trial. We can no longer hold our leaders to account; the state has too much power; and the truth doesn't matter at all. Those we voted into government have nothing but contempt for the democratic system that got them there. When the Prime Minister illegally prorogued Parliament, barrister Sam Fowles was part of the team that took him to court, and won. The scenes of the police violently restraining women at a vigil for Sarah Everard shook the nation. In a high-profile parliamentary inquiry, Fowles proved the Met's actions fundamentally breached our right to protest. For decades, the Post Office pursued criminal prosecutions against its own employees, knowing the evidence was dodgy all along. Fowles helped reveal the rot at the heart of a trusted national institution. We shouldn't have to take our rulers to court just to get them to follow the rules. At a crucial juncture for British governance, Fowles urges us not to take our freedoms for granted.
Sovereignty is sometimes regarded as a concept with a fixed
meaning, as something that can only be kept or lost, and which at
the present time is under threat from globalisation, the erosion of
the nation state and European integration. Raia Prokhovnik develops
a strong argument for sovereignty as a robust concept with many
conceptualisations in the past, and capable of further fruitful
reconceptualisation in the future. The book explores the history of
the
After the 2011 uprisings started in Tunisia and swept across the Arab region, more than a dozen countries amended their constitutions, the greatest concentration of constitutional reform processes since the end of the Cold War. This book provides a detailed account and analysis of all of these developments. Individual accounts are provided of eight different reform processes (including Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Sudan), with particular focus on the historical context, the political dynamics, the particular process that each country followed and the substantive outcome. Zaid Al-Ali deconstructs the popular demands that were made in 2011 and translates them into a series of specific actions that would have led to freer societies and a better functioning state. A revolution did not take place in 2011, but it is inevitably part of the region's future and Arab Constitutionalism explores what that revolution could look like.
This volume examines the making of the Constitutional Treaty of the
European Union. It does so by paying attention to the way in which
the political actors operated within the Convention, by analysing
civil society's input, and by tracking the development of the
constitutional text beyond the Convention itself, through the IGC
process and within the EU legal system. In discussing the European
experience, the authors also address the question of whether its
transnational character represents a new development for the theory
of constitution making.
This book is a unique contribution to the study of democratization in Hong Kong, with chapters including the legal tradition in Hong Kong, the features of Hong Kong's indigenous democracy, the 2014 Umbrella Movement, and the evolution of the Chief Executive election.
What is the President, Congress, and the Supreme Court really allowed to do? This unique and handy guide includes the documents that guide our government, annotated with accessible explanations from one of America's most esteemed constitutional scholars. Known across the country for his appearance on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, Professor Richard Beeman is one of the nation's foremost experts on the United States Constitution. In this book, he has produced what every American should have: a compact, fully annotated copy of the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and amendments, all in their entirety. A marvel of accessibility and erudition, the guide also features a history of the making of the Constitution with excerpts from The Federalist Papers and a look at crucial Supreme Court cases that reminds us that the meaning of many of the specific provisions of the Constitution has changed over time. "Excellent . . . valuable and judicious." -Jill Lepore, The New Yorker
This new book examines the House of Lords in both its Parliamentary and its judicial capacity. A total of 14 contributors discuss such important topics as the membership of the House,how the House compares with other second chambers in bicameral legislatures elsewhere, the role of the Lord Chancellor, the rules concerning discussion of sub judice matters and the stance taken by the Law Lords towards European Community law. At a time when the future of the House is once again under active consideration, the book serves to remind readers of the significance of the institution to the British constitution. It will be of interest to students of government and law as well as to practitioners in the field, including Parliamentarians and judges. The issues dealt with in this book go to the heart of how democracy manifests itself in the United Kingdom today.'. Contributors: Michael Rush, Nicholas Baldwin, Rodney Brazier, Paul Carmichael, Andrew Baker, Patricia Leopold, Gavin Drewry, Sir Louis Blom-Cooper, Brice Dickson, Barry Fitzpatrick, Anthony Bradney, Patricia Maxwell, Kenny Mullan, Simon Lee.
Kollman presents students with a simple framework-politics is about collective dilemmas and the institutions that solve them-and applies it consistently throughout. How can 535 members of Congress get anything done? What is the committee system? How can the president change the immigration policy? Can it be done through executive orders? Instead of burying concepts in history or minutiae, Kollman's concise text gets right to the heart of political science.
Ever since Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. used "imperial presidency" as a book title, the term has become central to the debate about the balance of power in the U.S. government. Since the presidency of George W. Bush, when advocates of executive power such as Dick Cheney gained ascendancy, the argument has blazed hotter than ever. Many argue the Constitution itself is in grave danger. What is to be done? The answer, according to legal scholars Eric Posner and Adrian Vermeule, is nothing. In The Executive Unbound, they provide a bracing challenge to conventional wisdom, arguing that a strong presidency is inevitable in the modern world. Most scholars, they note, object to today's level of executive power because it varies so dramatically from the vision of the framers of the Constitution. But Posner and Vermeule find fault with James Madison's premises. Like an ideal market, they write, Madison's separation of powers has no central director, but it lacks the price system which gives an economy its structure; there is nothing in checks and balances that intrinsically generates order or promotes positive arrangements. In fact, the greater complexity of the modern world produces a concentration of power, particularly in the White House. The authors chart the rise of executive authority, noting that among strong presidents only Nixon has come in for severe criticism, leading to legislation which was designed to limit the presidency, yet which failed to do so. Political, cultural and social restraints, they argue, have been more effective in preventing dictatorship than any law. The executive-centered state tends to generate political checks that substitute for the legal checks of the Madisonian constitution. Piety toward the founders and a historic fear of tyranny have been powerful forces in American political thinking. Posner and Vermeule confront them both in this startlingly original contribution. |
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