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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Constitution, government & the state
The reliance on state declarations of rights to expand rights protections during the last two decades has highlighted the political importance of state constitutions. Yet, throughout American history up to the present day, state constitutions have been the battleground for fundamental political conflicts. This edited volume analyzes the efforts of various groups to achieve their ends via constitutional revision and constitutional amendments, examines the responses to controversial state constitutional rulings, and assesses the consequences of constitutional politics on substantive state policy.
This study of politics and government among a West African people, the Banyang of the Upper Cross River, covers the end of the period of Colonial administration. The book: * Shows the inter-relationship between the structure of the small forest communities and the highly autonomous processes by which they were governed * Analyses the relationship between residence and common descent as principles of corporate grouping * Includes a case study of the political struggle involved in one community's claims to independence. Originally published in 1969.
Liberal democracy is often defended because it secures freedom, order, and prosperity. Without slighting these solid achievements, Liberal Virtues responds to those who worry that the theory and practice of free self-government neglect the importance of community and citizen virtues. Professor Macedo offers a critical interpretation and original defence of the great tradition of individual freedom associated with John Locke and the founders of the American republic. At the moral core of the theory and practice of the rule of law and liberal constitutionalism lies a commitment to public reasonableness: politics is an exercise in reason-giving and not the assertion of raw power. The author defends a theory of public justification, and explains how the legal and political institutions of liberal democracy embody a collective commitment to reasonableness. He concludes by considering the types of personality and society associated with life in a pluralistic, open, and tolerant liberal society.
America's lax moral attitudes are placing the nation on the brink of national suicide. No other nation has ever purposely promoted its own self-destruction. At no other time in recorded history has a nation's internalized sense of guilt dominated its social and political thinking; never a collective desire to purge itself of self-fabricated guilt complexes whose origins are, more often than not, imaginary. We have devolved into groveling apologists seeking redemption for being a great nation. The path of least resistance, it seems, lies in undermining the customs and traditions of time-honored institutions that once made many of us proud Americans.
Updated for Obama's last year in office, the liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press reflects on how the Obama administration has failed and disillusioned the American left. The bestselling liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press turns a critical eye on Barack Obama and assesses why his performance as president on issues liberals care deeply about has failed the American left. Press argues efficiently that Obama may have drawn the wrong lessons from the enthusiastic crowds that swarmed around him on the campaign trail in 2008--instead of seeing the potential and desire for a stronger progressivism, Obama tried to rise above and unite the parties. The tragedy of the Obama presidency is that, by trying to be the first "post-partisan" president, he ended up being one of the weakest. On issues as far ranging as gun safety to health care to foreign policy, Obama has let voters down by simply not doing enough or taking the wrong actions. As Press describes it, liberals began the Obama presidency with high hopes, and they now near its end with deep disappointment and a sense of buyer's remorse.
When Abraham Lincoln was sworn into office, seven slave states had preemptively seceded rather than recognize the legitimacy of his election. In his first inaugural address on March 4, 1861, Lincoln replied to the secessionists and set forth a principled defense of majority rule as “the only true sovereign of a free people.†His immediate purpose was to argue against the legitimacy of a powerful minority forcibly partitioning the United States because it was dissatisfied with the results of a free, constitutionally conducted election. His wider purpose was to make the case that a deliberate, constitutionally checked majority, though by no means infallible, was the appropriate ultimate authority not only on routine political questions but even on the kind of difficult, deeply divisive questions—like the future of slavery—that could otherwise trigger violent contests.Sovereign of a Free People examines Lincoln’s defense of majority rule, his understanding of its capabilities and limitations, and his hope that slavery could be peacefully and gradually extinguished through the action of a committed national majority. James Read argues that Lincoln offered an innovative account of the interplay between majorities and minorities in the context of crosscutting issues and shifting public opinion. This story is particularly timely today as a new minority of dissatisfied voters has threatened and enacted violence in response to a valid election. Read offers the first book focused on Lincoln’s understanding of majority rule. He also highlights the similarities and differences between the threats to American democracy in Lincoln’s time and in our own. Sovereign of a Free People challenges common assumptions about what caused the Civil War, takes seriously the alternative path of a peaceful, democratic abolition of slavery in the United States, and offers a fresh treatment of Lincoln and race.
Amid the turbulent swirl of foreign intrigue, external and internal threats to the young nation’s existence, and the domestic partisan wrangling of the 1790s, the United States Congress solidified its role as the national legislature. The ten essays in The House and Senate in the 1790s demonstrate the mechanisms by which this bicameral legislature developed its institutional identity. The first essay sets the scene for the institutional development of Congress by examining its constitutional origins and the efforts of the Founders to empower the new national legislature. The five following essays focus on two related mechanisms -- petitioning and lobbying -- by which citizens and private interests communicated with national lawmakers. Although scholars tend to see lobbying as a later nineteenth-century development, the papers presented here clearly demonstrate the existence of lobbyists and lobbying in the 1790s. The final four papers examine other aspects of the institutional development of the House and the Senate, including the evolution of political parties and congressional leadership. The essays in this collection, the third volume in the series Perspectives on the History of Congress, 1789-1801, originated in a series of conferences held by the United States Capitol Historical Society from 1994 to 2001.
As citizens, why do we care about the everyday life of ministers
and civil servants? We care because the decisions of the great and
the good affect all our lives, for good or ill. For all their
personal, political, and policy failings and foibles, they make a
difference. So, we want to know what ministers and bureaucrats do,
why, and how. We are interested in their beliefs and practices.
Building the Republican State is an insightful analysis of the new state and the new public management that is emerging in the twenty-first century. It presents the historical stages that led to the modern state, identifies a crisis of the nation-state and its origins in a fiscal crisis and in globalization, and situates public management in the last phase - the social-liberal and republican state. To understand such stages the author develops the theory of republican rights, as a fourth type of citizenship right, after the civil, the political, and the social rights. The book contains an original model of reform, in which the roles of the state, the forms of ownership, the types of public administration, and the organizational-institutions indicated in each situation are put together. Additionally, the book discusses the political theories behind the reform, and its political implications. Throughout the book, the author underlines the complementary roles of markets and the state, and the importance of building state capacity to assure administrative efficiency, always having in count the 'democratic constraint', i.e., the prevalence of the political over the economic realm. This is essential reading both for those studying political theory and government reform, as well as for anyone interested in state politics and globalization.
Kollman presents students with a simple framework-politics is about collective dilemmas and the institutions that solve them-and applies it consistently throughout. How can 535 members of Congress get anything done? What is the committee system? How can the president change the immigration policy? Can it be done through executive orders? Instead of burying concepts in history or minutiae, Kollman's concise text gets right to the heart of political science.
"An indispensable and provocative guide through the thicket of today's most challenging constitutional controversies by some of the most eminent judges of their time. It offers an invaluable peek behind the curtain of judicial decision making." -David Cole, Professor of Law, Georgetown University The Embattled Constitution presents the fourth collection of the James Madison lectures delivered at the NYU School of Law, offering thoughtful examinations of an array of topics on civil liberties by a distinguished group of federal judges, including Justice Stephen Breyer of the U.S. Supreme Court. The result is a fascinating look into the minds of the judges who interpret, apply, and give meaning to our "embattled Constitution." In these insightful and incisive essays, the authors bring to bear decades of experience to explore wide-ranging issues. Are today's public schools racially segregated? To what extent can the federal courts apply the Bill of Rights without legislative guidance? And what are the criteria for the highest standards of judging and constitutional interpretation? The authors also discuss how and why the Constitution came to be embattled, shining a spotlight on the current polarization in both the Supreme Court and the American body politic and offering careful and informed analysis of how to bridge these divides. Contributors include Marsha S. Berzon, Michael Boudin, Stephen Breyer, Guido Calabresi, Robert H. Henry, Robert Katzmann, Pierre N. Leval, M. Blane Michael, Davis S. Tatel, J. Harvie Wilkinson, III, and Diane P. Wood.
Jason Frank's Publius and Political Imagination is the first volume of the Modernity and Political Thought series to take as its focus not a single author, but collaboration between political philosophers, in this very special case the collective known by the pseudonym: Publius. Publius, of course, comprised the most influential of the American Founders - from James Madison to Alexander Hamilton to John Jay - particularly as the United States Constitution was being debated among the newly independent states. As the lofty dreams of some were countered by the pragmatic realism of others still, the founding and shaping of our governmental philosophy took root in this imagined Publius, this public mind, and it is where those on any side of a contemporary issue draw their argumentative and philosophical strength.
Invoked by politicians, promoted in policy, and sought by migrants, citizenship is a crucial marker of what makes being a member of society valuable, and of what membership entails in a world of fluid boundaries. This volume explores questions of admission to the state and to citizenship, the justifiability of criteria and the impact of exclusions.
The Constitution of the United States created a representative
republic marked by federalism and the separation of powers. Yet
numerous federal judges--led by the Supreme Court--have used the
Constitution as a blank check to substitute their own views on
hot-button issues such as abortion, capital punishment, and samesex
marriage for perfectly constitutional laws enacted by We the People
through our elected representatives.
Many people merely shake their heads when they hear of another useless $10 million federal study, but those same people go nuts when their city approves a thousand dollars for new plants for city hall. Does this mean that hometown politics are just "petty"? Author Tony Corvo doesn't think so. Expanding on what he has learned as a founding member of his local political action committee, Corvo satirically interweaves local, state, and federal politics as he explains his view of the world-a view that also foresees serious consequences for the United States of America. In "All Politics Is Loco: Musings from the Conservative Next Door," Corvo introduces us to the "movers and shakers" in the political arena, including: .Psychosocial-babblers From educational matters to local politics, Corvo leads you through a myriad of political and social issues with his distinctive and downright funny style.
NOW A NEW YORK TIMES, WASHINGTON POST, WALL STREET JOURNAL, USA TODAY, AND PUBLISHERS WEEKLY BESTSELLER. There has never been a more important political investigation than Robert S. Mueller III's into President Donald Trump's possible collusion with Russia. His momentous findings can be found here, complete with: The 300+ pages of the historic report, as released by the Justice Department An introduction by constitutional scholar, eminent civil libertarian, and New York Times bestselling author Alan Dershowitz. The relevant portions of Title 28 of the Code of Federal Regulations, the 1999 provisions written by former acting Solicitor General Neal Katyal, which establish and regulate the powers of the special counsel. Rod Rosenstein's 2016 order appointing Robert Mueller III as special counsel and outlining the scope of his investigation. Attorney General William Barr's four-page summary of the report, as sent to Congress. Barr's explanation of the four reasons for redacting the report, and a key for identifying them in the color-coded report The wait is over. Robert Mueller, a lifelong Republican, has concluded his investigation and submitted its findings to Attorney General William Barr. Barr has told Congress that Mueller found no proof of collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia, and did not come to a conclusion on obstruction of justice-neither concluding the president committed a crime nor exonerating him. But Mueller's report was over 300 pages and Barr's summary was only four pages, raising questions about the conclusions of a historic investigation. Special Counsel Robert Mueller III's probe into Russian influence on the 2016 election of Donald Trump-including links between the campaign and Russian interests, obstruction of justice by President Trump, and any other matters that may have arisen in the course of the investigation-has been the focal point of American politics since its inception in May 2017. Democrats in the US House of Representatives hoped to use the report to begin impeachment proceedings, with the support of those critical of the president. Media tracked Mueller's every move, and the investigation was subject to constant speculation by political pundits everywhere. It resulted in the indictments of Michael Flynn, Paul Manafort, Roger Stone, and many others. President Trump and his supporters affirmed that the investigation was a "witch hunt" and the product of a plot by the political establishment-the "deep state"-to delegitimize his presidency. Mueller's findings-at least according to Barr-allowed the latter to claim victory. But now, thanks to a subpoena from House Judiciary Committee chairman Jerry Nadler for the full report, a resolution from the House of Representatives to release the full report to the public (though blocked in the Senate by Mitch McConnell), and popular demand, it's time for public to judge if that is true. The Mueller investigation will join Watergate, and the Mueller Report will join the 9/11 Commission Report, the Warren Report, and the Starr Report, as one of the most important in history. The Mueller Report is required reading for everyone with interest in American politics, for every 2016 and 2020 voter, and every American. It's now available here as an affordable paperback, featuring an introduction from eminent civil libertarian, Harvard Law Professor Emeritus, and New York Times bestselling author Alan Dershowitz, who provides a constitutional, civil law-based commentary sorely needed in today's media landscape.
The book opens with a brief account of the segregation decisions of 1954 and 1955 and with their relationship to a changing interpretation of the equal protection clause of the Constitution. Later chapters show that defiance of the highest tribunal has had many precedents.
Is the United States Congress dead, alive, or trapped in a moribund cycle? When confronted with controversial policy issues, members of Congress struggle to satisfy conflicting legislative, representative, and oversight duties. These competing goals, along with the pressure to satisfy local constituents, cause members of Congress to routinely cede power on a variety of policies, express regret over their loss of control, and later return to the habit of delegating their power. This pattern of institutional ambivalence undermines conventional wisdom about congressional party resurgence, the power of oversight, and the return of the so-called imperial presidency. In Congressional Ambivalence, Jasmine Farrier examines Congress's frequent delegation of power by analyzing primary source materials such as bills, committee reports, and the Congressional Record. Farrier demonstrates that Congress is caught between abdication and ambition and that this ambivalence affects numerous facets of the legislative process. Explaining specific instances of post-delegation disorder, including Congress's use of new bills, obstruction, public criticism, and oversight to salvage its lost power, Farrier exposes the tensions surrounding Congress's roles in recent hot-button issues such as base-closing commissions, presidential trade promotion authority, and responses to the attacks of September 11. She also examines shifting public rhetoric used by members of Congress as they emphasize, in institutionally self-conscious terms, the difficulties of balancing their multiple roles. With a deep understanding of the inner workings of the federal government, Farrier illuminates a developing trend in the practice of democracy.
Is the American Dream real? Do we have a right to it, or is it just suggestion? Where did it come from? Joseph Amico, the son of Sicilian immigrants, provides the answers to these key questions in this essay on American history and politics. More importantly, he explains why the dream is in jeopardy and how it can be saved. Raised a Catholic, Amico became a skeptic of politics and government after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Later, when Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert Kennedy were killed, he knew something was seriously wrong. With the war in Vietnam raging, he joined the antiwar and civil rights movements. Immersed in the politics of the day, he saw only one answer to the nation's problems: social revolution. Now, looking both at the history and present state of the US, Amico explores what is needed to for the nation to move forward--to find a better way of doing things. Our political forefathers promoted radical principles that helped the United States and its people prosper. While we can still move in that direction, it won't happen by listening to radio and television pundits who distort the views of our forefathers. We must revisit the principles that our country was founded on and let what we know to be the truth become reality. Amico, an ordinary citizen, seeks to shed some light on this complex subject so that "we the people" can claim what's rightfully ours instead of just dreaming.
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