State sovereignty is the foundation of international relations. This thought-provoking book explores the gap between seeing sovereignty as either absolute or relative. It argues that state sovereignty is both factual and judicial and that the 'loss' of sovereignty exists only at the margins of the international society. With many interesting real-world examples of ambiguous sovereignty examined, this is an important argument against those who are quick to claim that 'sovereignty' is under assault.

With the rise of direct-democratic instruments, the relationship between popular sovereignty and the rule of law is set to become one of the defining political issues of our time. This important and timely book provides an in-depth analysis of the limits imposed on referendums and citizens' initiatives, as well as of systems of reviewing compliance with these limits, in 11 European states. Chapters explore and lay the scientific basis for answering crucial questions such as 'Where should the legal limits of direct democracy be drawn?' and 'Who should review compliance with these limits?' Providing a comparative analysis of the different issues in the selected countries, the book draws out key similarities and differences, as well as an assessment of the law and the practice at national levels when judged against the international standards contained in the Venice Commission's Guidelines on the Holding of Referendums. Presenting an up-to-date analysis of the relationship between popular sovereignty and the rule of law, The Legal Limits of Direct Democracy will be a key resource for scholars and students in comparative and constitutional law and political science. It will also be beneficial to policy-makers and practitioners in parliaments, governments and election commissions, and experts working for international organisations.

An inherent tension resides in the Fourth Amendment's strictures on unreasonable searches and seizures. We want it to protect our privacy from government intrusion, yet we want the police to do whatever is required to solve crime. Greater controls on the power of the police provide more privacy protections to citizens. Reduced controls on police actions provide less privacy protection to citizens. Bloom explores this tension as he guides the reader to through the history and relevant Supreme Court decisions that have shaped the current state of Fourth Amendment law.

The purpose of this book is to bring your conscious mind a Revelation. The Truth is that you are the Spirit that inhabits your form. My story will acquaint you with Agape love exploits in a life of young and intelligent people. They each have a mission and an agenda to live their lifestyle. To make it explicitly different the woman subject is a witch and the male is by the Holy Spirit protected. A county is in need to expending their infrastructure. A large acquisition of Office space and facilities is contracted out to provide municipal buildings and entrance roads. An embezzlement episode is part of the contractual agenda. This will make the county more suitable to provide services to the people

Senate Document 111-6. Memorial Addresses and Other Tributes: Held in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States Together with Memorial Services in Honor of Edward M. Kennedy, Late a Senator from Massachusetts. includes remarks delivered by prominent members of both Houses of Congress, Democratic and Republican alike, as well as materials documenting specific legislative efforts and accomplishments achieved in collaboration with Senator Kennedy. Also included are transcripts of Senator Kennedy's memorial services.

This book examines the U.S. Constitution by focusing on its origins in Western political thought and its organization and subsequent amendments. It describes the document as a series of choices among alternative governmental institutions that are designed to provide national security and secure ordered liberty.

Public law has been conceived in many different ways, sometimes overlapping, often conflicting. However in recent years a common theme running through the discussions of public law is one of loss. What function and future can public law have in this rapidly transforming landscape, where globalized states and supranational institutions have ever-increasing importance? The contributions to this volume take stock of the idea, concepts, and values of public law as it has developed alongside the growth of the modern state, and assess its continued usefulness as a distinct area of legal inquiry and normativity in light of various historical trends and contemporary pressures affecting the global configuration of law in general. Divided into three parts, the first provides a conceptual, philosophical, and historical understanding of the nature of public law, the nature of private law and the relationship between the public, the private, and the concept of law. The second part focuses on the domains, values, and functions of public law in contemporary (state) legal practice, as seen, in part, through its relationship with private domains, values, and functions. The final part engages with the new legal scholarship on global transformation, analysing the changes in public law at the national level, including the new forms of interpenetration of public and private in the market state, as well as exploring the ubiquitous use of public law values and concepts beyond the state.

Laurence Pope describes the contemporary dysfunction of the State Department and its Foreign Service. He contends that in the information age diplomacy is more important than ever, and that, as President Obama has stressed, without a "change of thinking" the U.S. may be drawn into more wars it does not need to fight.

Whom a prime minister or president will not shake hands with is still more noticed than with whom they will. Public identity can afford to be ambiguous about friends, but not about enemies. Rodney Barker examines the available accounts of how enmity functions in the cultivation of identity, how essential or avoidable it is, and what the consequences are for the contemporary world.

Examining the foundations of development, Shivakumar describes how societies can reconstitute themselves to improve their developmental well-being. He argues that the unitary state focus in theory and practice limits the creative potential of individuals to improve their mutual well-being through crafting capabilities for self-governance. This is a significant contribution to current discussions on institutional foundations of development, providing practical guidance on what it means to constitute a government that facilitates rather than impedes progress.

A six-month New York Times bestseller: "Not only the best Watergate book, but a very good book indeed" (The Sunday Times). As White House counsel to Richard Nixon, a young John W. Dean was one of the primary players in the Watergate scandal-and ultimately became the government's key witness in the investigations that ended the Nixon presidency. After the scandal subsided, Dean rebuilt his career, first in business and then as a bestselling author and lecturer. But while the events were still fresh in his mind, he wrote this remarkable memoir about the operations of the Nixon White House and the crisis that led to the president's resignation. Called "fascinating" by Commentary, which noted that "there can be little doubt of [Dean's] memory or his candor," Blind Ambition offers an insider's view of the deceptions and machinations that brought down an administration and changed the American people's view of politics and power. It also contains Dean's own unsparing reflections on the personal demons that drove him to participate in the sordid affair. Upon its original publication, Kirkus Reviews hailed it "the flip side of All the President's Men-a document, a minefield, and prime entertainment." Today, Dean is a respected and outspoken advocate for transparency and ethics in government, and the bestselling author of such books as The Nixon Defense, Worse Than Watergate, and Conservatives Without Conscience. Here, in Blind Ambition, he "paints a candid picture of the sickening moral bankruptcy which permeated the White House and to which he contributed. His memory of who said what and to whom is astounding" (Foreign Affairs).

This book is about a variety of national arrangements and practices, whose common characteristics are to constitute 'presidential republics' and which as such have become the main form of government in the contemporary world.

A troubling look at why, for a variety of reasons, congressional power on issues of war and peace has diminished over time, resulting in an abdication of responsibility as the executive branch led the United States into a war with Iraq in 2003. The Road to War: Congress' Historic Abdication of Responsibility is a thought-provoking discussion of the ramifications of a shift in the balance of powers between Congress and the Executive Branch with regard to war and peace. To underscore his argument, author Robert Kennedy outlines the intellectual origins of the U.S. Constitution and examines the intent of the Framers on the relationship between Congress and the executive branch in the formulation of foreign and security policy and decisions of war and peace. Kennedy traces the erosion of congressional power from 1789 to the 21st century, concluding that Congress has often gifted away its war powers to the president, preferring to leave decisions on his shoulders, rather than accept the responsibility for a comprehensive examination of the issues and the tough decisions that such efforts might entail. This abdication by Congress of its constitutionally mandated responsibilities dangerously threatens the systems of checks and balances established under the Constitution. Power no longer checks power. Ambition is set free to take the Road to War.

Minority special status arrangements figure prominently in efforts to articulate universality with territorialized difference in many parts of the world. Yet much of what has been written about this important modality of the asymmetrical state has focused exclusively on the liberal democratic West. This book extends the analysis. It offers a structured-focused comparison of the experience of the People's Republic of China, France, and Spain. Case studies on central Tibet, Hong Kong, Corsica, and Catalonia are used to identify the conditions that affect the degree to which special status arrangements enhance stability while improving the citizenship of both minority territorial communities and their more vulnerable residents.

Within this volume, learn: --- How to "fix" the Federal Courts and "escape" from Constitutional Jurisdiction. --- How any President (from #42 on) can instantaneously create a "dictatorship" within the United States of America. --- How to "relativistic ally reduce" the Electoral College so that you alone possess the only "vote that counts" Also, how one individual controlled two (2) Presidential Elections with the information contained within. --- How to get into the "Power-Structure" of the U. S. Constitution. --- How the Clintons obtained their enormous political power. No American will ever look at National Politics the same way after reading this information. Today "We the people." are living under a "mathematically and relativistic ally amended" Constitution. The only drawback of this situation, however, is the fact that without recognition and effective reaction to address the revelation that "five (count 'em, 5) 'Genies'" are now "out of the bottle," "Constitutional collapse is not optional, but inevitable" (Caution to all politicians): This book contains the Mathematical Codes to the United States Constitution and will allow the average citizen to enter its power-structure.

Using the cases of Northern Cyprus and Transdniestria, the author examines state-building as practiced by informal states. Exploring symbolic and economic dimensions of state-building projects and using insights from political sociology, she investigates how they function under circumstances of non-recognition.

This book explores the evolution of Irish constitutional nationalism from the fall of Parnell to the rise of Sinn Fein, when the two competing wings of conciliators and militants struggled bitterly for control of the movement. The author, stressing the grass roots dimensions of this rift, shows that while the advocates of conciliation took a peaceful path, striving to achieve a modus vivendi with the protestants who opposed home rule, the supporters of militancy stressed the need for vigilance and strict maintenance of the Catholic nationalist tradition.

This work provides the first in-depth study of the Twelfth Amendment of the United States Constitution from the larger perspective of the development of the electoral college. Too often viewed as a modest reform to prevent the recurrence of the 1800-1801 election crisis, the Twelfth Amendment, according to Kuroda, was actually the decisive step in the evolution of the modern electoral college. Significantly, the amendment implicitly recognized the existence of national political parties and allowed the party which won the most electoral votes to win the offices of President and Vice President. But it was also significant for what it did not do: it did not abolish presidential electors; did not prohibit a winner-take-all electoral system; and did not mandate district election of electors.

Contains a study of the CIA's relationship with Congress. It encompasses the period from the creation of the Agency until 2004, the era of the DCIs, the Directors of Central Intelligence. Includes black and white photographs, an index, and a bibliography.

When a group of young political activists met in 1944 to launch the African National Congress Youth League, it included the nuscleus of a remarkable generation of leaders who forged the struggle for freedom and equality in South Africa for the next half century: Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Jordan Ngubane, Ellen Kuzwayo, Albertina Smith, A. P. Mda, Dan Tloome, and David Bopape. It was Anton Lembede, however, whom they chose as their first president. Lembede, who had just begun practicing law in Johannesburg, was known for his sharp intellect, fiery personality, and unwavering commitment to the struggle at hand. The son of farm laborers from the district of Georgedale, Natal, Lembede had worked tirelessly to put himself through school and college, and then to qualify for the bachelor of laws degree. When he began law practice in 1943, he had also earned the respect of his fellows, not only for his intellectual achievements (which were many), but also for his dedication to the cause of freedom in South Africa. "I am", he explained, "Africa's own child". His untimely death in 1947 at the age of 33 sent a wave of grief through the Congress Youth, who had looked to him for moral as well as political leadership. With the publication of Freedom In Our Lifetime, the editors acknowledge Lembede's early contribution to the freedom movement, in particular his passionate and eloquent articulation of the African-centered philosophy he called "Africanism".