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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Constitution, government & the state
This book explores some of the most glaring misunderstandings about
the U.S. Supreme Court-and makes a strong case for why our Supreme
Court Justices should not be entrusted with decisions that affect
every American citizen. Supreme Myths: Why the Supreme Court is Not
a Court and its Justices are Not Judges presents a detailed
discussion of the Court's most important and controversial
constitutional cases that demonstrates why it doesn't justify being
labeled "a court of law." Eric Segall, professor of law at Georgia
State University College of Law for two decades, explains why this
third branch of the national government is an institution that
makes important judgments about fundamental questions based on the
Justices' ideological preferences, not the law. A complete
understanding of the true nature of the Court's decision-making
process is necessary, he argues, before an intelligent debate over
who should serve on the Court-and how they should resolve cases-can
be held. Addressing front-page areas of constitutional law such as
health care, abortion, affirmative action, gun control, and freedom
of religion, this book offers a frank description of how the
Supreme Court truly operates, a critique of life tenure of its
Justices, and a set of proposals aimed at making the Court function
more transparently to further the goals of our representative
democracy.
Questions at the very heart of the American experiment-about what
the nation is and who its people are-have lately assumed a new,
even violent urgency. As the most fundamental aspects of American
citizenship and constitutionalism come under ever more powerful
pressure, and as the nation's politics increasingly give way to
divisive, partisan extremes, this book responds to the critical
political challenge of our time: the need to return to some
conception of shared principles as a basis for citizenship and a
foundation for orderly governance. In various ways and from various
perspectives, this volume's authors locate these principles in the
American practice of citizenship and constitutionalism. Chapters in
the book's first part address critical questions about the nature
of U.S. citizenship; subsequent essays propose a rethinking of
traditional notions of citizenship in light of the new challenges
facing the country. With historical and theoretical insights drawn
from a variety of sources-ranging from Montesquieu, John Adams, and
Henry Clay to the transcendentalists, Cherokee freedmen, and modern
identitarians-American Citizenship and Constitutionalism in
Principle and Practice makes the case that American
constitutionalism, as shaped by several centuries of experience,
can ground a shared notion of American citizenship. To achieve
widespread agreement in our fractured polity, this notion may have
to be based on "thin" political principles, the authors concede;
yet this does not rule out the possibility of political community.
By articulating notions of citizenship and constitutionalism that
are both achievable and capable of fostering solidarity and a
common sense of purpose, this timely volume drafts a blueprint for
the building of a genuinely shared political future.
The relationship between the presidency and the press has
transformed-seemingly overnight-from one where reports and columns
were filed, edited, and deliberated for hours before publication
into a brave new world where texts, tweets, and sound bites race
from composition to release within a matter of seconds. This
change, which has ultimately made political journalism both more
open and more difficult, brings about many questions, but perhaps
the two most important are these: Are the hard questions still
being asked? Are they still being answered? In Columns to
Characters, Stephanie A. Martin and top scholars and journalists
offer a fresh perspective on how the evolution of technology
affects the way presidents interact with the public. From Bill
Clinton's saxophone playing on the Arsenio Hall Show to Barack
Obama's skillful use of YouTube, Twitter, and Reddit as the first
"social media president," political communication appears to
reflect the increasing fragmentation of the American public. The
accessible essays here explore these implications in a variety of
real-world circumstances: the "narcotizing" numbness of information
overload and voter apathy; the concerns over privacy, security, and
civil liberties; new methods of running political campaigns and
mobilizing support for programs; and a future "post-rhetorical
presidency" in which the press is all but irrelevant. Each section
of the book concludes with a "reality check," a short reflection by
a working journalist (or, in one case, a former White House
insider) on the presidential beat.
Orestes Brownson's thought-provoking thesis on the US government,
the Constitution of the United States, and the ultimate destiny of
the USA, remains as incisive and intellectually rich today as when
it was first published. Combining history with political
philosophy, Brownson casts his analytical gaze to the inception of
the American nation. Using a wide variety of documents, including
those authored by the Founding Fathers prior to and following the
creation of the United States, the author attempts to demonstrate
how religion and politics are interrelated - in the case of
America's founding, both had roles. Writing in the mid-19th
century, Orestes Brownson attempts to clarify what the nature of
the U.S. government is, and how the Constitution reflects it.
Various natural laws, such as those pertaining to the family and
human development of civilization, are examined. Part of Brownson's
conclusion is the idea religion must continue to play a role in the
USA, just as it has since the colonial era.
Reprint of first edition (1896). "The following pages contain a
condensed statement and exposition of the accepted canons and rules
for the construction and interpretation of the written laws,
whether constitutional or statutory. In accordance with the general
plan of the Hornbook Series, these rules have been formulated
somewhat after the manner of a code, expressed in brief
black-letter paragraphs numbered consecutively throughout the book,
and explained, developed, and illustrated in the text." --Preface,
iii.HENRY CAMPBELL BLACK [1860-1927] was also the author of the
standard American law dictionary, A Dictionary of Law Containing
Definitions of the Terms and Phrases of American and English
Jurisprudence, Ancient and Modern Including the Principal Terms of
International, Constitutional, and Commercial Law, first published
in 1891, and other works.
eric (yes, lowercase e) is politically conservative, morally
liberal, and - by his own admission - completely off kilter. These
quirks have allowed him to pursue his goal of being the world's
preeminent Republican Jewish blogger (www.tygrrrrexpress.com).
eric has dedicated his life to fighting ideological bigotry -
what he defines as a pervasive disdain for conservatives merely
because they exist. With this book, eric presents his best columns
as a cohesive discussion, ranging from serious to senseless, of why
questioning issues such as the legality of gay marriage does not
make one a homophobe; wanting to privatize social security does not
mean one wishes to see seniors bleeding to death on the streets;
and examining whether affirmative action succeeds does not make one
a racist. With engaging and often amusing insight, eric illustrates
how people can disagree without impugning their humanity.
With Ideological Bigotry and his ongoing blog, eric's ultimate
goal is to make the world a better place. Within these pages, he
illuminates that until liberals see conservatives as a noble
opposition, they will continue to live in the intellectual,
ethical, and political wilderness reserved for those who prefer
rage, hatred, and anger to rolling up their sleeves and creating
solutions.
The people who run our government are affected by money just like
the rest of us. Over the years, many of these officials have
worried about meeting mortgage payments, holding off creditors, and
avoiding bankruptcy. Others made fortunes by devoting their time to
supervising their business interests. Either way, these
distractions affected the lives of everyday citizens--from the
price of shirts to the decisions for war or peace. In school,
students are taught about governmental principles underlying
political controversies, but instructors seldom talk about money
that presidents and cabinet members stood to gain or lose,
depending on who prevailed in a political dispute. This book will
help fill the gaps in that knowledge. To ignore the business
activities of our leaders is to ignore most of their adult lives.
Having such awareness allows voters to see motivations in
government decisions that may otherwise be obscure. Concentrating
on presidents and cabinet members, from the birth of the U.S.
through the Carter administration, this book tells how they and
their associates gained and lost wealth, and how this affected
their nation's well-being.
Since 2015, Poland's populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) has been
dismantling the major checks and balances of the Polish state and
subordinating the courts, the civil service, and the media to the
will of the executive. Political rights have been radically
restricted, and the Party has captured the entire state apparatus.
The speed and depth of these antidemocratic movements took many
observers by surprise: until now, Poland was widely regarded as an
example of a successful transitional democracy. Poland's
anti-constitutional breakdown poses three questions that this book
sets out to answer: What, exactly, has happened since 2015? Why did
it happen? And what are the prospects for a return to liberal
democracy? These answers are formulated against a backdrop of
current worldwide trends towards populism, authoritarianism, and
what is sometimes called 'illiberal democracy'. As this book
argues, the Polish variant of 'illiberal democracy' is an oxymoron.
By undermining the separation of powers, the PiS concentrates all
power in its own hands, rendering any democratic accountability
illusory. There is, however, no inevitability in these
anti-democratic trends: this book considers a number of possible
remedies and sources of hope, including intervention by the
European Union.
This book provides evaluations of American presidents over the
course of 66 years of U.S. economic history, using quantitative
data to provide credible, defensible answers to controversial
questions like "Whose economic policies were more effective, Ronald
Reagan's or Bill Clinton's?" The President as Economist: Scoring
Economic Performance from Harry Truman to Barack Obama provides
eye-opening insights about matters of critical importance for the
future of the United States. Author Richard J. Carroll tackles a
topic that he has researched and been focused on for more than 20
years, providing impartial assessments and rankings of each
presidential administration according to numerous key performance
indicators-quantitative data, not subjective opinions. The final
chapter combines all of the data to present a numeric score
(Presidential Performance Index-PPI) for each administration that
allows an overall ranking of the 11 presidents. The analysis covers
66 years of U.S. economic history, ranging from 1946 through 2011.
The earlier administrations of Harry S. Truman through Jimmy Carter
set the context against which more recent presidencies are judged.
This title will be an invaluable resource for everyone from general
readers to students at the high school, undergraduate, and graduate
levels, as well as journalists, lobbyists, and anyone directly or
indirectly involved in the political process. An appendix provides
the official data upon which the rankings are based
For decades, leaders in Newark, New Jersey, have claimed their city
is about to return to its vibrant past. How accurate is this
prediction? Is Newark on the verge of revitalization? Robert
Curvin, who was one of New Jersey's outstanding civil rights
leaders, examines the city, chronicling its history, politics, and
culture." "Throughout the pages of" Inside Newark," Curvin
approaches his story both as an insider who is rooting for Newark
and as an objective social scientist illuminating the causes and
effects of sweeping changes in the city
Based on historical records and revealing interviews with over one
hundred residents and officials, "Inside Newark" traces Newark's
history from the 1950s, when the city was a thriving industrial
center, to the era of Mayor Cory Booker. Along the way, Curvin
covers the disturbances of July 1967, called a riot by the media
and a rebellion by residents; the administration of Kenneth Gibson,
the first black mayor of a large northeastern city; and the era of
Sharpe James, who was found guilty of corruption. Curvin examines
damaging housing and mortgage policies, the state takeover of the
failing school system, the persistence of corruption and patronage,
Newark's shifting ethnic and racial composition, positive
developments in housing and business complexes, and the reign of
ambitious mayor Cory Booker.
"
Inside Newark" reveals a central weakness that continues to plague
Newark--that throughout this history, elected officials have not
risen to the challenges they have faced. Curvin calls on those in
positions of influence to work for the social and economic
improvement of all groups and concludes with suggestions for
change, focusing on education reform, civic participation,
financial management, partnerships with agencies and business,
improving Newark's City Council, and limiting the term of the
mayor. If Newark's leadership can encompass these changes, Newark
will have a chance at a true turnaround.
Ethnic Diasporas and the Canada-United States Security Community
focuses on three diasporas and their impact on North American
security relations, the Irish and Germans, which were mainly in the
US, and the Muslim diaspora, which is based in both countries. The
book begins by examining the evolution of North America from a zone
of war to a zone of peace (i.e., a security community), starting
with the debate over the nature and meaning of the Canada-US
border. It then assesses the role of ethnic diasporas in North
American security, looking as to whether ethnic interest groups
have been gaining influence over the shaping of the US foreign
policy. This debate is also valid in Canada, especially given the
practice of federal political parties of catering to blocs of
ethnic voters. The second section of the book focuses on three case
studies. The first examines the impact of the Irish Americans on
the quality of security relations between the US and the UK, and
therefore between the former and Canada. The second looks at an
even larger diaspora, the German Americans, whose political agenda
by the start of twentieth century attempted to discourage
Anglo-American entente and eventual alliance. The final case
concentrates on the debates around the North American Muslim
diaspora in the past two decades, a time when policy attention
turned toward the greater Middle East, which in many ways
constitute the "kin community" of this politically active diaspora.
This comparative assessment of the three cases provides
contextualization for today's discussion of homegrown terrorism and
its implication for bilateral security cooperation in North
America.
The global financial crisis had a dramatic short-term effect on
federal relations and, as the twelve case studies in this
illuminating book show, set in place a new set of socio-political
factors that are shaping the longer-run process of institutional
change in federal systems. The Future of Federalism illustrates how
an understanding of these complex dynamics is crucial to the
development of policies needed for effective and sustainable
federal governance in the 21st century. The book finds that growing
fiscal pressures are interacting with domestic political variables
to produce country specific federal dynamics. Arguably the first
detailed study of the medium term impact of the financial crisis
and its aftermath on federal governance, this volume highlights how
growing budget pressures are contributing to increased
centralisation in many federations, while in others national
governments are devolving power to appease regional grievances and
preserve the federal union. Contributions from leading federalism
and public finance scholars test recent theoretical explanations of
change in federal systems against the experiences of a diverse
cross-section of federal jurisdictions. The case studies include
both established federations and 'federalizing' jurisdictions, such
as the UK and China, and highlights the complex dynamics which
shape the evolution of federal governance Comprehensive and
interdisciplinary, this timely book will appeal to students and
scholars - from political science, economics and law - studying
federalism, governance studies and comparative political economy.
It is essential reading for public officials and policy makers
interested in intergovernmental relations, public finance and
budgeting and tax policy. Contributors include: J.R. Afonso, D.M.
Brown, C. Colino, T.J. Conlan, L. de Mello, E. del Pino, R.
Eccleston, R. Hortle, R. Jha, R. Krever, S. Lee, R. Mabugu, E.
Massetti, P. Mellor, J. Schnellenbach, N. Soguel, C. Wong
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Richard M. Nixon
(Hardcover)
Elizabeth Drew; Edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger
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R739
R653
Discovery Miles 6 530
Save R86 (12%)
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The complex man at the center of America's most self-destructive
presidency In this provocative and revelatory assessment of the
only president ever forced out of office, the legendary Washington
journalist Elizabeth Drew explains how Richard M. Nixon's troubled
inner life offers the key to understanding his presidency. She
shows how Nixon was surprisingly indecisive on domestic issues and
often wasn't interested in them. Turning to international affairs,
she reveals the inner workings of Nixon's complex relationship with
Henry Kissinger, and their mutual rivalry and distrust. The
Watergate scandal that ended his presidency was at once an
overreach of executive power and the inevitable result of his
paranoia and passion for vengeance.
Even Nixon's post-presidential rehabilitation was motivated by a
consuming desire for respectability, and he succeeded through his
remarkable resilience. Through this book we finally understand this
complicated man. While giving him credit for his achievements, Drew
questions whether such a man--beleaguered, suspicious, and
motivated by resentment and paranoia--was fit to hold America's
highest office, and raises large doubts that he was.
Precedent is an important tool of judicial decision making and
reasoning in common law systems such as the United States. Instead
of having each court decide cases anew, the rule of precedent or
stares decisis dictates that similar cases should be decided
similarly. Adherence to precedent promotes several values,
including stability, reliability, and uniformity, and it also
serves to constrain judicial discretion. Yet while adherence to
precedent is important, there are some cases where the United
States Supreme Court does not follow it when it comes to
constitutional reasoning. Over time the US Supreme Court under its
different Chief Justices has approached rejection of its own
precedent in different ways and at varying rates of reversal. This
book examines the role of constitutional precedent in US Supreme
Court reasoning. The author surveys the entire history of the US
Supreme Court up until 2020, keying in on decisions regarding when
it chose to overturn its own constitutional precedent and why. He
explores how the US Supreme Court under its different Chief
Justices has approached constitutional precedents and justified its
reversal and quantifies which Courts have reversed the most
constitutional precedents and why. Constitutional Precedent in US
Supreme Court Reasoning is essential reading for law professors and
students interested in precedent and its role in legal reasoning.
Law libraries which will find this book of importance to their
collections on legal reasoning and analysis.
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