James D. Startt previously explored Woodrow Wilson's relationship with the press during his rise to political prominence. Now, Startt returns to continue the story, picking up with the outbreak of World War I in 1914 and tracing history through the Senate's ultimate rejection in 1920 of the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations. Woodrow Wilson, the Great War, and the Fourth Estate delves deeply into the president's evolving relations with the press and its influence on and importance to the events of the time. Startt navigates the complicated relationship that existed between one of the country's most controversial leaders and its increasingly ruthless corps of journalists. The portrait of Wilson that emerges here is one of complexity-a skilled politician whose private nature and notorious grit often tarnished his rapport with the press, and an influential leader whose passionate vision just as often inspired journalists to his cause.

The United States is under assault by the progressive attitudes and actions of the liberal Left. At this critical time in our history, it is imperative that conservatives stand united against this assault. The majority of Americans are not progressive liberals, so why should we have to live with progressive liberal policies? Charles Gross thinks it's time to fi ght for individual liberties and America's future. He makes a case for the following:

Liberals consistently say one thing and do another. Liberal politicians blatantly promote racism and divisiveness. Progressive liberal concepts enable the Islamic agenda of global domination. Many moderate Americans support liberal candidates, voting against their own best interests. Republican politicians contribute to the problem by failing to act with integrity and according to the Constitution.

Gross proposes achievable solutions to restore traditional American values. By reducing the size of the federal government, reforming taxation, maintaining a strong national defense, and applying the tenets of the United States Constitution along with common sense, it is possible to save America from progressive liberalism.

This much revised and expanded edition guides researchers to sources that provide information about the general and specific subjects which form the jurisdiction of the U.S. Government. A tool that correlates legal authorities, principal offices, and financial resources and clarifies their patterns of interaction, the book points out the most appropriate methods and authors for accessing all fields of federal data. Students, teachers, public administrators, policy analysts and citizen activists will find that this easy-to-use guide reliably maps out the jurisdictions of government business and policymaking. This much revised and expanded edition guides researchers to sources that provide information about the general and specific subjects which form the jurisdiction of the U.S. Government. A tool that correlates legal authorities, principal offices, and financial resources and clarifies their patterns of interaction, the book points out the most appropriate methods and authors for accessing all fields of federal data. This research aid translates the universe of public responsibilities into topical categories that chart the structure and functions of the policymaking branches and their various subunits. By helping students, teachers, public administrators, policy analysts, and citizen activists to understand the role of jurisdiction in the business of government, it enables them to develop their own best research strategies.

The State is the most powerful of political ideas but where does it come from? This broad-ranging new study traces the history of the word and the concept back to the systems of law and justice created by medieval kings and shows how legal institutions acquired political force.

This book examines the transformation of the state in Central and Eastern Europe since the end of communism and adoption of market oriented reform in the early 1990s, exploring the impact of globalization and economic liberalization on the region's states, societies and political economy. It compares the different policies and national strategies adopted by key Central and Eastern European states, including the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Slovakia, showing how initial internally oriented strategies of market reform, privileging domestic sources of investment, had by the late 1990s given way to externally oriented strategies emphasising the promotion of competitiveness by attracting foreign investment. It explores the reasons behind this convergence, considering the influence of internal and external forces, and the roles of interests, institutions and ideas. It argues that internationalization of the state is forged in the processes through which domestic groups linked to transnational capital attain domestic influence necessary to shape state policy and strategy. These groups - the comprador service sector in particular - constitute and organize political, social and institutional support of the competition state in the region. Overall, this book not only provides a detailed account of the political economy of post-communist transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, but also the processes by which states adapt to the forces of globalization.

In this highly original interpretation of Machiavelli's thought, Anthony J. Parel identifies a theme generally neglected in the scholarship of this sixteenth-century political thinker: Machiavelli's belief in the occult forces of heaven and humors. Challenging the current tendency to view Machiavelli as a pioneer of modern political science, Parel argues instead that a premodern cosmology and anthropology underlie Machiavelli's political works. Parel shows that Machiavelli's world picture owes more to the astrological cosmology prevalent in the Renaissance than to the Aristotelian or Platonic or Christian world picture. This astrological determination significantly affects Machiavelli's conceptions of history, politics, and religion and shapes his notions of virtu and fortuna. It also has considerable impact on his ethical ideas: the Machiavellian cosmos has no room for a Ruling Mind or for the Sovereignty of the Good, and humans are left to pursue their appetites for riches and glory as best they can. In a similar fashion, says Parel Machiavelli's political anthropology is influenced by the ancient idea that body humors determine a person's temperament and behavior, for he believes that humors compromise human autonomy and rationality. According to Parel, the theory of humors also affects Machiavelli's view of the body politic and his characterization of republics, princedoms, and licenzia, and Parel explicates this in new readings of The Prince, the Discourses, and the Florentine Histories.

This volume explores the theoretical value of applying rational choice theory to questions of regional integration. As with other questions of conflict and cooperation in the field of international politics, studies of European integration are divided largely between the realist and liberalist perspectives. Yet neither of these schools of thought aptly explains the dynamics characterizing this process, that is, the major advances in regional integration and the long periods of paralysis. The contributions in this volume work their way from the most general questions and macro-processes down to particular policy problems of the European Union and the micro-foundations of interstate cooperation. The work will be of interest to scholars and policymakers in international relations, international economics, and European studies.

In recent years, nations, nationalism, and the nation-state have enjoyed a resurgence of scholarly interest. The focus on the twentieth century and in particular the post-colonial and post-socialist era, however, has neglected the crucial developmental phase of modern nationalism, when basic patterns were created that were to exert long-term influence on the political culture of nations in and outside Europe. This book examines how gender and nation legitimize and limit the access of individuals and groups to national movements and the resources of nation-state. From problems of inclusion, exclusion and difference, national wars and military systems to national symbols, rituals and myths, contributors present a diverse array of critical perspectives, methodological approaches, and case-studies that are intellectually provocative and will help to guide future research as well as orient it toward international comparison.This book raises new questions about nation and gender and provides an assessment of the state of research in different countries for all those interested in cultural and social history, politics, anthropology and gender studies.

Comparative Constitutional Studies takes a rich area of research and teaching and makes it attractive for the classroom setting and beyond. Every constitution has an interesting story to tell, and for this book Gunter Frankenberg has selected vibrant examples that encourage readers to practise realism, demonstrate critical spirit and examine the dark side of framers' reports and normative theories. This book deals with textbook hegemons, made in Philadelphia, Tokyo, Paris and, more importantly, with other constitutions from the global south, often classified as also-ran. Constitutions reflect conflicts and experiences, political visions and anxieties, ideals and ideologies, and Frankenberg's interdisciplinary approach serves as an excellent introduction to a new transnational conversation in comparative constitutional law. Its fresh perspective will make this book as an excellent resource for scholars and students of comparative constitutional law, political science, sociology, and anthropology.

Bowers argues that, when correctly interpreted and applied, the Constitution and the theory of liberty on which it is based require government to reject the conventional pro-choice and anti-abortion perspectives as too extreme and incomplete. Instead, this book sets forth a position that government is constitutionally obligated to approach abortion policy from a middle perspective. Relying on a jurisprudence of original theory, Pro-Choice and Anti-Abortion forcefully asserts that government is constitutionally constrained to formulate abortion policy that is at once pro-choice and anti-abortion. In so arguing, this book walks readers through this constitutionally mandated middle position by introducing them to the liberal teachings of John Locke that were so influential to the framers of the Constitution and by applying this political theory to the major issues of the abortion controversy--including the individual liberty interest in the abortion decision, minors and abortions, the liberty interest of the fetal-being, and the Freedom of Choice Act.

In 1924 America passed legislation that effectively outlined which immigrants were to be considered beneficial to the national body and which were not. Albert Johnson, a Washington State Congressman, sponsored the Act. This study examines the role of the Pacific Northwest in the change of national sentiment that led up to this legislation. Throughout the period, this region experienced massive growth in its immigrant population. Its forests and small towns were the scenes of many clashes with the alien radicals, resulting in the creation of anti-Catholic legislation and the laws against land ownership by the Japanese. Analyzing issues of race, religion, and political radicalism, Allerfeldt determines that the region was highly influential in the national debate.

Most immigration studies of this era focus on the East Coast or on California, but Allerfeldt finds that Northwestern politicians and populists, responding to regional events as much as national sentiments, often set the national immigration agenda. Diverse organizations such as the APA, the Ku Klux Klan, and the IWW gained powerful local support and had significant influence on the region's attitudes towards immigrants. Rather than following California's lead in the opposition to Asian immigration, the Northwest actually set the path for its southern neighbor in many important aspects.

The Constitution is the fundamental governing document of the United States. But to what extent do candidates and parties make constitutional arguments in the course of American elections? By examining party platforms, candidate messages, presidential debates, and television ads, The Constitution on the Campaign Trail answers four main questions: How often does constitutional rhetoric appear in campaigns? How much of it is explicit and how much implicit? What constitutional topics receive the most attention? And how often do the electoral competitors engage in an actual constitutional dialogue? The Constitution on the Campaign Trail finds evidence for a long, broad decline in the use of constitutional rhetoric since the mid-19th century. Making matters worse, the modern medium most responsible for conveying campaign messages on a day-to-day basis television advertising -has proven least conducive to constitutional argument. To that extent, concerns about a deconstitutionalization of politics are well placed. However, and perhaps surprisingly, American campaigns have actually seen a limited resurgence in constitutional rhetoric over the past four decades, driven in large part by increased concern with judicial issues, rights, and federalism. The book concludes with explanations of past trends and a look to the future. The political analysis found in The Constitution on the Campaign Trail is firmly grounded in historical research and the conclusions reached are trenchant."

What is a 'global polity' and can it be squared with the continued strength of nation-states?
This book argues that our current understanding of globalization makes it impossible to grasp some crucial changes in world politics. Drawing innovatively on both Foucault and Waltz Constructing a Global Polity reframes the debate about global politics by redefining the term 'polity' as a new model of political structure. Unlike hierarchy and anarchy, polity draws attention to how new objects of governance such as the global economy or climate affect the structure of world politics.
Through this new lens the author examines the construction of a global polity in the controversy that followed the dramatic 'anti-globalization' protests at global elite gatherings. The findings challenge the standard typology of positions in the globalization debate and suggest that, even while states remain central, the logic of world politics may be shifting in more subtle ways.

Watch Andraž Zidar briefly discussing international hegemony and constitutionalism and his book, here. Two dominant trends in today’s world are hegemony and constitutionalism. The attitude of greater states or regional blocks, such as the US, Russia, China and the EU, represents hegemony. In parallel, constitutionalism is getting stronger through international organizations, international adjudicatory bodies and ‘higher norms’ of international law. While these processes represent a move away from the Westphalian inter-state logic, they also juxtapose hegemony and constitutionalism to each other. A detailed look reveals that the two phenomena are intertwined in the sense of the antinomy. To shed more light on their complex relationship, the book surveys hegemony and constitutionalism in the field of international law. It focuses on hegemo-constitutional intersections with regard to international organizations, intervention on humanitarian grounds and international adjudication. Concrete and practical examples provide incremental developments hinting at a new structure of the world community. The World Community between Hegemony and Constitutionalism will be of interest to those captivated by the current state of play in the world, in particular from the perspective of international law, constitutional law, international relations and political science.

Leadership on the Federal Bench: The Craft and Activism of Jack Weinstein considers the ways a particularly gifted federal judge seized the opportunities available to district judges to influence the results of the cases before him, and employed the tools available to him to make policy having a national impact. In the book, author Jeffrey Morris considers the ways in which the judge, Jack Weinstein of the Eastern District of New York, has been limited by his position. This book adds to the slim literature about the policy-making role of district judges applying the work of legal historians, political scientists and those trained in the law. Focusing upon an admitted judicial activist - perhaps the most famous, innovative and controversial district judge sitting today - the book permits a close look at activism at the trial level.
Leadership on the Federal Bench: The Craft and Activism of Jack Weinsteinbegins by analyzing the job of a federal district judge and why it is profitable to study Judge Weinstein. Related topics include Weinstein's background before appointment to the bench; the political and legal environment within which Weinstein has judged and the characteristics of the district in which he sat and its possible impact on him. Part of the book focuses on Weinstein's judicial output for each of his four decades on the bench. Cases are drawn from a diverse number of areas, among them the areas of civil rights, freedom of speech, search and seizures, organized crime and political corruption cases, evidence and procedure. Finally, conclusions are made on the role of district courts, judicial activism in general, along with a summary of Judge Weinstein's career.

Based on over 130 interviews with criminals, law enforcement officials and government representatives from post-Soviet Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, this book situates organized crime in the debate on state formation and examines the diverging patterns in organized crime following the aftermath of these countries' Coloured Revolutions.