"The Supreme Court" grew out of a unique opportunity to interview all nine sitting Supreme Court Justices plus retired Justice O'Connor for a documentary on the Supreme Court. Through Brian Lamb and Susan Swain's interviews with our country's most influential judges, the book offers portraits of the Justices that introduces readers to the closed world of the Supreme Court, and what's it's really like to serve on the nation's highest Court.

Accompanying the Justices around the Supreme Court, and through offices steeped in historic memorabilia, Lamb and Swain offer readers a window into a fascinating world to which few have had access. In these pages, Justice Sotomayor reflects on her first impressions of the job and the acclimation process. Justice Breyer takes us behind the scenes on a private tour of his Chambers as he describes how the Court works. And Chief Justice Roberts talks about the role of the Court in Society, the role of the Chief Justice, and the process of deciding cases.

Enriching this unique material are interviews with journalists, court historians, and other experts on the Court. Journalists Joan Biskupic and Lyle Denniston (the longest serving Supreme Court reporter) talk about the process that unfolds in the Court and the impact of a new member of the Court. Clerk of the Supreme Court William Suter provides insights into the traditions of the Court. Historian Jim O'Hara discusses the Supreme Court building and its history. Two attorneys who have argued numerous cases in front of the Supreme Court tell readers what it's like facing the justices in fast paced oral arguments.

Vividly illustrated with color photographs, the book is a perfect gift for anyone interested in the makings of this powerful institution.

This work provides the first in-depth study of the Twelfth Amendment of the United States Constitution from the larger perspective of the development of the electoral college. Too often viewed as a modest reform to prevent the recurrence of the 1800-1801 election crisis, the Twelfth Amendment, according to Kuroda, was actually the decisive step in the evolution of the modern electoral college. Significantly, the amendment implicitly recognized the existence of national political parties and allowed the party which won the most electoral votes to win the offices of President and Vice President. But it was also significant for what it did not do: it did not abolish presidential electors; did not prohibit a winner-take-all electoral system; and did not mandate district election of electors.

A troubling look at why, for a variety of reasons, congressional power on issues of war and peace has diminished over time, resulting in an abdication of responsibility as the executive branch led the United States into a war with Iraq in 2003. The Road to War: Congress' Historic Abdication of Responsibility is a thought-provoking discussion of the ramifications of a shift in the balance of powers between Congress and the Executive Branch with regard to war and peace. To underscore his argument, author Robert Kennedy outlines the intellectual origins of the U.S. Constitution and examines the intent of the Framers on the relationship between Congress and the executive branch in the formulation of foreign and security policy and decisions of war and peace. Kennedy traces the erosion of congressional power from 1789 to the 21st century, concluding that Congress has often gifted away its war powers to the president, preferring to leave decisions on his shoulders, rather than accept the responsibility for a comprehensive examination of the issues and the tough decisions that such efforts might entail. This abdication by Congress of its constitutionally mandated responsibilities dangerously threatens the systems of checks and balances established under the Constitution. Power no longer checks power. Ambition is set free to take the Road to War.

This book is about a variety of national arrangements and practices, whose common characteristics are to constitute 'presidential republics' and which as such have become the main form of government in the contemporary world.

Using the cases of Northern Cyprus and Transdniestria, the author examines state-building as practiced by informal states. Exploring symbolic and economic dimensions of state-building projects and using insights from political sociology, she investigates how they function under circumstances of non-recognition.

When a group of young political activists met in 1944 to launch the African National Congress Youth League, it included the nuscleus of a remarkable generation of leaders who forged the struggle for freedom and equality in South Africa for the next half century: Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Jordan Ngubane, Ellen Kuzwayo, Albertina Smith, A. P. Mda, Dan Tloome, and David Bopape. It was Anton Lembede, however, whom they chose as their first president. Lembede, who had just begun practicing law in Johannesburg, was known for his sharp intellect, fiery personality, and unwavering commitment to the struggle at hand. The son of farm laborers from the district of Georgedale, Natal, Lembede had worked tirelessly to put himself through school and college, and then to qualify for the bachelor of laws degree. When he began law practice in 1943, he had also earned the respect of his fellows, not only for his intellectual achievements (which were many), but also for his dedication to the cause of freedom in South Africa. "I am", he explained, "Africa's own child". His untimely death in 1947 at the age of 33 sent a wave of grief through the Congress Youth, who had looked to him for moral as well as political leadership. With the publication of Freedom In Our Lifetime, the editors acknowledge Lembede's early contribution to the freedom movement, in particular his passionate and eloquent articulation of the African-centered philosophy he called "Africanism".

Contains a study of the CIA's relationship with Congress. It encompasses the period from the creation of the Agency until 2004, the era of the DCIs, the Directors of Central Intelligence. Includes black and white photographs, an index, and a bibliography.

Federalism has generally been characterized as a system of government that is friendly to liberty. It is not obvious, though, why this should be so. Federalism is a form of government where citizens simultaneously reside in at least two governments, each of which has independent authority to tax and to regulate. By contrast, in a unitary form of government citizens face only one government with independent authority to tax and regulate. At first glance, it would seem a bit strange to claim that liberty is more secure when citizens are members of two governments with independent authority than when they are members of only one such government. The relationship between federalism and liberty turns out to be a complex one, and one that is capable of working in either direction. Whether federalism supports or erodes liberty depends on importantly on the institutional framework within which federalist governance takes place. The essays in Federalist Government in Principle and Practice examine this institutionalist theme from both theoretical and practical perspectives.

In a time when American politics has become a spectator sport often viewed with a cynical eye by the people, it is needful to be reminded that our freedom entails a civic responsibility to preserve the legal document that gives us that freedom, the United States Constitution. The Constitution is a contract to which all citizens are parties and upon which they have a right to rely. The people have as well the right to protect themselves from interpretations that go unreasonably beyond the original intent of the Framers. It is clear that in the past the Constitution has been abused to justify decisions made by the legislative and judicial branches of government (as in the Dred Scott case) that have since been overturned. Decisions that extend the powers of the federal government beyond the expressly stated limits declared in the Constitution continue to occur today and remain subjects of intensely debated contention. This book gives detailed examples of where Congress and the Supreme Court have gone outside the peoples mutual contract and have, in effect, amended the Constitution. The last chapter outlines a procedure by which citizens, voting directly, can overrule or repeal amendments made by elements of their government.

In twenty years, there could be a European Federation, a United States of Europe, of which Britain would be a part, with Brussels as the capital. There will be a President of Europe and a European Government; the European Parliament will make laws and the European Court will give rulings. Britain will be a province of Europe, as it was in Roman times long ago. It is therefore vital to understand the nature and characteristics of the EU, to know what sort of entity it is.

The purpose of this book is to contribute towards such an understanding by scrutinizing the Union from the constitutional and legal angle. It looks, for instance, at whether the European Court behaves as a court ought to behave; at the problems caused by the vague and elastic nature of Community law; at whether the division of power between the Union and the Member States is based on any sort of principle, and, if so, whether that principle is consistently applied; at me enforcement of Community law and the problems caused by the different levels of compliance in different Member States; and, finally, at the issue of whether Member States have ceded their sovereignty. These issues raise questions which we must ask, and try to answer.

This book will be of interest not only to experts in Community law, but to all lawyers -- indeed, to non-lawyers as well -- who want to understand the Community. To make this possible, an introductory chapter has been added to provide the necessary background.

Suffering from a bad heart, emphysema, glaucoma, and deafness, Thurgood Marshall finally retired from the Supreme Court at the age of 82 in spite of having always claimed "I was appointed to a life term, and I intend to serve it." Many observers felt he should have left much earlier.

Life appointments make Supreme Court justices among the most powerful officials in government and allow even dysfunctional judges to stay on long after they should have departed. For that reason, when a justice leaves the bench is often as controversial as when he's appointed. This first comprehensive historical treatment of their deaths, resignations, and retirements explains when and why justices do step down. It considers the diverse circumstances under which they leave office and clarifies why they often are reluctant to, showing how factors like pensions, party loyalty, or personal pride come into play. It also relates physical ailments to mental faculties, offering examples of how a justice's disability sometimes affects Court decisions.

David Atkinson examines each of the nearly 100 men who have left the bench and provides anecdotal glimpses into the lives of famous and obscure justices alike. He reveals how men like Salmon Chase and William O. Douglas determinedly continued to serve after suffering strokes, how Joseph McKenna persevered despite knowing he was professionally unqualified, and how, long before Thurgood Marshall, the ailing octogenarian Gabriel Duvall finally retired after struggling to protect another ideological position on the Court.

Ultimately, Atkinson shows just how human these people are and enhances our understanding of how the Court conducts its business. He also suggests specific ways to improve the present situation, weighing the pros and cons of mandatory retirement and calling for reform in the delegation of duties to law clerks--who in recent years have dominated the actual writing of many justices' decisions.

As the current Court ages, how long might we expect justices to remain on the bench? Because our next president will likely make several appointments, now is the time to consider what shape the Supreme Court will take in the next century. Offering a wealth of information never before collected, "Leaving the Bench" provides substantial grist for that debate and will serve as an unimpeachable reference on the Court.

Resistance, Representation, and Community is an important new analysis of these three key concepts and the influence they had on the continuing development of the modern state in Europe. Peter Blickle brings together a wealth of scholarly experience from all over Europe to explore the part played by the people and their communal organizations - ranging from rural parish meeting to powerful city council - in state-formation. The resulting collection forms a debate with both firm theoretical grounding and valuable new data, crossing all national boundaries to show the origins of the ethos of people power which underpins the politics and culture of Europe today.

It's the same message every election year: "Get out and vote--It's your civic duty." Those who audit the sound bites of the candidates, read headlines about the debates and finally pull the lever at their local precinct are touted as moral, upstanding citizens; those who find among the candidates no agreeable representative, no platform worthy of espousal, and who then refuse to turn out on election day, on the other hand, are labeled apathetic and the legitimacy of their opposition is denied. This book is an anthology of articles and excerpts from a variety of sources that deal with the topic of nonvoting. In presenting the minority view that important moral and political reasons abound for not voting, the book unfolds four general arguments: voting is implicitly a coercive act because it lends support to a compulsory state; voting reinforces the legitimacy of the state; and existing nonpolitical, voluntarist alternatives better serve society. Many people do not agree with the concept of nonvoting--but the serious and well thought through underpinnings of such a belief are of crucial importance to an understanding of modern American politics.

Alexander Hamilton called the judiciary the "least dangerous" branch of government. He was right then but wrong today. Since Hamilton's time the Supreme Court has become a cardinal example of Lord Acton's famous dictum: "Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely." It is not a corruption of bribes, or even of bad intentions, but of taking upon itself the right to alter the Constitution whenever past principles offend present preferences of five or more Justices.

"Corrupted by Power" shows how the Constitution is repeatedly changed to mean whatever the Supreme Court wants it to mean. Precedent is followed only when past decisions support current opinions. Otherwise precedents are overruled, misrepresented or ignored. A conspicuous example is the judicial manufacture of new First Amendment rights, including rights to advocate criminal behavior, publish degrading sex and extreme violence, and advertise vice.

Can the Constitution be rescued? Discover what can be done.

This book will systematically examine how Supreme Court detainee cases have been implemented over time with an emphasis on the role of the president in this process. More specifically, it will test the hypothesis that an active, energetic executive branch has the ability to powerfully shape the implementation process of judicial decisions in a policy area it has deemed important. It concludes that the President, though just one of many actors in the implementation process, wields considerable influence and has a variety of tools that can be used to shape the manner in which judicial decisions are implemented and achieve his policy goals. It also explores why presidents seem to have the upper hand in the implementation process when compared with the power and influence of Congress and the courts.

In the shadow of a French national narrative which demonises and rejects local specificities, highly differentiated territorial political spaces have been created, shaped by identity, decentralisation, and public policy. This book analyses regional power in France and paints a picture of a controversial central state undergoing fundamental changes.

What does Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition really want? What secret agenda lies behind radio counselor James Dobson's Focus on the Family? Who are the Promise Keepers and what are their ultimate goals? Why do so many leaders of the religious right engage in gay bashing? What would these groups do to our public school system, or to our government, if they were in power? Close Encounters with the Religious Right takes you behind the scenes to answer these questions and gives the reader a rare glimpse of a world the average American may not even realize exists.
Author Robert Boston, of Americans United for Separation of Church and State, has spent the past twelve years doggedly tracking the religious right. As a "permanent resident alien" he has attended their meetings, read their publications, watched their videos, and debated their leaders in the national media. Boston contends that despite claims to the contrary, the religious right is not dead as a political force and may be stronger than ever. Backed by millions of dollars, powerful television and radio ministries that reach every corner of the nation, and slick magazines, zealous right-wing groups are still very much involved in politics and are determined to convert America into a fundamentalist "Christian" nation that conforms to their narrow definition of Christianity. The next few years, says Boston, could determine the fate of traditional American liberties like separation of church and state and freedom of the press.
Close Encounters with the Religious Right is an eye-opening expose, revealing a sometimes funny but more often disturbing world of fanaticism and extremism.

The book uses an innovative theoretical framework to explain how the EU social dimension has taken its present form. It presents and applies a political economic framework to the European labour market integration process and offers new tools for analysing the dynamics of regional integration. The theory is applied to case studies of the EU's approach to social protection, health and safety protection at the workplace, and maternity leave. The topical issues around the future of welfare provision in Europe, how a 'Social Europe' may develop and the political and economic consequences of this are discussed.

The primordial bonds of early societies-common ancestry or tribal bonds and territorial or neighborhood bonds-are at the root of early political organization. States based on common tribal or ethnic identity have tended to develop into highly nationalistic states. The civic state, based upon territory, appeared in embryonic form in Athens. It was Rome, however, that made the complete transition, creating a civic state based on an association of free citizens, irrespective of ethnicity. The tribal state in its extreme, often totalitarian, form has led to genocide, holocausts, and ethnic cleansing. The civic or territorial state has developed into modern pluralistic, multiethnic, democratic states with equal rights for diverse groups. This was accomplished by a historical process of separation of ethnicity from citizenship. As Feliks Gross shows, there are many types of civic and tribal states: they do not fit into a single model, but they can be grouped into related families. This important survey of political and social development will be of great interest to students and scholars of political sociology, ethnic studies, and political history.

This volume constitutes a rigorous attempt to assess the actual influence of traditional Marxist theory - the doctrines of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels - on developments in revolutionary China. Employing primary documents, the exposition carries the reader from the first years of the Chinese Communist Party, through the stresses of the war of resistance against Japan and the Civil War - that concluded with the proclamation of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. An account of the Mao epoch, inspired by a fundamentally transformed Marxism, is prelude to the 'Second Chinese Revolution' that saw the 'Thought of Deng Xiaoping' shaping the destiny of the New China. The role of modern China, as a reactive nationalist, single-party, developmental dictatorship, is assessed against what we know of such systems, and how they have influenced our history in the past.

With the specter of prosecution after his term is over and the possibility of disbarment in Arkansas hanging over President Clinton, the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal and the events that have followed it show no sign of abating. The question has become what to do, and how to think, about those eight months. Did the President lie or was it plausible that he had truthfully testified to no sexual relationship? Was the job search for Monica just help for a friend or a sinister means of obtaining silence? Even if all the charges were true, did impeachment follow or was censure enough? And what are the lasting repercussions on the office of the Presidency?

Aftermath: The Clinton Impeachment and the Presidency in the Age of Political Spectacle takes a multi-disciplinary approach to analyze the Clinton impeachment from political perspectives across the spectrum. The authors attempt to tease out the meanings of the scandal from the vantage point of law, religion, public opinion, and politics, both public and personal. Further, the impeachment itself is situated broadly within the contemporary American liberal state and mined for the contradictory possibilities for reconciliation it reveals in our culture.

Contributors: David T. Canon, John Cooper, Drucilla Cornell, Jean Bethke Elshtain, Robert W. Gordon, Lawrence Joseph, Leonard V. Kaplan, David Kennedy, Kenneth R. Mayer, Beverly I. Moran, Father Richard John Neuhaus, David Novak, Linda Denise Oakley, Elizabeth Rapaport, Lawrence Rosen, Eric Rothstein, Aviam Soifer, Lawrence M. Solan, Cass R. Sunstein, Stephen Toulmin, Leon Trakman, Frank Tuerkheimer, Mark V. Tushnet, Andrew D. Weiner, Robin L. West.