In America, women are the clear majority of the electorate and the clear minority of elected officials overall. In 1997, women held only 21% of the seats at the state legislative level. This study finds that a significant and overlooked culprit acting to limit women's state legislative candidacies is the political party elite. Surveys of county party chairs and potential women legislative candidates were used to investigate the interaction between party leaders and women candidates and to assess its importance in the women's candidacy equation. The vast majority of potential women candidates did, in fact, respond that their parties discriminated against women candidates.

Why would party leaders harbor bias against women? Party leader survey responses are consistent with the notion that most leaders are subject to the outgroup effect, which in essence means they prefer candidates in their own image. Since most party leaders are men, this encourages them to value male candidates and doubt the merits of female candidates. The findings suggest that this bias against women is most likely to occur where chairs have greater decision-making power and where chairs are leading the parties in less competititve districts. The existence of outgroup-motivated bias from party chairs is estimated to reduce the number of women state legislative nominees by one-third. Scholars interested in women in politics, political parties and recruitment, legislative elections, social psychology, and political psychology will find this book useful.

The Executive in the Constitution: Structure, Autonomy, and Internal Control is the first constitutional and legal analysis of the inner workings of the executive for many years. It aims to provoke a reappraisal, by constitutional lawyers, of the place of the executive within the constitution, by exploring an area hitherto largely neglected in constitutional law: the legal foundations of the powers and structure of the executive, and the mechanisms through which the centre of the executive seeks to control the actions of departments. The authors, both pre-eminent in the field off constitutional law, show that the machinery of executive co-ordination and control is no less crucial a dimension of the constitutional order than the external machinery of democratic and legal control. These external parliamentary and judicial controls depend for their effectiveness on the executive's ability to control itself. The plural structure of the executive, however, makes the co-ordination and control of its component parts a highly problematical pursuit. Against the background of an analysis of the executive's legal structure, the book examines in detail the controls governing departmental access to staffing, financial, and legal resources, analysing the relationship between these internal controls and the external machinery of democratic and legal control, and showing how the machinery of internal control has been shaped by the structure of the executive branch. The organization of the executive and the way it controls the actions of its departments has changed significantly in recent year. This book explores the impact of the machinery if executive co-ordination and control of the ambitious public service reform project which has been pursued by successive governments over the last twenty years, as well as of changes in the wider constitutional framework, including those stemming from the United Kingdom's membership of the European Union and the growth of judicial review. It shows how public service reforms, judicial review, and European law are changing not just the inner life of the executive government but its place in the constitution as well.

Andreas Anter reconstructs Max Weber's fragmentary theory of the modern state showing its relationship to contemporary theories and its significance for today's political science. The book consists of six chapters: The first analyses Weber's concept of the state, the second relates the theory of the state to the sociology of rule and domination, the third and fourth discuss Weber's hermeneutics and his doctrine of value-judgements, the fifth deals with the history of the modern state, and the final chapter focuses on Weber's metaphor of the state as 'machine'. Anter reveals the ambivalence of Weber's political thought: the oscillation between an etatiste position, mainly oriented to the reason of state, and an individualistic one, focussed on the freedom of individuals. He shows how much worse off we would be without Weber's theory, not at least by indicating its impact upon later authors.

Do members of Congress follow through on the appeals they make in campaigns? The answer to this question lies at the heart of assessments of democratic legitimacy. This study demonstrates that, contrary to the conventional wisdom that candidates' appeals are just cheap talk, campaigns actually have a lasting legacy in the content of representatives' and senators' behavior in office. Legislators face clear incentives to offer sincere claims in their campaigns, so their appeals often serve as good signals about the issues they will pursue in Congress. Levels of promise-keeping vary in a systematic fashion across legislators, across types of activity, across time, and across chamber. Moreover, legislators' responsiveness to their appeals shapes their future electoral fortunes and career choices, and their activity on their campaign themes leaves a tangible trace in public policy outputs. Understanding the dynamics of promise-keeping thus has important implications for our evaluations of the quality of campaigns and the strength of representation in the United States.

By comparing the importance of representative democracy to the EU as enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty with the political systems in the EU's newest member states, this study explores whether representative democracy can really exist in an enlarged EU and explores the constraints and opportunities for political parties operating the in the EU.

From Walt Whitman's "genius of America"-a common person-comes an uncommon analysis of an American tragedy; the failure of its political system to produce government that truly governs, not simply rules.

Average Americans increasingly are losing faith in our attenuating political parties. It doesn't seem to matter which party holds the reins of power, there's no difference in results. The status quo is locked in place, though America generally expresses dissatisfaction. The consequence: Political Independents-increasing numbers of political Independents. Many people say the American Dream is no longer attainable. As an expression of lack of confidence in government, that's crystal clear; as a verdict on the ability of our political system to deliver good, effective government, that's unacceptable. "The Gathering of the Clan" explores the need for change in politics and shares innovative constructs to revitalize our two-party system. Thomas Richard Harry tackles the whos, whats, and whys of such issues as: Connection between public perception and the phenomenon of political Independents Roles of government and those who govern Values and ideologies and how they affect us individually and collectively Philosophical gorge between democracy and capitalism Fading relationship between political trust and political loyalty

This book explores the inter-relationship between the President and the Bureaucratic establishment in the United States. It begins with an examination of the office of the Presidency and various theories on Leadership and Presidential power. The American System is unique among democratic societies in terms of the number of constraints on the Executive, especially in domestic policies. These include, Separation of Powers, Federalism, Weak Political Parties and a culture that is skeptical of authority. The Three major theories that are presented are Transactional, Authoritarian and Transformational. Each is presented and its applicability to the American System is analyzed and evaluated. The book then moves to what is commonly referred to as The Politics of Bureaucracy. In this section, the role and inter-relationship of Interest Groups, Congressional Sub-Committees and Bureaus is explicated. It is very difficult for a President to successfully challenge when there is agreement among its constituent members. This arrangement is often referred to as Iron Triangles. Presidents are rarely successful when they challenge these Iron Triangles. He either loses or must expend tremendous political resources to prevail. This work investigates how bureaucracies use not only their own material political resources but also develop Ideologies that allow them to compete in the area of values and ideas. Ideologies provide deeply ingrained emotional support among the citizens and other political leaders that allows these bureaus to compete with the President and other political actors in the arena of ideas for predominance in their policy area. Bureaus utilize both material and ideological techniques in three area of interaction, namely: Advice, Implementation and Propaganda. Each of these areas provides bureaus with ample opportunity to not only defend their interest but often to expand their political power. Each bureau has its unique strengths and weaknesses to explo

This book describes what the authors identify as an emerging political crisis in U.S. politics: the possible winning of the presidency by a candidate with far fewer votes than his or her opponent. David W. Abbott and James P. Levine stress both the irrationality and peculiar nature of the current electoral system, emphasizing recent and current political developments. On the basis of their computer analysis of past elections and modern political realities, the authors predict that within twenty years it is very likely that the United States will produce a wrong winner. In explaining how this phenomenon could occur, Abbott and Levine introduce the concept of the wasted vote; winning lopsided majorities in states is worth no more than winning states by one vote, due to the antiquated winner-take-all principle.

The book gives a brief historical overview of the electoral college and the structure of the existing electoral system. In addition to a detailed discussion of the wrong winner problem, the authors also explain that if no candidate gets a majority of votes in the electoral college because of the presence of a third party candidate, the House of Representatives must choose the president under an odd set of ground rules. This creates the potential for all kinds of nefarious political shenanigans. The authors conclude that the only satisfactory solution to the electoral systeM's shortcomings is the total abolition of the electoral college and a shift to direct election of the president by the people. "Wrong Winner" will be an excellent supplementary text in American Government, Parties, Voting, and Public Choice courses. It will also be of interest to political professionals, journalists, and political scientists.

It is the rare reorganization that has a substantial impact on the output of affected agencies or on the delivery of public services. Empirical evidence in Federal Narcotics Enforcement sheds new light on both the history and politics of American drug enforcement efforts and the reasons behind the generally dismal record of large-scale government reorganization. This book demonstrates how the objectives of reorganization in the drug enforcement area failed and extends the lesson of failure to show that more substantive planning and operational level changes are required for real improvement.

When the Berlin Wall fell, so did the East German communist regime. Then began the complex task of creating a single German state. This work is a readable and informative narrative written for high school and college students and the general public. A series of essays presents the social and political forces that shaped the 1989 revolution and the political decisions of both Eastern and Western Germans in the twelve hectic months before unification in 1990. Following a timeline of events, a narrative historical overview places the revolution in the context of post-World War II German history. Other topical essays address the effect of mass emigration from East to West Germany, the role of the Protestant clergy in the revolution, foreign reactions to the revolution, the social and economic effects of unification, and an assessment of the future of a united Germany and its position in the European community. Ready-reference features include biographical essays on key individuals, the text of key primary documents relating to the revolution and unification, a glossary of terms, and an annotated bibliography.

Richard Leiby, who teaches German history at Rosemont College, uses both primary and secondary sources to examine the background, sequence of events, and assessment of German unification in a readable narrative for students and interested readers. The text of primary documents and the biographical sketches drawn from both English sources and German sources in English translation will help students to understand the positions of those involved. This work is ideal for student research and understanding of recent German and European affairs.

Current international discourse on the new state of South Sudan seems fixated on the "state construction." This book aims to broaden the debate by examining the character of regulatory authority in South Sudan's borderlands in both contemporary and historical perspective. The contributions gathered here show that emerging border governance practices challenge the bounded categorization of "state" and "non-state," especially in the complex interactions between state, military, and business actors and power structures. It thus provides a timely and sophisticated contribution to the literature on African borderlands, examining a new state in creation at its borders, and providing an anthropologically and historically informed view of a rapidly evolving situation.

This book examines the frequency, causes and management of divided government in comparative context, identifying the similarities and differences between the various experiences of this increasingly frequent form of government. The countries studied include Denmark, Ecuador, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Mexico, Norway, Poland, and the US.

This edited volume compares the internal dimension, politics and society in Kurdistan-Iraq and Palestine. In particular, it focuses on internal processes in Kurdistan-Iraq and Palestine (Palestinian Territory of the West Bank and Gaza Strip) in their specific shaping, development and transformation. The contributing authors analyze the transformation processes of the internal power structures, the economic basics, and the civil societies and provide an overview of the current political, economic and societal situation and challenges in both regions. The book presents the similarities and differences between both de facto states with regard to a set of guidelines: legitimacy, power relations, transformation of politics and society. It provides empirical explanations and contributes to a better understanding of both de facto states.

With experience as both a trial and appellate judge, Charles Benjamin Schudson knows the burdens on judges. With engaging candor, he takes readers behind the bench to probe judicial minds analyzing actual trials and sentencings-of abortion protesters, murderers, sex predators, white supremacists, and others. He takes us into chambers to hear judges forging appellate decisions about life and death, multimillion-dollar damages, and priceless civil rights. And, most significantly, he exposes the financial, political, personal, and professional pressures that threaten judicial ethics and independence. As political attacks on judges increase, Schudson calls for reforms to protect judicial independence and for vigilance to ensure justice for all. Independence Corrupted is invaluable for students and scholars, lawyers and judges, and all citizens concerned about the future of America's courts.

"Democratic constitutional engineering is tricky, yet consequential, nowadays more than ever. I can hardly think of a better proof of this double assertion than the one provided by the latest book by Giovanni Sartori, possibly the most astute and passionate student of constitutional engineering . . . Mine is an invitation to read the book, indeed to unwrap and savor it. Rarely has constitutional engineering been more salient to the future of expanding democracy."
--G. DiPalma, "The Review of Politics"

"Delightfully written, this monograph will be a staple of courses on comparative constitutional design . . . I can think of no better example of contemporary political "engineering" than this, and it is precisely this product of research that students of comparative politics must attempt."
--Peter C. Ordeshook, "Political Science Quarterly"

"Despite the seemingly endless volume of literature on democratic institutions, no text even comes close to formulating the kind of comprehensive and critical synthesis one finds in this elegant new book by Sartori."
--P. Vannicelli, "Los Angeles Monthly"

"Giovanni Sartori, internationally recognized political scientist, has written a pathbreaking, highly innovative comparative study of state building."
--"The Commentator"

"The last book of Giovanni Sartori is a beautiful work that ranks among his very best writings. It is very concise, for it deals only with essentials, and yet covers all the basics of his subject matter; and Sartori always takes a crystal-clear stand on the many controversies that he covers."
--G. Bognetti, "Il Sole/24 Ore"

The second edition of this pathbreaking, highly innovative comparative study instate-building by a major political scientist is a fully updated examination of the problems of making democratic government work.

Sartori begins by assessing electoral systems. He attacks the conventional wisdom that their influence cannot be predicted and also disputes the view that proportional representation is always best and will deliver 'consensus democracy'. He argues that the double-ballot formulas deserve more consideration for their ability to facilitate governability in adverse circumstances.

His comparative assessment of presidential and semi-presidential systems and the variety of formulas that are categorized, sometimes misleadingly, as parliamentary, looks at the conditions that allow a political form to perform as intended.

He concludes with a detailed proposal for a new type of government: alternating presidentialism. This meets the need for strong parliamentary control and efficient government, with safeguards against both parliamentary obstructionism and government by decree, and so could help to avoid political paralysis in Latin America, in the post-communist countries of Europe and in countries with dysfunctional parliamentary systems such as Italy and Israel.

While globalization and the European construction increasingly undermine the model of the nation-state in the Mediterranean world, conversions reveal the capacity of religion to disrupt, and unsettle previous understandings of political and social relations. Converts' claims and practice are often met with the hostility of the state and the public while converts can often be perceived either as traitors or as unconscious and weak tools of foreign manipulation. Based on first-hand ethnographical research from several countries throughout the Mediterranean region, this book is the first of its kind in studying and analyzing contemporary conversions and their impact on recasting ideas of nationalism and citizenship. In doing so, this interdisciplinary study confronts historical, anthropological, political science and sociological approaches which offers an insight into the national, legal and political challenges of legislating for religious minorities that arise from conversions. Moreover, the specific examination of contemporary religious conversion contributes more widely to debates about the delinking of religion and culture, globalization, and secularism.

Democracy is joint government of peoples. This book justifies principles of government for liberal democratic peoples who are willing to enhance the transnational rights of their citizens and accept institutional constraints in the pursuit of common goals. Unlike individualistic accounts of cosmopolitan democracy, this book constructs the design of a free political community of democracies from the perspective of the liberal democratic peoples. If liberal peoples want to govern by common institutions without forgoing their sovereignty--many have good reasons to do so--they should consider the conceptual and normative guidance offered in this book.

This study of five key policy areas, from welfare reform to foreign policy, demonstrates that the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition failed to fulfil its promise to reverse the rising power of the State. It exercised more subtle forms of 'soft power', often in partnership with the private sector, and to the detriment of ordinary citizens.

In Russia, as in other new federations and those undergoing constitutional reform, wealthy and politically cohesive regions can substantially alter the rules of intergovernmental relations to their benefit within the context of bilateral bargaining. The end result is institutionalized asymmetry, and potentially unstable federal structures. In this book the author explores the role of center-periphery bargaining in the stability and sustainability of post-Soviet Union Russia.

An examination of the political participation of the six member states of the Gulf Co-operation Council: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Saudi Arabia paying particular attention to the popular demands within these countries for individual representation and the subsequent consequences of the establishment of national councils in response. The results of these actions have been mixed; in Kuwait and Bahrain the elected national assemblies have been suspended although the consultative councils in Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman have afforded some measure of success. It concludes that despite their limitations, the national councils have performed a number of functions including state legitimation, legislative review, government accountability and the legitimation of minority political participation.

This book includes eight essays which help give the reader an understanding of the legal framework of American collective bargaining. It demonstrates how and why collective bargaining has become the basic and accepted procedure in the settlement of disputes between labor and management.