The debate over European integration is a central issue in the study of contemporary Europe. This book seeks to guide the student through the most important of the integration theories and academic literature on this vital topic. The reader starts with a wide ranging introductory essay which offers an overview and analysis of the shifting terms of the debate on European integration during the post-war period. Part two provides key extracts from the seminal authors who have contributed to and fashioned this debate throughout its duration. It brings together the most important parts from the most essential and influential literature on this important topic. This reader should be of value to the growing number of students, at both undergraduate and postgraduate level, who are undertaking courses in European studies and European politics. It should be especially useful to those who require some knowledge of the origins and developments of this important issue at the centre of the debate over Europe.

European integration is the most important single issue currently facing the European Union. Underlying most of the disputes between member states is a dilemma that has faced the countries of Western Europe since the end of the last war. Being aware of their weak national positions these states have striven for ever closer cooperation in order to improve their situation. However, by becoming more closely engaged with each other they also fear the erosion of their own national positions. Paul Kapteyn's book is concerned with this dilemma, whether or not it will be overcome, and what the consequences for Europe and the wider world will be. The process of European integration is unravelled with the help of official documents, articles in newspapers and interviews with business managers, civil servants of the European Commission and of different member states including Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Two items in particular get special attention - the Treaty of Schengen on judicial cooperation and harmonization and the problem of EU fraud related to the agricultural subventions. The author also looks in detail at the consequences of the Maastricht Treaty. Paul Kapteyn places the daily quarrels and conflicts of the EU member states in context and demonstrates that they are part of an ongoing long-term process. This is a book that will enable the student more clearly to understand the complex nature of the debate over European integration and where the results of that process could lead.

This text studies the attitudes of the founding "fathers" toward slavery. Specifically, it examines the views of Thomas Jefferson reflected in his life and writings and those of other founders as expressed in the Northwest Ordinance, the Constitutional Convention and the Constitution itself, and the fugitive slave legislation of the 1790s. The author contends: slavery fatally permeated the founding of the American republic; the original constitution was, as the abilitionists later maintained, "a covnenant with death"; and Jefferson's anti-slavery reputation is undeserved and most historians and biographers have prettified Jefferson's record on slavery.

`This is an important work of scholarship translated into English with great skill. ' - Ian Neary, Asian Affairs

`Banno's contribution will long remain the standard work in English on the subject.' - George Akita, Monumenta Nipponica

This unique study from the OECD Development Centre presents a comprehensive review by independent experts of the relationships and division of responsibility between the 22 member governments of the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC), and NGOs from these donor countries, working in international development. Additional chapters cover the roles of the European Union and the World Bank. Among other themes, the book looks at two very significant issues. First, at the way in which an overemphasis on evaluation may be leading NGOs to focus purely on measuring their output, thus choosing activities which are easily accountable. Second, it examines the important impacts of the evolution in the funding relationship between governments and NGOs - from matching grants to contracts - where NGOs must increasingly compete for contracts.

These new essays prepared to commemorate the centennial of the National Institute of Social Sciences have been carefully crafted to deal with an overriding concern of our time--those elements in political rule that go beyond legal rights and responsibilities into the moral requirements of effective governance. The principal theme of this book is presidential leadership. The presidency personifies government authority, including moral authority.In the first part of this book most of the essays argue that the moral authority of leaders depends on high personal standards as well as policy outcomes. The second segment on the rule of law and character raises considerations not limited to the presidency. Character and the authority that derives from it are demonstrated most effectively not by what someone does in his or her personal life, but in the moral values of the causes espoused and effectiveness in pursuing them. In the realm of international affairs, governmental leadership must wrestle with the moral and constitutional guidelines known as "reasons of state." Under what circumstances is it morally acceptable for a leader or government to practice deception upon the citizenry, to overthrow other governments, to bomb civilians?Many contributors raise the issue of what permits a government to take actions that would be immoral or illegal in individuals or groups. The final segment expands and deepens this theme by exploring the work and role of non-governmental agencies that influence both leaders and citizens in the public arena. In short, at a period that brings to a close a period in which the presidency has become more visible as well as more prominent, this collective effort sheds new light on classic themes. It will be an invaluable guide as we enter the new century.The contributors include an illustrious galaxy of public officials and political scientists, including Madeleine K. Albright, Judith A. Best, Betty Glad, C. Lowell Harriss, Travis Beal Jacobs, Ruth P. Morgan, Stanley A. Renshon, Donald L. Robinson and William vanden Heuvel.

This book provides a comprehensive and detailed examination of the successes and failures of federalism in a diverse range of multi-ethnic polities and societies.
It offers excellent coverage of the experiences of a wide range of contemporary states with specially commissioned contributions from established authorities.
An introductory chapter introduces the reader to the nature of federations, the political philosophies that underpin federalism, the characteristics of federal formations, and highlights some of the theories as to why this system of government has failed in some cases to provide ethno-regional stability. A concluding chapter draws upon the findings and examines the prospects for federalism in the light of the acceleration towards greater economic interdependency and local political fragmentation, in the post-Cold War world.

Using data from the Williamsburg Charter surveys, this book provides a portrait of public attitudes on church-state issues. It examines the social, religious and political sources of differences on issues, making comparisons among Protestants, Catholics, Jews and non-denominational others.

This major work is the most radical reinterpretation of the subject for fifty years. Hicks argues that Bastard Feudalism was far more complex - and positive in its effects - than previous accounts have suggested. A major contribution to historical debate which revolutionises our view of late medieval society.

Since independence in 1965 Singapore has strengthened its own national identity through a conscious process of nation-building and promoting the active role of the citizen within society. Singapore is a state that has firmly rejected welfarism but whose political leaders have maintained that collective values, instead of those of autonomous individuals, are essential to its very survival.
The book begins by examining basic concepts of citizenship, nationality and the state in the context of Singapore's arrival at independence. The theme of nation-building is explored and how the creation of a national identity, through building new institutions, has been a central feature of political and social life in Singapore. Of great importance has been education, and a system of multilingual education that is part of a broader government strategy of multiculturalism and multiracialism; both have served the purpose of building a new national identity. Other areas covered by the authors include family planning, housing policy, the creation of parapolitical structures and the importance of shared "Asian values" amongst Singapore's citizens. Finally, the most recent phase of nation-building which has involved a debate over the concept of civil society, is seen as offering a potentially more expansive definition of Singapore citizenship.

This work is a cross-national examination of the relationship between political culture and constitutionalism. The countries studied include Nigeria, Turkey and Japan. Questions explored include whether constitutions must evolve and whether constitutionalism is only a western concept.

In The Cost of Winning, Michael H. Cosgrove describes how the United States used economic policies to contain the Soviet Union during the post-World War n era and how those policies turned a vibrant American economy into one of broken promises and declining power. Cosgrove defines and examines the five economic building blocks used to contain the Soviets in America's Golden Age: the Marshall Plan, free trade, federal income tax policy, the American defense umbrella, and plentiful and cheap oil from the Middle East. He explains how policies supporting these building blocks allowed U.S. taxpayers to both contain the Soviets and enjoy a rapidly rising standard of living. America's economic superstate began to crumble, however, with President Nixon's August 1971 decision to abandon the gold quasi-standard and Saudi Arabia's 1973 decision to cut oil shipments to America. Lean years for the American economy set in.

When the American economy could no longer deliver the American dream, entitlements were increased in an attempt to fill the gap between expectations and what the private sector could provide. Since the early 1970s, real purchasing power has been steadily eroding for approximately 75 million private sector workers. The American dream that a good education would lead to a decent job and a rising standard of living in a safe neighborhood has been dashed. Violent crime in America increases while expenditures on public safety rapidly increase.

Will America be the first world power to reverse its relative decline? Cosgrove maintains that Congress must initiate the upward process by restructuring itself. Rather than meeting in Washington, D.C., Congress should meet a maximum three to four months per year at a different site each year to achieve "American revitalization." Cosgrove's solutions to the problems of crime include law enforcement through use of bounty hunters to identify and capture alleged criminals, and to establish a fixed penalty system for violent crimes to make costs of committing crime clearer to everyone. Certain to be controversial, this intriguing examination of the state of affairs in the United States, and the author's recommended policies will be compelling reading for sociologists, policymakers, economists, and scholars with an interest in applied public policy for the long haul.

This work is a cross-national examination of the relationship between political culture and constitutionalism. The countries studied include Nigeria, Turkey and Japan. Questions explored include whether constitutions must evolve and whether constitutionalism is only a western concept.

The concept of a social contract has been central to political thought since the 17th century. Contract theory has been used to justify political authority, to account for the origin of the state and to provide foundations for moral values and a just society. In this collection, leading scholars from Britain and America survey the history of contractarian thought and the major debates in political theory which surround the notion of social contract. They examine the critical reception of the ideas of thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Hegel and Marx, and include the more contemporary ideas of Rawls and Gauthier. The collection also incorporates discussions of international relations theory and feminist responses to contractarianism. Challenging the notion that there is a single tradition that can be traced back beyond Hobbes to classical Greece, three distinct traditions are identified, alongside a series of anti-contractarian arguments which have played a role in shaping the debate to the present day. Together, these essays aim to provide a comprehensive introduction to theories and critiques of the social contract, within a broad political theoretical framework.

An ideal text-book for students of European Studies, this collection of essays puts the idea of Europe in its historical context to provide a context for the understanding of contemporary developments.

Prompted by unification, the German constitution has undergone the most fundamental re-examination since the foundation of the Federal Republic. The high hopes of many that the achevement of unification ould be crowned by a new constition for Germany have been dashed; but although continuity may seem to prevail, unification and, even more so, the process of European integration have provided powerful forces of constituional change. This volume seeks to identify some of the central challenges which constitional policy faces and analyzes how, and with what degree of success, they are being met.

Japan's legal and political system is completely alien to its history and culture, imposed on the Japanese people without their involvement after the Second World War. A lifeless and little-understood document based on a foreign value system, it has been open to dangerous misinterpretation and abuse.;Peter Herzog examines the effects of this disastrous turn of events in his carefully-researched and fascinating book, detailing instances where this abuse has taken horrifying proportions in key areas of Japanese public life. Indefensible decisions made by the courts on issues such as the electroal system, education, freedom of workers, have resulted in Japan being a democracy in name only.;Scandals involving collusion between politicians and big business which have rocked the country, lavish overspending by local authorities on prestige projects rather than desparately-needed public housing, and key decision-making being in the hands of the non-accountable bureacracy rather than politicians are just some of the results of this state of affairs. The author's approach makes this book a useful record and source of reference.

The economic success of East Asia is often attributed to the relationship between state and business. This text presents a more balanced view of Korea's "industrial miracle". It examines the limits of a strong authoritarian state as a vehicle for intervening in the market or for sponsoring liberal reform, focusing on how state-controlled industrial adjustment in Korea has succeeded and failed. The work examines the unsuccessful state intervention in the heavy industry and chemical sectors, which led to the breakdown of the state-business governing coalition. It contrasts this with the successful transformation of these same industries in the 1970s. The unsuccessful attempts at liberalization during the mid-1980s led to the failure of many enterprises. Further insights into these limitations are provided by a comparison with state-industry relations in Japan and France.

Japan's legal and political system is completely alien to its history and culture, imposed on the Japanese people without their involvement after the Second World War. A lifeless and little-understood document based on a foreign value system, it has been open to dangerous misinterpretation and abuse. Peter Herzog examines the effects of this disastrous turn of events in his carefully-researched and fascinating book, detailing instances where this abuse has taken horrifying proportions in key areas of Japanese public life. Indefensible decisions made by the courts on issues such as the electroal system, education, freedom of workers, have resulted in Japan being a democracy in name only. Scandals involving collusion between politicians and big business which have rocked the country, lavish overspending by local authorities on prestige projects rather than desparately-needed public housing, and key decision-making being in the hands of the non-accountable bureacracy rather than politicians are just some of the results of this state of affairs. The author's approach makes this book a useful record and source of reference.

The concept of a social contract has been central to political thought since the seventeenth century. Contract theory has been used to justify political authority, to account for the origins of the state, and to provide foundations for moral values and the creation of a just society.In The Social Contract from Hobbes to Rawls, leading scholars from Britain and America survey the history of contractarian thought and the major debates in political theory which surround the notion of social contract.
The book examines the critical reception to the ideas of thinkers including Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Hegel and Marx, and includes the more contemporary ideas of John Rawls and David Gauthier. It also incorporates discussions of international relations theory and feminist responses to contractarianism. Together, the essays provide a comprehensive introduction to theories and critiques of social contract, within a broad political theoretical framework.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203392922

An integral part of Canada's political culture, the constitutional monarchy has evolved over the 150 years since Confederation to become a uniquely Canadian institution. Canada inherited the constitutional monarchy from Britain even before Confederation in 1867. In the 150 years since then, the Crown has shaped, and been shaped by, Canada's achievement of independence, its robust federalism, the unique identity of Quebec, and its relationship with Indigenous peoples. What has this "Canadian Crown" contributed to the Canada of the twenty-first century? How is this historic yet resilient institution perceived today? The essays in this book respond to these questions from a variety of perspectives, encompassing the arts, the role of the vice-regal representatives, the Indigenous peoples, and the contemporary position of the monarch. In discussing whether there is a distinctly Canadian monarchy, the authors look beyond Canada's borders, too, and explore how Canada's development has influenced other Commonwealth realms.

The underlying theoretical premise of this text is that the separation between the executive and legislative functions has important policy consequences and has influenced legislative outcomes. The study analyzes the pattern of interaction on banking bill introductions over the past 150 years.

The fifteen articles, essays, notes, and documents gathered in this collection are a permanent contribution to study of the American founding. For, among historians of the founding era, the late Douglass Adair is a revered figure. As teacher, critic, and editor of the "William & Mary Quarterly, " Adair demonstrated what Trevor Colbourn--one of his principal students--describes as an "extraordinary ability to enter empathetically into the experience and ideology of the Founding Fathers while at the same time writing about them critically and movingly." The volume also includes an affectionate reminiscence of Adair by Caroline Robbins and a bibliographical essay by Robert E. Shalhope.Douglass Adair (1912-1968) was a Professor of History and Editor of the "William & Mary Quarterly."Trevor Colbourn is President Emeritus of Central Florida University.

How can the international community respond to states that fail to respect fundamental rules of international law? Does state sovereignty form an obstacle to the development of international legal principles, rules, and in particular, decision-making procedures as a basis for international governance? The contributors to this volume investigate these various aspects of state sovereignty and international governance. Their findings suggest that although sovereign states will remain the most important actors, global governance will lead to restrictions on the exercise of sovereignty.