Forty-one different African states have adopted over fifty-seven new constitutions since 1989; yet few of these have become foundations for democracy. Failed transitions, subsequent instability, and violent conflict make it clear that democracy cannot simply be constructed by holding elections and implementing new constitutions.

Unlike other attempts to explain both the frequent failures and the success stories of African constitutionalism by focusing on constitutional outcomes, Wing's study examines the "process" by which constitutions and democratic institutions are constructed. Based on extensive field work in Mali, this book explores how innovative constitutional dialogues involving participation, negotiation, and recognition of groups previously excluded from political decision-making may be the key to a legitimate constitution.Winner of the 2009 Best Book Award from the African Politics Conference Group

This ground breaking book provides empirical and theoretical insights into the interface between deliberative democracy and the rough and tumble of interest groups in advocacy politics. It examines how deliberative ideals work alongside the adversarial realties of interest-based politics.

This book analyses the processes and factors that contributed to the emergence and eventual consolidation of the Greek Cypriot Right in the era of British colonialism. It seeks to understand political developments in Cyprus in the period extending from 1900 to 1955 with regard to their social, ideological and economic determinants. By examining changing forms of political life, a general reconstitution of the political sphere and a specific set of changes in the ideology and organisation of the Greek Cypriots, the author offers a framework for analysing Greek Cypriot right-wing party politics, identifying its sources of mobilisation and main actors such as the Church of Cyprus, and understanding its subsequent transformations.

Israel is the only new state among the twenty-one countries in the world today that have maintained democracy without interruption since the end of the Second World War. Israel's case is all the more notable because its democracy was established under extremely adverse conditions: massive immigration; severe social dislocation; the introduction of ethnic, cultural, linguistic, religious, and national differences; rapid economic growth; a permanent security threat that led to five major wars in thirty-five years; and a population that, in the main, had little or no experience of a democratic order. In this insightful study of Israel's founding period from 1948 to 1967, Peter Medding addresses this puzzle, providing a lucid account of the political and historical conditions that gave rise to this distinctive period, as well as the changes which brought it to an end. The result is an eminently readable account of the state-building process and of the role played by David Ben-Gurion and other politicians in moving from consensus politics to a majoritarian-like democracy. Medding's analysis is further enriched by his comparisons of the development of Israeli democracy with that of other countries.

This book analyses the Europeanization of the Portuguese political system in the context of globalization and the so-called Third Wave of Democratization. It pursues the thesis that democratization and Europeanization are two intertwined processes in the case of Portugal. Integration into the European Union has changed considerably the rationalities within the political structures of the Portuguese political system. Furthermore, the author stresses the necessity to encourage greater political participation of the population and to evolve towards a project of sustainable democracy.

Munch and his colleagues examine how democracy works in the practice of political regulation. Based on empirical research on the politics of clean air in the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and the United States, they provide a comparative sociological perspective. Thus, they look at social change and social integration rather than issues of governance and administration in terms of effectiveness and democratic legitimation.

The analysis looks at how different forms of democracy given in the four countries achieve more or less in the political regulation of clean air in terms of societal innovation, conflict settlement, and consensus formation. They concentrate on the network of actors involved, their professions included with their concepts of rationality, the institutional rules of policymaking, and the cultural ideas that are invoked in the legitimation of procedures and decisions. While each country has developed a peculiar form of democracy-representative democracy in the UK, etatist-republican democracy in France, consensus and rule of law democracy in Germany, and multilevel pluralist competitive democracy in the US-they conclude that challenges of the established regulatory style and political order are pushing each country towards a more open democracy. Scholars and students in comparative sociology and political science as well as environmentalists will find the study of particular interest.

This volume gives specialists and students alike a comprehensive political history of Peru that includes the first full-length treatment of the 1980s, a decade in which early optimism sparked by the return of democratic rule gave way to widespread pessimism amidst a full-blown social, economic, and political crisis. Discussed are Peru's return to democracy in the 1980s and the multiple challenges that process has faced. The study traces the growth of the Sendero Luminoso insurgency; the economic collapse that brought Peru hyperinflation coupled with its deepest depression of the twentieth century; and the evolution of the electoral political system that brought Alberto Fujimori, a political novice, to the presidency in 1990. Many of the key causes of Peru's contemporary crisis--foreign debt, fiscal irresponsibility, desgobierno (erratic, inappropriate, or incompetent behavior on the part of the government), and the centralization of governmental authority--have been recurrent themes in Peruvian history since at least the early republican period. The profound social divisions within Peru's population, which constitute the principal cause of la crisis, have persisted even longer. A number of these divisions have broken down, however; in this development, the author sees cause for optimism in the midst of crisis. Latin American specialists, Peru watchers, advanced students in comparative politics, journalists, and anyone interested in the far-reaching changes occurring in Latin America will find this book useful and compelling.

With quiet eloquence, Lane Sunderland argues that we must reclaim the fundamental principles of the Constitution if we are to restore democratic government to its proper role in American life. For far too long, he contends, the popular will has been held in check by an overly powerful Supreme Court using non-constitutional principles to make policy and promote its own political agendas. His work shows why this has diminished American democracy and what we can do to revive it.

Sunderland presents a strong, thoughtful challenge to the constitutional theories promoted by Ronald Dworkin, Archibald Cox, Richard Epstein, Michael Perry, John Hart Ely, Robert Bork, Philip Kurland, Laurence Tribe, Mark Tushnet, and Catharine MacKinnon--an enormously diverse group united by an apparent belief in judicial supremacy. Their theories, he demonstrates, undermine the democratic foundations of the Constitution and the power of the majority to resolve for itself important questions of justice.

Central to this enterprise is Sunderland's reconsideration of The Federalist as the first, most reliable, and most profound commentary on the Constitution. "The Federalist," he states, "is crucial because it explains the underlying theory of the Constitution as a whole, a theory that gives meaning to its particular provisions." In addition, Sunderland reexamines the Declaration of Independence and the work of Hobbes, Locke, and Montesquieu, in order to better define the nature and limits of their influence on the Framers. His reading of these works in conjunction with The Federalist shows just how far afield contemporary commentators have strayed.

Sunderland deliberately echoes and amplifies Madison's wisdom in Federalist No. 10 that the object of the Constitution is "to secure the public good and private rights . . . and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government." To attain that object, he persuasively argues, requires that the judiciary acknowledge and enforce the constitutional limitations upon its own powers. In an era loudly proclaiming the return of popular government, majority rule, and the "will of the people," that argument is especially relevant and appealing.

Nationalist movements in the South have been superseded by a plethora of different social movements. This book examines these new movements and considers emerging paradigms of organization and mobilization, which are related to the role movements play in economic and political development. The book analyzes a number of cases and their context and discusses the implications for social movement theory. The focus is on social movements among underprivileged and middle class groups, and the book is global in scope.

Mexico stands apart for having been ruled by one political party since the 1920s, and this study examines the remarkable political stability Mexico has experienced over the past seven decades. Cothran argues that the country's unusual stability has been the result of the interaction of six factors: the institutionalized nature of the political system; the effectiveness of the regime in achieving rapid economic growth; the adaptability of the regime to emerging pressures; the cohesiveness of the political elites; the judicious use of coercion; and Mexico's proximity to the United States. However, this historical stability is facing new challenges in the 1990s. The author analyzes the changing political, social, and economic landscape in Mexico, and forecasts whether and how Mexico's semi-authoritarian political system will survive.

Explores the ways in which the nation-state and nationalism are challenged by contemporary realities. This volume addresses changes to our understanding of national sovereignty, problems posed by violent conflict between rival national projects, the feasibility of postnationalist democracy and citizenship, and the debate over global justice.

What comes next for a former leader in a democracy - a Prime Minister or President obliged to leave office because they have lost an election, come to the end of their constitutionally-fixed term, lost the backing of their party, or chosen to leave? This book analyses the role and political influence of former leaders in Western democratic states.

In "Democracy in an Age of Globalisation," Otfried Hoffe develops a comprehensive analysis of the demands, which the process of globalization exerts on the political organisations of humanity.

The author starts from a diagnosis of the process of globalisation and frees its concept from its economistic narrowing: Globalisation is a comprehensive process which puts new strains on the economies and political systems of the world, the cultural and social structures of peoples. The scope of its challenges demands solutions, which transcend the powers of the classical nation-state. The question central to the book can be formulated as follows: "How can the social, moral and legal achievements of the nation-state be retained while its structure is reshaped to satisfy the requirements of a globalised world?"

This book uniquely depicts the preeminent role that African trade unions played in ousting dictatorships and bringing democracy to many African countries in the 1990s. In the analytical introduction and case studies of major African countries, leading scholars relate how democratic trade unions were critical in launching and sustaining democratization. Working with other societal groups and parties, unions continue to represent the popular classes and invigorate democratic life in these otherwise elite-dominated countries.

Democratic government has now been entrenched in Poland. An increasingly significant European actor, Poland presents problematic but also stimulating challenges to new NATO and EU associates. This authoritative overview examines in depth the constitutional and governmental framework in Poland since 1989 and its central political institutions, mechanisms, and actors. Sanford demonstrates how the governmental system evolved pragmatically during the 1990s to cope with modernization and consolidated viable independent statehood consensually around Poland's hardy constitutional values.

After almost three decades of economic adjustment and restructuring, what have been the political consequences of structural reforms? "Democratic Institutions of Undemocratic Individuals" is a cogent, intriguing and a long-overdue account of the real impact of economic globalization in the developing world. In this essential book, Blind bridges an important gap in the literature attempting to straddle the yawning chasm between those scholars who argue that privatizations are good for democracy and those who maintain that they are not. This book demonstrates the differential impact of privatizations on different sectors of society. It gives a different perspective on the virtues and shortcomings of labor unions in democratization processes, and introduces fascinating comparisons between Kemalist and Peronist templates of nation-building. It yields a judicious process-tracing of Turkish and Argentine labor developments and depicts the groundbreaking interlacing of privatization and democratization in the global era.

This spirited analysis and defence of American liberalism demonstrates the complex and rich traditions of political, economic, and social discourse that have informed American democratic culture from the seventeenth century to the present. The Virtues of Liberalism provides a convincing response to critics right and left.

The bottom-line message of this book is democracy resurgent - but not triumphant. There are any number of conceivable anti-democratic threats and no prospect of ever achieving either a satisfactory or a permanent level of democracy in all countries and societies. Any lowering of the guard by democracy's defenders in academia or real world politics risks the danger of democracy once again falling upon hard times or even regressing.

This is an interdisciplinary study of the actual mechanisms by which power corrupts. It pursues a cross-fertilization between political theory, organizational studies and cognitive science. In particular, it introduces advances in the field of cognitive psychology, which it uses to examine the effects of institutionalized power on how we think.

The book investigates why a country facing issues that needed to be tackled nationwide chose to decentralize when it moved from authoritarianism to democracy. It discusses the events of the Brazilian constituent assembly and investigates the results of decentralization at the subnational sphere. The results suggest that there was a lack of social consensus on what was to be achieved by decentralization. They suggest that political and economic factors influence the outcomes of decentralization, thus exposing the limits of decentralization on policy results.

This book offers a comprehensive account of the nature and development of political communication in Africa. In light of the growing number of African states now turning towards democratic rule, as well as the growing utilization of information technologies in Africa, the contributors examine topics such as: the role of social media in politics, strategic political communication, political philosophy and political communication, Habermas in Africa, gender and political communication, image dilemma in Africa, and issues in political communication research in Africa, and identify the frontiers for future research on political communication in Africa.

The second edition of this popular and authoritative text provides a truly global assessment of democratization in theory and practice in the contemporary world. It has been systematically revised and updated throughout to cover recent developments, from the impact of 9/11 and EU enlargement to the war in Iraq.

Today, we live in a post-truth era. Creating alternative realities, and making people believe fake realities become easier. Digital platforms tend to promote dramatic, sensational and emotional content that harms democracy. This book examines different aspects of the matter: rise of populist politics, impact of digital social platforms, engagement-oriented algorithms, spread of disinformation and counter-measures like fact-checking mechanism and developing digital media literacy skills. "Journalists, academics and civil society groups are increasingly working together to help people confront the confusion caused by the post-truth realities of digital communications, which is no longer the stuff of propaganda from the state, but comes from all sides of the internet. In this information space every fact is challenged by an alternative fact, and all of these different versions of the truth look the same online." - Aidan White

A systematic comparison of three cases of democratization and regime transformation in Europe since 1945 (post-war Italy and West Germany; Southern Europe from the mid-1970s; and Eastern Europe in the 1990s), this book highlights diversities of historical context, political experience, democratic traditions, economic development, and cultural background.

Unlike the majority of literature on the subject, this book views the democratization process as a whole, not just as either democratic transition or subsequent regime consolidation. Economic, state-building, or other forms of transformation are included where relevant.