The 1970's witnessed the institution of political liberalism in Greece, which went hand in hand with significant social and economic advancement. Four decades later, the same country is a latter-day 'sick man of Europe'. What went wrong? And why did the more recent global crisis plunge Greece into abject misery? This study provides compelling and original answers to these questions through putting populism at center stage. By introducing new concepts, focusing on micro-mechanisms, and empirically analyzing a large variety of sources, the author shows how populism became predominant in Greek politics and contaminated all major political parties, eventually causing a major polity crisis. Besides its particular interest in the specific case of Greece, the text offers new insights about how states may fail, how populism develops at single-nation level, and what could happen when it reigns supreme. It also makes a strong statement about the corrosive power of populism on modern liberal democracy

Seeking to extend the debate on the diversity of democracy, this book provides the reader with a comprehensive account of how two different global actors, the European Union and the World Social Forum respond to the challenges of globalization with various models of democracy and modes of cooperation at the transnational level. Analysing EU democracy assistance in the EU's neighbourhood, Fiedlschuster sheds light on the complex relationship between the EU and civil society. Although the EU perceives a vital civil society as crucial for democracy, its mix of a governance approach with deliberative and participatory democracy will unlikely result in a citizen-centred democracy. The book also provides a compelling account of the World Social Forum and its participants interviewed for this work attempt to answer one of the challenges of contemporary globalization: How can civil society pursue democratically global social change? Fiedlschuster skilfully deploys various sociological approaches not only to analyse concepts and practices of democracy by transnational activists but also to throw light on the tensions between democratic idealism and anti-democratic tendencies in the Forum. This book will be of wide interest to students and academics, including those working within political sociology, European Union politics, and globalization.

This book examines women's political communication in Africa, capturing previously unheard women's voices, and presenting detailed information on overlooked communication strategies and forms of power relations employed by African women and women of African descent. By examining the disputes, accomplishments and/or setbacks experienced by women in political spaces, it underscores feminist intersections of political communication in Africa. It also explores the glamor, humor, harmony and tact that women as state and non-state actors have contributed to Africa's political landscape through the realities of female soft power. The book addresses issues concerning how and why women do and should participate in politics; at what level they have employed political communication strategies; and which types. It also questions ideas and ideals that have guided or continue to guide feminist political communication in Africa's growing democracy. Lastly, it highlights African women's conscious approach and rejuvenated interest in developing their communication skills and strategies given their vital role in state-building.

Native scholars offer clearly written coverage of the relationship between political parties and democracy in the nations of Europe. Political Parties and Democracy: Volume II: Europe is the second volume in this five-volume set. It offers clearly written, up-to-date coverage of the political parties of this diverse region from the unique perspective of distinguished indigenous scholars who have lived the truths they tell and, thus, write with unique breadth, depth, and scope. Presented in two parts, this volume first discusses the political parties in Western Europe, devoting a chapter each to France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, Denmark, and Norway. It then explores the realities on the ground in Eastern Europe with chapters on Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic. Throughout, contributors explore the relationship between political parties and democracy (or democratization) in their respective nations, providing necessary historical, socioeconomic, and institutional context, and clarifying the balance of power among parties—and between them and competing agencies of power—today.

The author explores the practice and effects of the European Union's democracy promotion efforts vis-a-vis its authoritarian neighbours in the Middle East and North Africa. She argues that the same set of factors facilitated both international cooperation of authoritarian regimes on democracy promotion and their persistence during the Arab Spring.

Decisive rejection by French and Dutch voters in 2005 forced the EU to abandon the Constitutional Treaty agreed the previous year. Yet by the end of the 2007, contrary to all expectations and after an intergovernmental conference essentially devoid of substantive negotiation, EU leaders had agreed and signed the Treaty of Lisbon containing the bulk of the Constitutional Treaty's substantive reforms. How did this latest treaty come about? Why did events move so quickly in 2007? Who were the key actors and what methods did they use to enable a treaty to be drawn up and agreed in such a short period of time? This book explores the unique process that saw EU leaders hastily agree a lengthy and detailed mandate for the intergovernmental conference. In doings so, it highlights the pivotal roles played by the German Council Presidency and key institutional actors in paving the way for and securing agreement among EU leaders on the new treaty.

Power, Freedom, and Voting is an interdisciplinary book that presents a comprehensive insight into current research by economists, mathematicians, philosophers and political scientists on three intimately related concepts that are at the heart of theories of democracy and social welfare. The editors have brought together some of the leading scholars in the different fields to create a distinctive volume. Chapters include contributions on foundational and methodological issues in the definition and measurement of power and freedom and empirical studies of power and coalition formation in voting bodies. The volume also contains contributions that make an effort to bridge the gaps between different disciplinary approaches, including one on the importance of Machiavelli's writing as a reference point for modern political theory, and others on the related concepts of fairness and responsibility. A majority of the chapters make use of game theory.

Prillaman argues that a sound judiciary is critical for building popular support for democracy and laying the foundations for sustainable economic development, but that most Latin American governments have made virtually no progress toward building a more effective judiciary. He shows that the traditional approach to judicial reform is flawed on several levels. Reformers are wrong to focus on a single aspect of the judiciary on the assumption that one reform naturally leads to another. In fact, all aspects of the courts are so closely related that failure to reform one aspect creates a "negative synergy" that ultimately undermines the reformed areas. Instead, a successful reform strategy must simultaneously tackle independence, accountability, access, and efficiency; otherwise, it is virtually assured of failure. As Prillaman points out, judicial reform is not merely a technical process that can be isolated from broader economic and political forces. Rather, it is an inherently political process that will be opposed by forces ranging from politicians accustomed to stocking the courts to judges and court personnel reluctant to accept greater oversight and professional norms. Based on four case studies, Prillaman concludes that failed judicial reforms have led to growing support for mob lynching and vigilante justice that promises to fill the void created by ineffectual courts--ultimately challenging the quality and sustainability of democracy. An invaluable survey for political scientists, students, and researchers involved with democratic consolidation, institution building, and comparative judicial politics in Latin America specifically and the developing world in general.

This book examines the impact of globalization upon the three constitutive states of North America: Canada, Mexico and the United States. It investigates changes in the structures and practices of federalism, in public policies and practices of governance and politics, and in economic livelihoods in all three nations. It also provides detailed comparisons of the effects of globalization on the political and economic lives of women in each country. The book will devote two chapters to each nation. The first chapter for each nation will provide information about the nature and history of the political system, economic and political practices that excluded people on the basis of race and gender, struggles for inclusion in the 19th and 20th centuries, and a discussion of the contributions that these historic struggles for inclusion have made to the understanding and practice of politics within each nation.

In 2017, the Government's attempt to trigger Article 50 and so leave the European Union resulted in a judgement by the Supreme Court, which stated that the Government was unentitled to do so without the consent of Parliament, directly citing the Bill of Rights in its judgement. Ironically, the Bill of Rights, enacted in 1689 to address abuses by the Crown, was successfully invoked in the twenty-first century to curb a perceived abuse by Government, acting in the name of the Crown. Passed shortly after the Glorious Revolution, the Bill sets out the balance of power between Parliament and the Crown, prohibiting the sovereign from levying taxes, recruiting troops or suspending laws without Parliamentary consent. Establishing Parliament as the ultimate source of power in the land and enshrining basic civil rights first set out in Magna Carta but subsequently abridged, the Bill document can justly claim to serve as the origin of Britain's democracy. Published here with an introduction by Jonathan Sumption providing the historical context of the document and its influence over the centuries - particularly on the United States Bill of Rights - this edition shows how a number of the original clauses find renewed relevance in contemporary events.

This book provides a defense of democratic politics in American public service and offers the political ethics of public service as a realistic and optimistic alternative to the cynical American view toward politics and public service. The author's alternative helps career public servants regain public trust by exercising constitutionally centered moral and political leadership that balances the regime values of liberty and equality in governing American society while contributing to the ethical progress of the nation. She identifies three distinct leadership styles of political ethics, enabling career public servants to reconcile their personal loyalties, morality, and consciences with the public and private morality of American society and their constitutional obligations to secure the democratic freedoms of Americans. Recognizing career public servants' moral and institutional struggles, the book proposes a rigorous leadership development program to acclimate individuals to workplace psychological, moral, and political challenges. The view offered here is that career public servants must be a part of, rather than isolated from, American politics to be effective on the job.

What makes people lose faith in democratic statecraft? The question seems an urgent one. In the first decades of the twenty-first century, citizens across the world have grown increasingly disillusioned with what was once a cherished ideal. Setting out an original theoretical model that explores the relations between democracy, subjectivity and sociality, and exploring its relevance to countries ranging from Kenya to Peru, The State We're In is a must-read for all political theorists, scholars of democracy, and readers concerned for the future of the democratic ideal.

Political corruption has recently emerged as a key area in the study of advanced industrial nations. Not only has it become more visible than in the past, its sheer scale in some countries has had a significant impact on the functioning of their political institutions. Martin Bull and James Newell have assembled a group of experts to address the importance of this phenomenon for contemporary Western democracies—as well as for the new democracies of Eastern Europe, for the European Union, and at the international level.

This book presents a state-of-the art collection of original contributions on democracy, addressing three related themes: the complexity of modern democracies and their structural diversity; coping strategies of democracies in times of crises; and current and potential trajectories and transformations of democracy. The first part of the book maps the democratic landscape by revealing the diversity of democratic political systems, through either comparative analysis or case studies on the specific nature of political and administrative systems in interest intermediation and identity construction. The second part presents articles that investigate the response of democracies to times of crisis, with an emphasis on political economies and policy processes within the European Union. The third part offers studies on democracies that explore their adaptive potential in the context of globalization and in that of broader technical, institutional or cultural changes.

Paul G. Buchanan and Kate Nicholls explore the political and economic fortunes of organized labor in five small open democracies between 1975 and 2000. Of particular interest is the role of labor market institutions, organizational histories, and trade union ideologies in shaping outcomes under conditions of economic liberalization. The book includes a theoretical and methodological introduction, followed by individual discussions of Australia and Chile, and New Zealand and Uruguay, grouped a cross-regional pairs, and Ireland as an extra-regional and atypical case.

The best way to teach democracy has been the subject of an ongoing debate for 2,500 years. Unlike most books about teaching democracy, this one spends more time on how to teach democracy than the what and why of teaching democracy. It punctures the irony of teaching democracy by lectures and superior teachers. In its place, this book provides a variety of illustrations for the teaching of democracy in an experiential and egalitarian fashion. The introduction presents a theoretical and analytical framework of democracy and democratic pedagogy. The six chapters cover topics such as structuring a democratic classroom; democratic practices that empower students; problem solving and community service that make the classroom a laboratory for democracy; and university-based programs of democratic alternatives that serve the community. The volume's treatment of community organization, students as collaborators, personal empowerment, the community of need and response, and the democratic organization expresses its preference for direct democratic participation.

Where and why was democracy successful in the twentieth century? In The Democratic Century, Seymour Martin Lipset and Jason Lakin combine social, cultural, economic, and institutional analyses to explain why democracy has succeeded in some countries and failed in others.Defining democracy as a political system in which all adults may vote in contested elections to choose their representatives, Lipset and Lakin argue that the mainstays of a successful system are institutions that encourage the diffusion of power - such as competitive parties, an independent civil society, and federalist arrangements. But central to their argument is the notion that culture, at least as much as any other variable, is responsible for the establishment of democracy. The authors' concept of culture is not static, however. They argue that, because cultures interact with social, economic, and political variables, they can change and become compatible with democracy. Consequently, Lipset and Lakin hope for a democratic twenty-first century. The Democratic Century revisits theories from Lipset's earlier works, including the classics Agrarian Socialism and Political Man. But the authors do more than update Lipset's work; they offer an expansive view of democratic systems and of the vast body of relevant literature.

This book interrogates the racist construction of Arya/Aria and Aryanism in an Iranian context, arguing that a racialized interpretation of these concepts has given the Indo-European speaking Persian ethnic group an advantage over Iran's non-Persian nationalities and communities. Based on multidisciplinary research drawing on history, sociology, literature, politics, anthropology and cultural studies, Alireza Asgharzadeh critiques the privileged place of Farsi and the Persian ethnic group in contemporary Iran. The book highlights difference and diversity as major socio-political issues that will determine the future course of social, cultural, and political developments in Iran. Pointing to the increasing inadequacy of Islamic fundamentalism in functioning as a grand narrative, Asgharzadeh explores the racist approach of the current Islamic government to issues of difference and diversity in the country, and shows how these issues are challenging the very existence of the Islamic regime in Iran.

Does democracy promote excellence? Searching in history, literature, and works of political theory, the contributors conclude that American democracy does indeed promote excellence despite thousands of years of political theory to the contrary. However, the promotion of such excellence requires one to think differently about what excellence means and how best to promote it. Religion and a strong sense of community are vital in creating this democratic excellence and are necessary to counter conservative critics who see little value in democratic practices. Entering the twenty-first century, this question has become all the more important. Democracy is a difficult and challenging form of government that is increasingly more common than it once was. As the United States works to promote democracy throughout the world it is a timely matter to consider once again why democracy is a good thing. At the same time, Romance and Riemer remind us always to think about and ponder the ways democracy can fail us. Contributions from distinguished scholars of political science, history, and religion provide supporting evidence in a multi-disciplinary approach.

What happened to the usage of common sense in the decision making process? In "The Invisible Man" writer James Leonard Nobles offers some new perspectives on and insightful resolutions for the challenges confronting modern society in the 21st century. And he refuses to submit to the political correctness being forced upon us by the "Powerbrokers of Hypocrisy." Through persuasive arguments and satire, Mr. Nobles takes on the "Institutions" that have betrayed the American people. He says, ""The history that is written is not always the history that was, and the truth is often hidden beneath ideological propaganda."" With candor seldom shown today, Jim openly discusses the controversial issues tearing at the hearts and souls of most decent men and women. "The Invisible Man" examines the declining social values and the consequences of our choices. For we stand at the fork of fate. One path is the end and the other path is a new beginning. Choose wisely for there is no going back.

About the Author:
Author James Leonard Nobles is a new voice from a section of the population often forgotten by society. But he represents the majority of Americans who are fed up with their government, both political parties, irresponsible corporations, and the greed of a few. Born with congenital cataracts in 1960, he knows firsthand how difficult the struggles in life can be. After dropping out of college, Jim returned at the age of 40, where he became the first college graduate in his family. Graduating in August of 2005 with a B.S. in Communications and Information Technology ("New Media"), he has been working tirelessly on "The Invisible Man" for close to four years (first year writing; last three years editing and publishing).

The news media and the state are locked in a battle of wills in the world's emerging democratic states. It is a struggle that will determine whether or not democracy flourishes or withers in the 21st century. Using a number of case studies, including South Africa, this book evaluates what is at stake.