WHAT SHOULD THE LEFT AIM TO ACHIEVE TODAY? This book addresses the challenges facing socialists and the recent shift from protest to politics. It examines the limits and possibilities for class, party and state transformation and the democratic and socialist insurgencies inside the Labour Party in Britain, and the Democratic Party in the USA. One of the most unexpected aspects of politics today is the coming to the fore of socialists at leadership level in the British Labour Party and the US Democratic Party. Their class-focused political discourse is directed against the power of capitalists, corporations and banks - and against the state policies which reflect and sustain that power. This is more than mere left populism - the focus is on addressing the dynamics, structure, inequalities, and contradictions in capitalism, confronting ruling class privilege and power, and the systemic core of neoliberal globalization. There is a new will: to build the power, cohesion, and capacities of the working class; to struggle for broader and deeper reforms. New socialist movements know that they must offer systematic political education to realise their great potential, and to overcome the barriers that they face. The authors provide essential historical, theoretical and critical perspective. They stress the need for renewing working-class politics through new kinds of socialist parties.

This book centers on one fundamental question: is it possible to imagine a progressive sense of nation? Rooted in historic and contemporary social struggles, the chapters in this collection examine what a progressive sense of nation might look like, with authors exploring the theory and practice of the nation beyond nationalism. The book is written against the background of rising authoritarian-nationalist movements globally over the last few decades, where many countries have witnessed the dramatic escalation of ethnic-nationalist parties impacting and changing mainstream politics and normalizing anti-immigration, anti-democratic and Islamophobic discourse. This volume discusses viable alternatives for nationalism, which is inherently exclusionary, exploring the possibility of a type of nation-based politics which does not follow the principles of nationalism. With its focus on nationalism, politics and social struggles, this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of political and social sciences.

From Dictatorship to Democracy was a pamphlet, printed and distributed by Dr Gene Sharp and based on his study, over a period of forty years, on non-violent methods of demonstration. Now in its fourth edition, it was originally handed out by the Albert Einstein Institution, and although never actively promoted, to date it has been translated into thirty-one languages. This astonishing book travelled as a photocopied pamphlet from Burma to Indonesia, Serbia and most recently Egypt, Tunisia and Syria, with dissent in China also reported. Surreptitiously handed out amongst youth uprisings the world over - how the 'how-to' guide came about and its role in the recent Arab uprisings is an extraordinary tale. Once read you'll find yourself urging others to read it and indeed want to gift it.

The book presents a critical analysis of the contemporary democratic state in Latin America. Following the repressive years of authoritarianism and the economic hardships of the debt crisis, much hope was vested in the democratic transitions of the 1980s and 1990s. However, democracy has not resolved the inherent problems of the Latin American state. This is due to the fact that the underlying features of the contemporary state remain associated with values, social relations and institutional forms that reflect the interests of elite social groups and are closely linked to bureaucratic authoritarianism, particularly in the Southern Cone countries of the continent: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. In a shift away from the more typical analyses of Latin American political change during the 1990s, this book presents a more state-centric perspective that seeks to explain why transitions to democracy and trends towards better governance have failed to provide more political and social stability in the continent. Through a deeper analysis of underlying social relations and values and how these manifest themselves through institutions, the state is understood not purely as an institu

A Psychoanalytical-Historical Perspective on Capitalism and Politics explores how empathy once shaped the collective unconscious, before being replaced by rampant individualistic drive to power. Mino Vianello uses "radical federalism" to define a new approach to democracy, hoping for an end to the repetition of outdated political and economic ideals to solve the world's democratic crisis. The book brings together a multitude of disciplines and perspectives, including Marxism, history, class, feminism, politics and empathy, to provide a comprehensive and honest history of power from the Enlightenment to the present day. This interdisciplinary study will be key reading for academics and scholars of Jungian studies, politics, sociology, history and economics.

This path-breaking book uncovers the important, under-appreciated role of armed opposition groups turned political parties in shaping long-term patterns of politics after war. Based on an empirically grounded and theoretically informed retrospective on nearly thirty years of post-conflict democratic state-building efforts, it examines whether this practice has contributed to peace and finds that engaging post-rebel parties in electoral politics has proven to be a viable long-term strategy for bringing political stability, that disparate post-rebel parties from different political contexts invest heavily in electoral politics and that few post-rebel parties actively seek return to civil conflict as a solution after becoming a political party. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners in democracy, governance, elections, political parties, post-conflict peacebuilding, and more broadly to international relations, comparative politics, and regional politics.

Contents:
Part One: Introduction
1. The Nexus between Nationalism, Democracy and National Integration Leong H. Liew and Doug Smith
Part Two: Democracy and Chinese Nationalism
2. Barking Up the Wrong Tree: The Liberal-Nationalist Debate on Democracy and Identity Yingjie Guo
3. The Rise of Neo-nationalism and the New Left: A Postcolonial and Postmodern Perspective Mobo C.F. Gao
Part Three: Chinese Nationalism and Sino-US Relations
4. Chinese Nationalism and the Belgrade Embassy Bombing Ben Hillman
5. Chinese Nationalism and Sino-US Relations: The NATO Bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade Joseph Cheng and Kinglun Ngok
Part Four: Taiwanese Nationalism
6. Taiwan's Evolving Nationalism: Ideology for Independence C.L. Chiou
7. The Political Formation of Taiwanese Nationalism Chia-lung Lin
Part Five: Market, Democracy and National Integration
8. China's Minorities and National Integration Colin Mackerras
9. China's National Identity: A Source of Conflict between Democracy and State Nationalism Baogang He
10. Reaching Out to Taiwan, Keeping in Xinjiang: The Impact of Marketization and Globalization on National Integration Leong H. Liew
Part Six: Institutions Promoting National Integration
11. For National Unity: The Political Logic of Fiscal Transfer in China Shaoguang Wang
12. Nationalism, the Chinese Defence Culture and the People's Liberation Army Ji You

This book examines China's process of democratic transition, and the role of state and society in this process.

The concept of social capital has been used by political scientists to explain both the transition to democracy in Eastern Europe and the decline of social cohesion in Western societies. This edited collection presents the latest quantitative research on how post-communist countries are adapting to Western models of society. The book combines theoretical and institutional analysis with detailed case-studies looking at Russia, Poland, Bulgaria, Lithuania, Romania and the former East Germany.

This title examines the political role of courts in new democracies in Latin America and Africa, focusing on their ability to hold political power-holders accountable when they act outside their constitutionally defined powers. The book also issues a warning: there are problems inherent in the current global move towards strong constitutional government, where increasingly strong powers are placed in the hands of judges who themselves are not made accountable.

Contemporary democracies are frequently criticized for failing to respond adequately to environmental problems and our political institutions are often charged with misrepresenting environmental values in decision-making processes. In this innovative volume, Graham Smith argues that the enhancement and institutionalisation of democratic deliberation will improve reflection on the wide range of environmental values that citizens hold.
Drawing on theories of deliberative democracy, Smith argues that institutions need to be restructured in order to promote democratic dialogue and reflection on the plurality of environmental values.
Deliberative Democracy and the Environment makes an important contribution to our understanding of the relationship between democratic and green political theory. Drawing on evidence from Europe and the United States, it systematically engages with questions of institutional design.

This volume studies the various forms of ethnic autonomy envisioned within and outside the purview of the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. It explores the role of the British Indian administration and the Constituent Assembly of India in the introduction and inclusion of the schedule and the special provisions granted under it. Drawing on case studies from the states of Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, and Sikkim in Northeast India and Darjeeling in West Bengal, it examines whether the practice of granting autonomy has been able to fulfil the political aspirations of the ethnic communities and how far autonomy settles or eases conflict. It also discusses sub-state nationalism and if it can be accommodated within autonomy, and studies the views of the central government and state governments towards such autonomy. An important contribution towards understanding India's federal structure, the volume will be indispensable to students and researchers of politics, democracy, Indian Constitution, law, self-governance, political theory and South Asian studies.

Citizenship and Identity offers an analysis of contemporary politics and of the scepticism and apathy which characterise the political life of modern democracies. Starting from exploration of liberal-democracy and a critique of the fragmentation of contemporary politics, this book develops a republican perspective as an alternative framework for political institutions and civic participation.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203164490

Recent populist movements online and around the globe have drawn the attention of news media, social and political analysts, and scholars, all of whom seek to understand the patterns of influence which have produced and are produced by this populist surge. Whether nationalist or revolutionary, ideological or geopolitical, these movements have changed the way we relate to one another as leaders and followers. In its various forms, populism is changing the face and geography of global politics and society. Leadership, Populism and Resistance draws upon the study of history, politics, policy, media, virtue, and heroism to examine the ways in which populism and popular movements have evolved, what we have learned (and failed to learn) from them, how we depict and discuss them through popular media and the press, and, finally, how we can understand virtue and heroism as a consequence or-reaction to-populism and popularity. This volume uses a multidisciplinary approach to examine the causes and impacts of populism and popular movements across time and around the world which would appeal to a wide variety of scholars and practitioners. Its chapters provide potential teaching tools within individual disciplines (history, psychology, media studies, political science, literature, education, leadership studies) which are useful for educators at all levels concerned with social movements, populism and democracy. The interdisciplinary nature of the volume is also accessible to non-academic audiences interested in modern populist and popular socio-political trends.

Beginning with an account of Namibia's struggle for self-determination that serves to put the Namibian Constitution in context, this volume moves on to consider the principal features of the Constitution, the organs of state and the fundamental principles that provide the framework for the effective functioning of a democratic State. It goes on to examine the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and freedoms protected by the Declaration of Rights, analyzing the relevant jurisprudence of the Namibian courts in the light of international human rights law.

There could hardly be a more appropriate time in world history to be revisiting the issues of globalisation and democracy. After almost two centuries of what might be regarded as globalisation in the current usage of the term, has fallen into disrepute. Voters have used the ballot box to reject both the concept of globalisation and the mainstream parties that promoted it. The UK voted to leave the EU, in the 2016 'Brexit' referendum, and the US elected Donald Trump as President. This three-volume collection brings together the key writings on globalisation and democracy exploring the progression of globalisation as well as themes such as employment, international trade, technology and the environment amongst other important issues. This collection provides both scholarly and lay readers an opportunity to analyze how globalisation has impacted the world we live in today.

The book provides an in-depth discussion of democratic theory questions in relation to refugee law. The work introduces readers to the evolution of refugee law and its core issues today, as well as central lines in the debate about democracy and migration. Bringing together these fields, the book links theoretical considerations and legal analysis. Based on its specific understanding of the refugee concept, it offers a reconstruction of refugee law as constantly confronted with the question of how to secure rights to those who have no voice in the democratic process. In this reconstruction, the book highlights, on the one hand, the need to look beyond the legal regulations for understanding the challenges and gaps in refugee protection. It is also the structural lack of political voice, the book argues, which shapes the refugee's situation. On the other hand, the book opposes a view of law as mere expression of power and points out the dynamics within the law which reflect endeavors towards mitigating exclusion. The book will be essential reading for academics and researchers working in the areas of migration and refugee law, legal theory and political theory.

One of the world's foremost historians of Western political and legal thought proposes a bold new model for thinking about equality at a time when its absence threatens democracies everywhere. How much equality does democracy need to survive? Political thinkers have wrestled with that question for millennia. Aristotle argued that some are born to command and others to obey. Antiphon believed that men, at least, were born equal. Later the Romans upended the debate by asking whether citizens were equals not in ruling but in standing before the law. Aldo Schiavone guides us through these and other historical thickets, from the first democracy to the present day, seeking solutions to the enduring tension between democracy and inequality. Turning from Antiquity to the modern world, Schiavone shows how the American and the French revolutions attempted to settle old debates, introducing a new way of thinking about equality. Both the French revolutionaries and the American colonists sought democracy and equality together, but the European tradition (British Labour, Russian and Eastern European Marxists, and Northern European social democrats) saw formal equality-equality before the law-as a means of obtaining economic equality. The American model, in contrast, adopted formal equality while setting aside the goal of economic equality. The Pursuit of Equality in the West argues that the United States and European models were compatible with industrial-age democracy, but neither suffices in the face of today's technological revolution. Opposing both atomization and the obsolete myths of the collective, Schiavone thinks equality anew, proposing a model founded on neither individualism nor the erasure of the individual but rather on the universality of the impersonal human, which coexists with the sea of differences that makes each of us unique.

Splitsville USA argues that it’s time for us to break up to save representative democracy, proposing a mutually negotiated, peaceful dissolution of the current United States of America into several new nations. Zurn begins by examining the United States’ democratic predicament, a road most likely headed for electoral authoritarianism, with distinct possibilities of ungovernability and violent civil strife. Unlike others who share this diagnosis, Zurn presents a realistic picture of how we can get to reform and what it would involve. It is argued that "Splitsville" represents the most plausible way for American citizens to continue living under a republican form of government. Despite recent talk of secession and civil war, this book offers the most extensive treatment yet of the issues we need to think through to enable a peacefully negotiated political divorce. Splitsville USA is a provocative conversation opener about the problems that have gotten us into our current political pickle and how to get out of it by seizing the reins of our own constitutional destiny. The book will appeal to readers of political science, American politics, history, political philosophy, and law, along with all general readers interested in the future of democracy in the United States.

This book challenges the idea that the Rule of Law is still a universal European value given its relatively rapid deterioration in Hungary and Poland, and the apparent inability of the European institutions to adequately address the illiberalization of these Member States. The book begins from the general presumption that the Rule of Law, since its emergence, has been a universal European value, a political ideal and legal conception. It also acknowledges that the EU has been struggling in the area of value enforcement, even if the necessary mechanisms are available and, given an innovative outlook and more political commitment, could be successfully used. The authors appreciate the different approaches toward the Rule of Law, both as a concept and as a measurable indicator, and while addressing the core question of the volume, widely rely on them. Ultimately, the book provides a snapshot of how the Rule of Law ideal has been dismantled and offers a theory of the Rule of Law in illiberal constitutionalism. It discusses why voters keep illiberal populist leaders in power when they are undeniably acting contrary to the Rule of Law ideal. The book will be of interest to academics and researchers engaged with the foundational questions of constitutionalism. The structure and nature of the subject matter covered ensure that the book will be a useful addition for comparative and national constitutional law classes. It will also appeal to legal practitioners wondering about the boundaries of the Rule of Law.

An analysis of the various challenges faced by police operating in different kinds of democracies. Through a cross-cultural comparison of the various systems, the work highlights the universal observation that police are an anomaly in a democracy. It examines how various influences - for example, large-scale social violence, a zeal for crime fighting, or vulnerability to temptation - often render the police incapable of behaving in a democratic manner. Chapters explore the experiences of police in emerging democracies (Estonia, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland, the Russian Federation and Slovenia), established democracies (Austria, the UK, the Netherlands and Switzerland), and mixed democracies (South Africa). The book analyzes the similarities and differences of the policing challenges democratic societies face as well as the responses and remedies adopted by police in various countries at different levels of democratic achievement.

This book re-visits the phenomenon of Japanese capitalism in light of the fate of the North Atlantic and developing economies and place it in a longer historical political and geopolitical economy of capitalism from a variety of political and disciplinary perspectives. Japanese capitalism, which was once an admired model of miraculous growth with a relatively egalitarian distribution of income, fell into secular stagnation in the early 1990s. The phenomenon has since fascinated observers, provoked debates, provided policy advocates with grist for the mills of a range of policy proposals, some of them mutually contradictory, and, most importantly, burdened an entire population, and particularly its young. Japan's secular stagnation has raised new questions about policy difficulties on a range of fronts - dramatically lowered growth rate despite comparatively high investment, deteriorating labor conditions, rising class and gender inequality, a profound and many-faceted crisis of social reproduction and a deepening fiscal crisis of the state - all of which have important international ramifications. Moreover, interest in and the importance of Japan's secular stagnation grew rapidly after 2008 as many have sought to understand the economic malaise of the North Atlantic by analogy and comparison with all or parts of the Japanese condition. The chapters in this book attempt to understand the causes, character and consequence of that original affliction. They also reflect on the meaning of Japan's secular stagnation at this stage of development capitalism. The result contains the key to understanding the more widespread economic malaise of our time. This book will be a beneficial read for researchers and scholars of Economics and Politics interested in Japanese Studies as well as the Japanese political economy. Most of the chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of The Japanese Political Economy. The last chapter was originally published in the Journal of Contemporary Asia.

Discussing the civilizatory crisis and processes of refeudalization this volume brings into dialogue two of the most creative approaches, in Olaf Kaltmeier and Edgardo Lander, to rethink capitalism in the 21st century. In Part 1, Olaf Kaltmeier, takes issue with the state of social inequality in the region, highlighting the concentration of wealth within the upper 1% of society in Latin America. Comparing the current economic situation with the ancient regime, the discussion centers around the new phenomena like billionaires as president, increased luxury consumption, an emerging culture of distinction, and the intensification of land and spatial segregation. In Part 2, Lander urgently assesses the current state and political legacy of the "Pink Tide" governments in his essay "Crisis of Civilization." Reviewing the past two decades of the new millennium, Lander critiques the failure of these governments to provide alternatives to extractivism and economic dependencies. Finally, Hans-Jurgen Burchardt connects the arguments through interviews where both authors sum their efforts to open the issues to future dialogue. Refeudalization in Latin America provides an accessible and thought-provoking political diagnosis from the Global South which departs from the oft idiosyncratic and cyclical debates of the Global North to offer new vocabulary for social change. It will interest scholars and students of global studies, sociology, and political science.

1) Original book with chapters written by Brazilian researchers and colleagues from Universities in the Global North; 2) New and interdisciplinary interpretations of democracy, development, and sustainability; 3) Word Political Economy theoretical frontier linking class, race, and gender conflicts; 4) Challenges’ diagnoses and proposal of solutions for the future of the World Political Economy after the Covid-19 crisis.