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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Democracy
This book provides an in-depth look into key political dynamics
that obtain in a democracy without parties, offering a window into
political undercurrents increasingly in evidence throughout the
Latin American region, where political parties are withering. For
the past three decades, Peru has showcased a political universe
populated by amateur politicians and the dominance of personalism
as the main party-voter linkage form. The study peruses the
post-2000 evolution of some of the key Peruvian electoral vehicles
and classifies the partisan universe as a party non-system. There
are several elements endogenous to personalist electoral vehicles
that perpetuate partylessness, contributing to the absence of party
building. The book also examines electoral dynamics in partyless
settings, centrally shaped by effective electoral supply, personal
brands, contingency, and iterated rounds of strategic voting
calculi. Given the scarcity of information electoral vehicles
provide, as well as the enormously complex political environment
Peruvian citizens inhabit, personal brands provide readymade
informational shortcuts that simplify the political world. The
concept of "negative legitimacy environments" is furnished to
capture political settings comprised of supermajorities of floating
voters, pervasive negative political identities, and a generic
citizen preference for newcomers and political outsiders. Such
environments, increasingly present throughout Latin America,
produce several deleterious effects, including high political
uncertainty, incumbency disadvantage, and political time
compression. Peru's "democracy without parties" fails to deliver
essential democratic functions including governability,
responsiveness, horizontal and vertical accountability, or
democratic representation, among others.
Challenging the conventional narrative that the European Union
suffers from a "democratic deficit," Athanasios Psygkas argues that
EU mandates have enhanced the democratic accountability of national
regulatory agencies. This is because EU law has created entry
points for stakeholder participation in the operation of national
regulators; these avenues for public participation were formerly
either not open or not institutionalized to this degree. By
focusing on how the EU formally adopted procedural mandates to
advance the substantive goal of creating an internal market in
electronic communications, Psygkas demonstrates that EU
requirements have had significant implications for the nature of
administrative governance in the member states. Drawing on
theoretical arguments in favor of decentralization traditionally
applied to substantive policy-making, this book provides insight
into regulatory processes to show how the decentralized EU
structure may transform national regulatory authorities into
individual loci of experimentation that might in turn develop
innovative results. It thus contributes to debates about
federalism, governance and public policy, as well as about
deliberative and participatory democracy in the United States and
Europe. This book informs current understandings of regulatory
agency operations and institutional design by drawing on an
original dataset of public consultations and interviews with agency
officials, industry and consumer group representatives in Paris,
Athens, Brussels, and London. The on-the-ground original research
provides a strong foundation for the directions the case law could
take and small- and larger-scale institutional reforms that balance
the goals of democracy, accountability, and efficiency.
Why do we need European integration in increasingly fragmented and
antagonised European societies? How can European integration relate
to the national stories we carry about who we are as a nation and
where we belong? What to do with the national stories that tell
traumatising tales of past loss and sacrifice, and depict others as
villains or foes? Can we still claim that our national states are
the most legitimate way of organising European political
communities today? Engaging with these big questions of European
politics, Nevena Nancheva tells a small story from the periphery of
Europe. Looking at two post-communist Balkan states - Bulgaria and
Macedonia - she explores how their narratives of national identity
have changed in the context of Europeanisation and EU membership
preparations. In doing so, Nancheva suggests that national identity
and European integration might be more relevant than previously
thought.
Free Market Criminal Justice offers a critique of the ideology
behind the US criminal justice system. It argues that the
distinctive ideology shaping American criminal processes is a
commitment to a set of values in institutional design as divided
into two categories - "democracy" and "markets". Here, democracy
describes the ideas and practices of politically responsive,
popularly accountable governance. Markets refers to norms, premises
and mechanisms of private ordering in contrast to public
management; competition between private agents acting for
self-interest. Arguing against recent attempts to re-invigorate
democratic processes in criminal justice, this book claims that
there are significant downsides to a criminal justice system that
favors democratic processes over legal regulation. The commitment
to democracy has undermined the rule of law in American criminal
justice resulting in mass incarceration and wrongful convictions,
particularly as institutional democracy goes hand in hand with the
development of market-inspired mechanisms. This book concludes with
proposals for reforms to rebuild the rule of law in the criminal
process.
Although many contemporary scholars have deepened our understanding
of civil society, a concept that made its entry into modern social
thought in the 17th century, by offering insightful exegetical
inquiries into the tradition of thinking about this concept,
critiquing the limits of civil society discourse, or seeking to
offer empirical analyses of existing civil societies, none have
attempted anything as bold or original as Jeffrey C. Alexander's
The Civil Sphere. While consciously building on this three
centuries long tradition of thought on the subject, Alexander has
broken new ground by articulating in considerable detail a
theoretical framework that differs from what he sees as the two
major perspectives that have heretofore shaped civil society
discourse. In so doing, he has sought to construct from the bottom
up a model of what he calls the civil sphere, which he treats in
Durkheimian fashion as a new social fact. In this volume, six
internationally recognized scholars comment on the civil sphere
thesis. Robert Bellah, Bryan S. Turner, and Axel Honneth consider
the work as a whole. Mario Diani, Chad Alan Goldberg, and Farhad
Khosrokhavar offer analyses of specific aspects of the civil
sphere. In their substantive introduction, Peter Kivisto and
Giuseppe Sciortino locate the civil sphere thesis in terms of
Alexander's larger theoretical arc as it has shifted from
neofunctionalism to cultural sociology. Finally, Alexander's
clarifies and further elaborates on the concept of the civil
sphere.
This book examines the relationship between national identity and
foreign policy discourses on Russia in Germany, Poland and Finland
in the years 2005–2015. The case studies focus on the Nord Stream
pipeline controversy, the 2008 Russian-Georgian war, the
post-electoral protests in Russian cities in 2011–2012 and the
Ukraine crisis. Siddi argues that divergent foreign policy
narratives of Russia are rooted in different national identity
constructions. Most significantly, the Ukraine crisis and the Nord
Stream controversy have exposed how deep-rooted and different
perceptions of the 'Russian Other' in EU member states are still
influential and lead to conflicting national agendas for foreign
policy towards Russia.
In this timely and important work, eminent political theorist John
Dunn argues that democracy is not synonymous with good government.
The author explores the labyrinthine reality behind the basic
concept of democracy, demonstrating how the political system that
people in the West generally view as straightforward and obvious
is, in fact, deeply unclear and, in many cases, dysfunctional.
Consisting of four thought-provoking lectures, Dunn's book sketches
the path by which democracy became the only form of government with
moral legitimacy, analyzes the contradictions and pitfalls of
modern American democracy, and challenges the academic world to
take responsibility for giving the world a more coherent
understanding of this widely misrepresented political institution.
Suggesting that the supposedly ideal marriage of liberal economics
with liberal democracy can neither ensure its continuance nor even
address the problems of contemporary life, this courageous analysis
attempts to show how we came to be so gripped by democracy's spell
and why we must now learn to break it.
This major new text provides an original and comprehensive
assessment of key contemporary trends in democratic politics and
governance across major established democracies of the world.
The principles of the French Revolution remain the only possible
basis for a just society -- even if, after more than two hundred
years, they are more contested than ever before. In A New World
Begins, Jeremy D. Popkin offers a riveting account of the
revolution that puts the reader in the thick of the debates and the
violence that led to the overthrow of the monarchy and the
establishment of a new society. We meet Mirabeau, Robespierre, and
Danton, in all of their brilliance and vengefulness; we witness the
failed escape and execution of Louis XVI; we see women demanding
equal rights and black slaves wresting freedom from revolutionaries
who hesitated to act on their own principles; and we follow the
rise of Napoleon out of the ashes of the Reign of Terror. Based on
decades of scholarship, A New World Begins is the definitive
treatment of the French Revolution.
Contemporary debates on the role of religion in American public
life ignore the overlap between religion and race in the formation
of American democratic traditions and more often than not imagine
democracy within the terrain of John Rawls's political liberalism.
This kind of political liberalism, which focuses on political
commitments at the expense of our religious beliefs, fosters the
necessary conditions to open historically closed doors to black
bodies, allows blacks to sit at the King's table and creates the
necessary safeguards for black protest against discrimination
within a constitutional democracy. By implication of its emphasis
on rights and inclusion, political liberalism assumes that the
presence of black bodies signifies the materialization of a robust
American democracy. However, political liberalism discounts the
historical role of religion in forming and fashioning the nation's
construction of race. Tragic Soul-Life argues that the collision
between religion and politics during U.S. slavery and segregation
created the fragments from which emerged a firm but shifting moral
disdain for blackness within the nation's collective moral
imagination.
The very problem political liberals want to avoid, our
comprehensive philosophy, is central to solving the political and
economic problems facing blacks.
We in the West are living in the midst of a deadly culture war. Our
rival worldviews clash with increasing violence in the public
arena, culminating in deadly riots and mass shootings. A fragmented
left now confronts a resurgent and reactionary right, which
threatens to reverse decades of social progress. Commentators have
declared that we live in a "post-truth world," one dominated by
online trolls and conspiracy theorists. How did we arrive at this
cultural crisis? How do we respond? This book speaks to this
critical moment through a new reading of the thought of Alasdair
MacIntyre. Over thirty years ago, MacIntyre predicted the coming of
a new Dark Ages. The premise of this book is that MacIntyre was
right all along. It presents his diagnosis of our cultural crisis.
It further presents his answer to the challenge of public reasoning
without foundations. Pitting him against John Rawls, Jurgen
Habermas, and Chantal Mouffe, Ethics Under Capital argues that
MacIntyre offers hope for a critical democratic politics in the
face of the culture wars.
Politics as Radical Creation examines the meaning of democratic
practice through the critical social theory of the Frankfurt
School. It provides an understanding of democratic politics as a
potentially performative good-in-itself, undertaken not just to the
extent that it seeks to achieve a certain extrinsic goal, but also
in that it functions as a medium for the expression of creative
human impulses. Christopher Holman develops this potential model
through a critical examination of the political philosophies of
Herbert Marcuse and Hannah Arendt. Holman argues that, while Arendt
and Marcuse's respective theorizations each ultimately restrict the
potential scope of creative human expression, their juxtaposition -
which has not been previously explored - results in a more
comprehensive theory of democratic existence, one that is uniquely
able to affirm the creative capacities of the human being. Yielding
important theoretical results that will interest scholars of each
theorist and of theories of democracy more generally, Politics as
Radical Creation provides a valuable means for rethinking the
nature of contemporary democratic practice.
The Age of Foolishness is a doubter's guide to current lawyerly
thinking about all things related to constitutionalism in a
democracy. This book offers a thorough-going skeptical critique of
the views that dominate our legal caste, including in law schools
and among judges, and place too much weight on judges to resolve
important social policy disputes and too little on democratic
politics. The author argues that politics matters in a way that our
legal orthodoxy often downplays.
Citizenship and Democratization in Southeast Asia redirects the
largely western-oriented study of citizenship to postcolonial
states. Providing various fascinating first-hand accounts of how
citizens interpret and realize the recognition of their property,
identity, security and welfare in the context of a weak rule of law
and clientelistic politics, this study highlights the importance of
studying citizenship for understanding democratization processes in
Southeast Asia. With case studies from Thailand, Indonesia, the
Philippines and Cambodia, this book provides a unique bottom-up
perspective on the character of public life in Southeast Asia.
Contributors are: Mary Austin, Laurens Bakker, Ward Berenschot,
Sheri Lynn Gibbings, Takeshi Ito, David Kloos, Merlyna Lim, Astrid
Noren-Nilsson, Oona Pardedes, Emma Porio, Apichat Satitniramai,
Wolfram Schaffer and Henk Schulte Nordholt.
Indonesia has long been hailed as a rare case of democratic
transition and persistence in an era of global democratic setbacks.
But as the country enters its third decade of democracy, such
laudatory assessments have become increasingly untenable. The
stagnation that characterized Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's second
presidential term has given way to a more far-reaching pattern of
democratic regression under his successor, Joko Widodo. This volume
is the first comprehensive study of Indonesia's contemporary
democratic decline. Its contributors identify, explain and debate
the signs of regression, including arbitrary state crackdowns on
freedom of speech and organization, the rise of vigilantism,
deepening political polarization, populist mobilization, the
dysfunction of key democratic institutions, and the erosion of
checks and balances on executive power. They ask why Indonesia,
until recently considered a beacon of democratic exceptionalism,
increasingly conforms to the global pattern of democracy in
retreat.
This textbook is endorsed by OCR and supports the specification for
A-Level Classical Civilisation (first teaching September 2017). It
covers Components 31 and 34 from the 'Beliefs and Ideas' Component
Group: Greek Religion by Athina Mitropoulos and Julietta Steinhauer
Democracy and the Athenians by Tim Morrison and James Renshaw Why
was worshipping the gods so important to ancient Greek life? To
what extent did Greeks question religious belief? How and why did
the Athenians invent democracy? How does Athenian democracy compare
with democracy today? Drawing on modern scholarship and using a
wide variety of illustrations, this book guides A-Level students to
a greater understanding of these issues. It explores the
fundamental features of Greek religion, as well as its major
centres such as Delphi and Olympia. It then moves on to analyse the
development and workings of Athenian democracy, as well as
reflecting on ancient critiques of it, both celebratory and
critical. The ideal preparation for the final examinations, all
content is presented by experts and experienced teachers in a clear
and accessible narrative. Ancient literary and visual sources are
described and analysed, with supporting images. Helpful student
features include study questions, quotations from contemporary
scholars, further reading, and boxes focusing in on key people,
events and terms. Practice questions and exam guidance prepare
students for assessment. A Companion Website is available at
www.bloomsbury.com/class-civ-as-a-level.
Why our democracies need urgent reform, before it's too late A
generation after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the world is once
again on the edge of chaos. Demonstrations have broken out from
Belgium to Brazil led by angry citizens demanding a greater say in
their political and economic future, better education, heathcare
and living standards. The bottom line of this outrage is the same;
people are demanding their governments do more to improve their
lives faster, something which policymakers are unable to deliver
under conditions of anaemic growth. Rising income inequality and a
stagnant economy are threats to both the developed and the
developing world, and leaders can no longer afford to ignore this
gathering storm. In Edge of Chaos, Dambisa Moyo sets out the new
political and economic challenges facing the world, and the
specific, radical solutions needed to resolve these issues and
reignite global growth. Dambisa enumerates the four headwinds of
demographics, inequality, commodity scarcity and technological
innovation that are driving social and economic unrest, and argues
for a fundamental retooling of democratic capitalism to address
current problems and deliver better outcomes in the future. In the
twenty-first century, a crisis in one country can quickly become
our own, and fragile economies produce a fragile international
community. Edge of Chaos is a warning for advanced and emerging
nations alike: we must reverse the dramatic erosion in growth, or
face the consequences of a fragmented and unstable global future.
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