The case for democracy is an intrinsic part of our political culture. This non-partisan book provides the other side of the story via well-researched history and current events that illuminate the theory and practice of democracy. Are the politics of the United States to blame for its current unsteady footing in the 21st century? This book aims to answer this uncomfortable but relevant question by examining the strengths and weaknesses of democracy, addressing complex topics such as the history of liberalism, the relationship between democracy and capitalism, the nature of representation, and the difference between government and politics. Each of the book's chapters focuses on a recognized shortcoming of popular government, such as inefficiency, self-interestedness, and non-participation. Each section begins by focusing on current events and tracing issues back through history-through to the American founding, and in many instances, to antiquity. In the conclusion, the author proposes a series of thought-provoking fixes.

From small-scale experiments, deliberative mini-publics have recently taken a constitutional turn in Europe. Iceland and Ireland have turned to deliberative democracy to reform their constitutions. Estonia, Luxembourg and Romania have also experienced constitutional process in a deliberative mode. In Belgium the G1000, a citizen-led initiative of deliberative democracy, has fostered a wider societal debate about the role and place of citizens in the country's democracy. At the same time, European institutions have introduced different forms of deliberative democracy as a way to connect citizens back in. These empirical cases are emblematic of a possibly constitutional turn in deliberative democracy in Europe. The purpose of this book is to critically assess these developments, bringing together academics involved in the designing of these new forms of constitutional deliberative democracy with the theorists who propagated the ideas and evaluated democratic standards.

Worldwide newspaper headlines in recent years have covered political unrest in many East Asian nations. Citizens in these nations have become more vocal about their governments and the populace's role in those governments. Democracy is not the dominant form of government in many of these nations. However, as nations have evolved, social change and economic developments have brought increasingly pro-democratic forces to the forefront. Examining the forces of economic growth and social modernization and their impact on democratization provides the basis of this timely study. Using China, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, and Vietnam as case studies, this book delves into these nations' Confucian cultural heritage and how that heritage allows for careful comparison of variables which affect societal values. Will East Asian nations embrace democracy? Will the nations already democratic become stronger? This book offers insightful responses to these critical questions. Democratization in East Asia is an important addition for collections in political science and Asian studies.

In light of the predatory practices employed by massive corporations-some of which are even bigger than nations-and their wealthy owners, a movement arose from among the people known as the 99 percent, those who are not among the wealthiest 1 percent of the population. The world watched as members of the Occupy movement poured into the streets, demanding that those responsible for the economic crises faced by the world be held accountable for their negligence and misconduct. Now, however, the crowds have gone; their voices are muted, but their demands endure. In light of the current situation, what's next for the world? The answer is action. In this compact manifesto, Frank Sykes summarizes the ideas that were voiced by the thousands who converged on Wall Street and in large cities across the globe, drawing a map of the future of this global phenomenon. Ordinary people demand not only our fair share of the wealth generated by our work and ingenuity, but also a say in its distribution. Even though the Occupiers have gone home, the problems they protested still exist, and the need to act is more urgent now than ever

Richard Musgrave is one of the most eminent public finance economists of our time. In this third volume of essays, Professor Musgrave once more takes a broad view of fiscal institutions, their nature and functions. Traditions of fiscal theory and their impact on the author's work are discussed and their linkage to theories of the state and of distributive justice are examined. Selected topics include: the foundations of public finance, equity in taxation, tax reform, federalism and budget growth. Public Finance in a Democratic Society will be of interest to scholars and students of public finance, political economy and public policy.

This innovative book proposes a new institutional arrangement for government to fulfil the needs of its citizens as well as possible. Existing aspects of federalism and direct democracy in Europe are strengthened, and as a result future developments arising in the region are coped with better. In this book Bruno Frey and Reiner Eichenberger propose a new model of federalism which includes new types of governmental units established by citizens from below. These units are called functional, overlapping and competing jurisdictions as they extend over task-specific areas and therefore overlap. They also provide competitive governance via direct and representative democratic institutions, and as jurisdictions they have independent power over taxation policy. This new model is more responsive to citizens' preferences and adjusts more dynamically to provide public services efficiently. The authors suggest that this new system should be allowed to develop in Europe to safeguard diversity and ensure that decentralization emerges effectively. It would also allow for the flexible integration of East European transition economies into the European Union and may also combine with traditional modes of government in developing countries. This book will be warmly welcomed by economists, political scientists and sociologists interested in the future of the European Union, by all those studying federal systems of government, and by those interested in the prospects for improving democratic institutions throughout the world.

Policing has generally become a complex area of public administration in our times. Where however a society is sharply divided on ethnic, linguistic or economic lines, police takes are rendered even more problematic. The author, a senior Indian Police Service officer, with more than three decades of field experience and who has also observed the US police from close quarters, attempts a comparative study of the two systems. His finding, that notwithstanding their obvious cultural differences and disparities in terms of economic and technological development, police forces in the two countries share common problems -- a spurt in violent crime, terrorism, and low police regard for human rights -- should provide food for thought for the police leadership. There is a need for innovations in police methods of operation, such as community policing and computer-aided response to service demands from the public. There is an equally strong case for enlarging the base of recruitment of police personnel so that they become more acceptable to the various segments of a highly fractured society. In the authors view, many interesting speculations are possible about the future of policing.

Representative democracy has long been problematic and subject to erosion through the introduction of components of direct democracy (referenda, voter initiatives and systems of recall). Following the increase of direct action across the world, through the Occupy movement and the rise of new populist parties championing greater citizen inclusion in decision making, many are considering whether the hierarchical system of political control might have had its day. But what might be the alternative, next democracy? This book considers the viability of a populist conception of democratic organization, which puts power into the hands of ordinary citizens. Examining contemporary and classic theory to contextualize the critique of existing systems, the book goes on to explore alternative arrangements tested out by activists, eco-protestors and anti-capitalists - from the recent Occupy agenda to Gandhi's experiments in alternative living. Milligan confronts the practical challenges posed by these systems of direct democracy and discusses the considerable difficulties of scaling up and sustaining them in state-level contexts. Whilst the book concedes that such concerns are genuine, it argues that a theory of generalized direct democracy can shake off its utopian aspirations and become a legitimate alternative for the future.

This collection of essays focuses on the roles that coercion and persuasion should play in contemporary democratic political systems or societies. A number of the authors advocate new approaches to this question, offering various critiques of the dominant classical liberalism views of political justification, freedom, tolerance and the political subject. A major concern is with the conversational character of democracy. Given the problematic and ambiguous status of the many differences present in contemporary society, the authors seek to alert us to the danger, that an emphasis on reasonable consensus will conceal exclusion in practice of some contending positions. The voices of vulnerable peoples can be unconsciously or even deliberately silenced by various institutional processes and operating procedures and a strong media influence can change the tenor of conversations and even lead to deception. To counter these factors, a number of the essays, in differing ways, urge the fostering of local community conversations or democratic agoras so that democratic debate and conversation might maintain the vitality necessary to a strong democratic system.

The third edition of the manual for community organizers tells readers how to most effectively implement community action for social change, clearly laying out grassroots organizing principles, methods, and best practices. Written for those who want to improve their own lives or the lives of others, this thoroughly revised how-to manual presents techniques groups can use to organize successfully in pursuit of their dreams. The book combines time-tested, universal principles and methods with cutting-edge material addressing new opportunities and challenges. It covers basic concepts and best practices and offers step-by-step guidelines on things an organizer needs to know, such as how to identify issues, formulate strategies, set goals, recruit participants, and much more. The work focuses on six organizing arenas: turf/geography, failth-based, issue, identity, shared experience, and work-related. It offers new or expanded material addressing community development, use of social media, internal organizational dynamics, electoral organizing, evaluation/assessment, and prevention of burnout for key leaders. There are also nuts-and-bolts articles by experts who address topics such as action research, lobbying, legal tactics, and grassroots fundraising. Numerous case examples, charts, worksheets, and small group exercises enrich the discussion and bring the material to life. Provides clear, step-by-step guidelines for building grassroots organizations, selecting and framing issues, establishing goals, developing leadership, planning and implementing actions, and assessing results Explores the distinct roles of members, leaders, and organizers Shares case materials that demonstrate community organizing strategies and tactics used to leverage institutions at the state, regional, and national levels Discusses why some strategies succeed while others fail Includes campaign-planning worksheets and small-group exercises suitable for community-based training sessions and workshops as well as for undergraduate or graduate level courses

Since 2015, Poland's populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) has been dismantling the major checks and balances of the Polish state and subordinating the courts, the civil service, and the media to the will of the executive. Political rights have been radically restricted, and the Party has captured the entire state apparatus. The speed and depth of these antidemocratic movements took many observers by surprise: until now, Poland was widely regarded as an example of a successful transitional democracy. Poland's anti-constitutional breakdown poses three questions that this book sets out to answer: What, exactly, has happened since 2015? Why did it happen? And what are the prospects for a return to liberal democracy? These answers are formulated against a backdrop of current worldwide trends towards populism, authoritarianism, and what is sometimes called 'illiberal democracy'. As this book argues, the Polish variant of 'illiberal democracy' is an oxymoron. By undermining the separation of powers, the PiS concentrates all power in its own hands, rendering any democratic accountability illusory. There is, however, no inevitability in these anti-democratic trends: this book considers a number of possible remedies and sources of hope, including intervention by the European Union.

Following the Arab Uprisings, new ways of understanding sectarianism and sect-based differences emerged. But these perspectives, while useful, reduced sectarian identities to a consequence of either primordial tensions or instrumentalised identities. While more recently ‘third way’ approaches addressed the problems with these two positions, the complexity of secatarian identities within and across states remains unexplored. This book fills the gap in the literature to offer a more nuanced reading of both sectarian identities and also de-sectarianization across the Middle East. To do so, the volume provides a comparative account, looking at Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen, Syria and Lebanon. It examines the ways in which sect-based difference shapes regional politics and vice versa. The book also contributes to burgeoning debates on the role of protest movements in sectarianism. Chapters are split across three main sections: the first looks at sects and states; the second traces the relationship between sects and regional dynamics; and the third examines de-sectarianization, that is, the contestation and destablization of sectarian identities in socio-political life. Each section provides a more holistic understanding of the role of sectarian identities in the contemporary Middle East and shows how sectarian groups operate within and across state borders, and why this has serious implications for the ordering of life across the Middle East.

The abridged edition of the enduring masterwork--a classic portrait of America's culture and people

Originally penned in the mid-nineteenth century by Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville, "Democracy in America" remains the most comprehensive, penetrating, and astute picture of American life, politics, and morals ever written, as relevant today as when it first appeared in print nearly two hundred years ago.

This abridged edition by scholar and historian Scott A. Sandage includes a new introduction and editorial notes, and offers students and the general reader alike easy access to the preeminent translation by George Lawrence, widely recognized as the best translation based on the second revised and corrected text of the 1961 French edition, edited by J. P. Mayer.

Democratic governments are increasingly under pressure from populists, and distrust of governmental authority is on the rise. Economic causes are often blamed. Making a 21st Century Constitution proposes instead that constitutions no longer provide the kind of support that democracies need in today's conditions, and outlines ways in which reformers can rectify this. Frank Vibert addresses key sources of constitutional obsolescence, identifies the main challenges for constitutional updating and sets out the ways in which constitutions may be made suitable for the the 21st century. The book highlights the need for reformers to address the deep diversity of values in today's urbanized societies, the blind spots and content-lite nature of democratic politics, and the dispersion of authority among new chains of intermediaries. This book will be invaluable for students of political science, public administration and policy, law and constitutional economics. Its analysis of how constitutions can be made fit for purpose again will appeal to all concerned with governance, practitioners and reformers alike.

El Diccionario de la Democracia contiene la teor a y la ideolog a de los reg menes democr ticos: sus antecedentes; or genes; principios; modalidades de deliberaci n y leyes; sus instituciones clave y variedades, acorde con la clase social que los dirija y el arreglo institucional correlativo. Asimismo compara sus principios, leyes e instituciones con otros reg menes, particularmente con sus opuestos, las oligarqu as o gobiernos de pocos, pero tambi n con la rep blica, la tiran a y la realeza; las razones de Estado que permiten su conquista, conservaci n y estabilidad; las fuentes internas y externas que los amenazan; las maneras de corromperse y las revoluciones que los afectan. Trata tambi n de los usos, costumbres y caracteres democr ticos; inventar a los rasgos ticos de la vida democr tica, por s mismos y comprobados con los de los ricos, las clases medias y los tiranos, hasta detallar las relaciones que sostienen entre s dirigentes y dirigidos, hombres y mujeres, viejos, j venes, maestros y alumnos, ciudadanos y animales..., por el impacto que la libertad e igualdad popular tienen en la vida p blica y privada de sus pueblos. Parte medular del mismo es la exposici n de las doctrinas, dogmas, leyes e instituciones del modelo liberal moderno de la democracia; un credo que se analiza en calidad de justificaci n del nouveau r gime por parte de sus ide logos modernos m s destacados y l cidos, quienes desv an el significado de las palabras democracia y liberal atribuidas sin m s a los Estados modernos.