This book explores contemporary populist politics through the lens of ontological security theory. It shows that the 'divisionary politics of populism' is fostered by narratives of crisis and insecurity surrounding the imagined Self that gives shape to 'the people' that populism claims to represent. The loss of faith in mainstream political parties and moderate electoral candidates seems characteristic of the Zeitgeist in much of the Western world and beyond. Politicians and agendas propped up by a discourse that antagonizes established political elites on behalf of a reified, and homogenized people has become a trend in the politics of several countries. This book has brought together a team of worldwide renowned specialists on ontological security to grapple with the contemporary populist challenge through the conceptual lens of ontological security theory. From crises of democracy in the West, to backlashes against democratization in the Global South, this collection not only unveils fundamental structures underpinning these significant and current phenomena. It also provides us with the analytical tools to understand other occurrences of populist politics that are gaining traction across the globe. This book will be of great interest to upper-level students, researchers, and academics in Politics, International Relations and Security. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Cambridge Review of International Affairs.

This compelling book explores the dimensions of social equity by asking the leading equity scholars to reflect on the responsibility for social equity and how equity can be achieved. Social equity is concerned with fairness in the development and administration of public policies. Despite its importance, there has always been an uneasiness in how equity is discussed and obtained. While we acknowledge that social equity is important, we have struggled in our efforts to achieve it. The inequities in our society and the lack of a concerted effort to address the problems have only become prominent due to the COVID-19 Pandemic and the Black Lives Matter Movement. Each of the chapters in this volume pay particular attention to how social equity can be effectively incorporated into the classroom. This book is a rare opportunity to shape the conversation about social equity and provide a venue for dialogue around the questions of what, why, and how we teach about equity. This book is an insightful resource for researchers and scholars of Politics and Public Administration. The chapters in this book were originally published in the Journal of Public Affairs Education.

1) Original book with chapters written by Brazilian researchers and colleagues from Universities in the Global North; 2) New and interdisciplinary interpretations of democracy, development, and sustainability; 3) Word Political Economy theoretical frontier linking class, race, and gender conflicts; 4) Challenges’ diagnoses and proposal of solutions for the future of the World Political Economy after the Covid-19 crisis.

This edited collection outlines the issues central to youth engagement in research and social innovation. Youth-driven innovation for social change is increasingly recognized as holding potential for the development of sustainable strategies to tackle some of the most pressing global challenges of our time. The contributors provide additional knowledge concerning what actually constitutes an enabling environment, as well as the most effective approaches for engaging youth as architects of change. While sensitive to the need for contextual appropriateness, the volume contributes to the development of shared understandings and frameworks for engaging and spurring youth-driven innovation for social change worldwide. Youth-Driven Social Innovation showcases examples of youth engagement in frugal and reverse innovation worldwide, alongside examples which demonstrate the tremendous potential of South-South learning, but also learning and youth innovation in the Global North. It will be of interest to students and scholars across a range of disciplines including education, sociology, anthropology, public health, and politics.

This book re-visits the phenomenon of Japanese capitalism in light of the fate of the North Atlantic and developing economies and place it in a longer historical political and geopolitical economy of capitalism from a variety of political and disciplinary perspectives. Japanese capitalism, which was once an admired model of miraculous growth with a relatively egalitarian distribution of income, fell into secular stagnation in the early 1990s. The phenomenon has since fascinated observers, provoked debates, provided policy advocates with grist for the mills of a range of policy proposals, some of them mutually contradictory, and, most importantly, burdened an entire population, and particularly its young. Japan's secular stagnation has raised new questions about policy difficulties on a range of fronts - dramatically lowered growth rate despite comparatively high investment, deteriorating labor conditions, rising class and gender inequality, a profound and many-faceted crisis of social reproduction and a deepening fiscal crisis of the state - all of which have important international ramifications. Moreover, interest in and the importance of Japan's secular stagnation grew rapidly after 2008 as many have sought to understand the economic malaise of the North Atlantic by analogy and comparison with all or parts of the Japanese condition. The chapters in this book attempt to understand the causes, character and consequence of that original affliction. They also reflect on the meaning of Japan's secular stagnation at this stage of development capitalism. The result contains the key to understanding the more widespread economic malaise of our time. This book will be a beneficial read for researchers and scholars of Economics and Politics interested in Japanese Studies as well as the Japanese political economy. Most of the chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of The Japanese Political Economy. The last chapter was originally published in the Journal of Contemporary Asia.

Splitsville USA argues that it’s time for us to break up to save representative democracy, proposing a mutually negotiated, peaceful dissolution of the current United States of America into several new nations. Zurn begins by examining the United States’ democratic predicament, a road most likely headed for electoral authoritarianism, with distinct possibilities of ungovernability and violent civil strife. Unlike others who share this diagnosis, Zurn presents a realistic picture of how we can get to reform and what it would involve. It is argued that "Splitsville" represents the most plausible way for American citizens to continue living under a republican form of government. Despite recent talk of secession and civil war, this book offers the most extensive treatment yet of the issues we need to think through to enable a peacefully negotiated political divorce. Splitsville USA is a provocative conversation opener about the problems that have gotten us into our current political pickle and how to get out of it by seizing the reins of our own constitutional destiny. The book will appeal to readers of political science, American politics, history, political philosophy, and law, along with all general readers interested in the future of democracy in the United States.

This book is the product of three years of empirical research, four years in politics, and a lifetime in a country experiencing three different regimes. Transcending disciplinary boundaries, it provides a fresh answer to a simple yet profound question: why has liberal democracy retreated? Scheiring argues that Hungary's new hybrid authoritarian regime emerged as a political response to the tensions of globalisation. He demonstrates how Viktor Orban's Fidesz exploited the rising nationalism among the working-class casualties of deindustrialisation and the national bourgeoisie to consolidate illiberal hegemony. As the world faces a new wave of autocratisation, Hungary's lessons become relevant across the globe, and this book represents a significant contribution to understanding challenges to democracy. This work will be useful to students and researchers across political sociology, political science, economics and social anthropology, as well democracy advocates.

The Routledge Handbook of Collective Intelligence for Democracy and Governance explores the concepts, methodologies, and implications of collective intelligence for democratic governance, in the �rst comprehensive survey of this field. Illustrated by a collection of inspiring case studies and edited by three pioneers in collective intelligence, this handbook serves as a unique primer on the science of collective intelligence applied to public challenges and will inspire public actors, academics, students, and activists across the world to apply collective intelligence in policymaking and administration to explore its potential, both to foster policy innovations and reinvent democracy. The Routledge Handbook of Collective Intelligence for Democracy and Governance is essential reading and an authoritative reference for scholars, students, researchers and practitioners of public policy, public administration, governance, public management, information technology and systems, innovation and democracy as well as more broadly for political science, psychology, management studies, public organizations and individual policy practitioners, public authorities, civil society activists and service providers.

This book explores the changes in political communication in light of the development of a public opinion mediated by web 2.0 technologies. One of the most important changes in political communication is related to the process of disintermediation, i.e. the process by which digital technologies allow citizens to compete in the public space with those agents who, traditionally, co-opted public opinion. However, while disintermediation has undeniably generated a number of advances, having linked citizens to the public debate, the authors highlight some aspects where disintermediation is moving away from a rational and inclusive public space. They argue that these aspects, related to the immediacy, polarization and incivility of the communication, obscure the possibilities for democratization of digital political communication.

In Political Dynamics of Grassroots Democracy in Vietnam, Hai Hong Nguyen investigates the correlation between independent variables and grassroots democracy to demonstrate that grassroots democracy has created a mutually empowering mechanism for both the party-state and the peasantry.

Governing by Numbers is a jargon-free account of how delegated legislation - laws that do not pass through the full legislative scrutiny to which Acts of Parliament are subjected - is made. It is based on new research involving an analysis of nearly 30,000 pieces of delegated legislation; detailed investigation of 46 recent regulations based on in-depth interviews with those involved in developing, writing and scrutinising them and a major survey of nearly 400 interest groups. Delegated legislation is examined as a form of "everyday policy-making". It deals with important issues, from the level of welfare benefits to weapons exports, animal health and the prevention of air pollution, yet has been largely ignored in studies of the British political and administrative system. This book analyses the distinctive character of everyday policy making and the implications of how it works for our understanding of British democracy.

Drawing from recent streams of scholarship, Democratizing Europe provides a renewed portrait of EU government that point at the enduring leading role of independent powers (the European Court, Commission and Central Bank). Vauchez suggests that we recognize this centrality and adjust our democratization strategies accordingly.

This open access book is the result of collaborations between international researchers who have focused on diverse processes of democratic participation-and exclusion-that are intimately involved with ritual acts and complexes. The main question integrating the collection concerns the ways in which the performative qualities of ritual resources achieve their potential as forms of personal and political empowerment in our changing world. The authors seek to define the key terms "ritual" and "democracy" with reference to fieldwork-informed case studies from selected communities. They critically address democracy as a concept in a time of climate crisis, nationalism, religious re-traditionalizing, fake news and aspirational fascism. Furthermore, they discuss ways in which ritualized practices such as memorial gatherings, festivals, protest actions, pilgrimages and worship services give rise to modes of feeling, processes of representation, and patterns of interaction in which democratic explorations are given pride of place. The eBook editions of this book are available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND license on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Open access was funded by Knowledge Unlatched.

This book focuses on how diverse developments are reflected in the rise of the security groups in Bali, Indonesia. Bali's security groups pose many interesting questions. Why did they put up so many huge posters around the streets of southern Bali promoting themselves? Are their claims to represent the community plausible or are they "gangs"? How are they shaped by Indonesia's violent past? How does Hinduism affect their gender politics? Do they promote illiberal populism or ethnic and religious tolerance? Does their central role in money politics prevent local democratization? Rather than write bottom-up history or bring the state back in, this collection as a whole draws on the ideas that circulate among leaders. These circulating ideas construct contemporary politics around both reinterpretations of old practices and responses to problems around tourism, gender, populism, religion, and democracy.

At a time when many regions of the world, including Europe, see a resurgence of authoritarianism, three countries of Eastern Europe - Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova - are struggling to counter this trend with the aim of developing European-style democracies in the framework of their Association Agreements with the European Union. This book offers an in-depth analysis of this challenge, with expert contributions on the workings of these countries' democratic and judicial institutions, their anti-corruption policies and the hazards they must overcome, including the strong presence of oligarchs. Other themes include how these countries are adapting to their precarious geo-political positioning between the EU and Russia and how the quality of their political and economic governance compares with the Balkan states. The book complements three landmark Handbooks (now in their 2nd edition and also published by Rowman & Littlefield International) explaining the progress achieved in implementing the comprehensive Association Agreements that each of these countries has entered into with the EU. The struggle to advance good democratic governance in these close neighbours of the EU represents a test case of the highest strategic significance for both the EU and the three states themselves. For the most part, the jury is still out over its outcome.

An assessment of the recent unprecedented Taiwanese democratic elections, which, despite threats from Beijing, set the stage for genuine democracy in Taiwan. A firsthand account of three crucial elections in the 1990s, two of which were unprecedented: the 1994 election of the first governor of Taiwan and the 1996 presidential election. The latter marked the first direct election of a chief executive in Taiwan or any Chinese nation in 5,000 years of Chinese history. This study considers the political environment in which these elections were held, particular political issues, party strategies and campaigns, and election results.

Taiwan is now in the final stage of democracy, and its impressive political modernization is one proof of its new status. The 1995 legislative election and the 1996 presidential election were held amidst Beijing's intimidation in the form of missile tests close to Taiwan's shores, massive military excercises, and verbal threats. Such posturing forced the United States to send aircraft carriers to the area in response. Taiwan's remarkable progress has begun to draw the attention of the leaders of developing countries who have come to see Taiwan's political modernization as a model for their own nations.

Hans Kelsen is commonly associated with legal theory and philosophy of law. Democracy in Its Essence: Hans Kelsen as a Political Thinker instead investigates Kelsen's democratic theory as it developed between the 1920s and 1950s, which challenged the existence of democracies in many different respects. Kelsen provided a critical reflection on the strengths and problems of living within a democratic system, while also defending it against a series of specific targets: from the Soviet regime and Bolshevism to European Fascisms, from religious-based conceptions of politics to those claiming a perfect identity between capitalism and classical liberal institutions, and chiefly against all those ideologies claiming to possess objective understanding of what true freedom and true democracy signify. By seeking what he defined as the "essence" and "value" of democracy, Kelsen elaborated a pluralist, relativist, constitutional, proceduralist, and liberal theory of representative democracy, characterized by a strong recall to the values of tolerance, responsibility, and respect toward "the other" as well as to the idea of politics as space for compromise. In this book, Sara Lagi reconstructs his political theory as a relevant contribution to the twentieth-century liberal-democratic tradition of thought, while representing a stimulating reflection on the meaning and implication of democracy both as a political system and as a form of co-existence.

This book examines the use of game elements to encourage citizens to participate in political decision-making and the planning of large-scale public sector projects. It argues that success is based on a personal concern with the project and a belief in the influence on political decision making, but also on fun. Without fun, only a very small group of the 'usual suspects' will participate, especially in classic policymaking approaches like citizens' panels which require time and physical attendance. The book also examines the relationship between representative democracy and citizen participation from the perspective of direct democratic instruments in Germany. Readers from different countries with different political systems can decide for themselves, if and how the results from Germany are transferable to their respective conditions. Grounded in theoretical literature and statistical data, the book also makes use of narratives, applying a 'storytelling' approach to the case studies.

All forms of government require popular support to survive, whether voluntary or involuntary. Following the collapse of the Soviet system, Russia s rulers took steps toward democracy, yet under Vladimir Putin Russia has become increasingly undemocratic. This book uses a unique source of evidence, eighteen surveys of Russian public opinion from the first month of the new regime in 1992 up to 2009, to track the changing views of Russians. Clearly presented and sophisticated figures and tables show how political support has increased because of a sense of resignation that is stronger than the uncertain economic reliance on exporting oil and gas. Russia is not only an outstanding example of popular support increasing for a government that rejects democracy, but is also representative of a surprising number of regimes around the world that have been able to mobilize popular support for undemocratic regimes. Richard Rose is Director of the Centre for the Study of Public Policy and Sixth Century Professor of Politics at the University of Aberdeen. William Mishler is Professor of Government and Public Policy at the University of Arizona, Visiting Professor of Political Science at the University of Aberdeen, and co-editor of the Journal of Politics. Neil Munro is currently a visiting lecturer in the Department of Asian Studies at the University of Edinburgh and was formerly a senior research fellow in the Centre for the Study of Public Policy at the University of Aberdeen.

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This book focuses on the changes currently redefining parties and party systems in Israel and India with regard to parliamentary democracy, coalitional polity, electoral profiles and social diversity. It compares the nature of parties and party systems in Israel and India since their independence and documents how the societies, states and governments have undergone significant transformations during the long course of their existence. In this regard, it also investigates the many significant similarities and glaring differences between India and Israel as two leading parliamentary democracies. Characterizing the transition of two countries' party systems as 'a shift from predominance to pluralism', the book underlines its impact on the societies, democracies and governance of the two parliamentary nations. The book combines theoretical underpinnings with an empirical understanding of the subject matter, particularly the parties, leaders, state and g overnment, pursuing an interdisciplinary approach, which would appeal to a broad readership from academe and industry alike, and a valuable guide for students and scholars of Political Science, Public Administration, Sociology, Governance and Law.

Originally published in 1990, Polish Journalists: Professionalism and Politics is a study of how, in the face of constant political instructions and restrictions, Polish journalists act as independent forces in their society. Based on a survey of Polish journalists and interviews carried out with working journalists and editors before and after the Solidarity era, as well as published and unpublished studies, documents, and discussions, the book examines how individuals who go into journalism come to think of themselves as journalists, create a strong community of fellow professionals, and work publicly and privately to protect their own interests and serve their own goal of being the 'watchdogs and advocates for a better society'. In doing this, the book answers questions of how groups come to be independent critical forces lobbying for their own interests and influencing broader public policy when the ideology denies their existence.

While political analysis has commonly focused on the distributive problem of who gets what, many of the hardest choices facing modern societies are dilemmas of timing. If governments want to reduce public debt, slow climate change, or shore up pension systems, they must typically inflict immediate pain on citizens for gains that will only arrive over the long run. In Governing for the Long Term, Alan M. Jacobs investigates the conditions under which elected governments invest in long-term social benefits at short-term social cost. Jacobs contends that, along the path to adoption, investment-oriented policies must surmount three distinct hurdles to future-oriented state action: a problem of electoral risk, rooted in the scarcity of voter attention; a problem of prediction, deriving from the complexity of long-term policy effects; and a problem of institutional capacity, arising from interest groups' preferences for distributive gains over intertemporal bargains. Testing this argument through a four-country historical analysis of pension policymaking, the book illuminates crucial differences between the causal logics of distributive and intertemporal politics and makes a case for bringing trade-offs over time to the center of the study of policymaking.

The Future of Representative Democracy poses important questions about representation, representative democracy and their future. Inspired by the last major investigation of the subject by Hanna Pitkin over four decades ago, this ambitious volume fills a major gap in the literature by examining the future of representative forms of democracy in terms of present-day trends and past theories of representative democracy. Aware of the pressing need for clarifying key concepts and institutional trends, the volume aims to break down barriers among disciplines and to establish an interdisciplinary dialogue among scholars. The contributors emphasise that representative democracy and its future is a subject of pressing scholarly concern and public importance. Paying close attention to the unfinished, two-centuries-old relationship between democracy and representation, this book offers a fresh perspective on current problems and dilemmas of representative democracy and the possible future development of new forms of democratic representation.

Albania's democratic transition - one of the longest and most arduous of post-communist Europe - has failed to produce consolidated institutions. Therefore, this book undertakes the first comprehensive review of Albania's military and judicial reform - from 1992 to 2009 - to ascertain why military reform produced substantial institutionalisation and judicial reform did not. The author analyses the different outcomes by outlining how political elites constructed the interests that shaped their subsequent political actions. Overall, this book presents a novel theoretical account for institutionalisation in emerging democracies and sheds light on two of Albania's most important democratisation reforms. The book will appeal to practitioners working on institutionalisation reforms, institutionalist and democratisation researchers interested in post-authoritarian transitions, and area study scholars focusing on Albania and the Western Balkans.