Populism is a concept that is currently in vogue among political commentators and, more often than not, used pejoratively. The phenomenon of populism is typically seen as something adverse and, in the European context routinely related to xenophobic politics. What populism exactly is and who its main representatives are, however, often remains unclear. This text has two main aims: to identify populist parties in 21st century Europe and to explain their electoral performance. It argues that populist parties should not be dismissed as dangerous pariahs out of hand but rather that their rise tells us something about the state of representative democracy. The study has a broad scope, including populist parties of various ideological kinds - thus moving beyond examples of the 'right' - and covering long-established Western European countries as well as post-communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe. It presents the results of an innovative mixed-methods research project, combining a fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) of populist parties in 31 European countries with three in-depth case studies of the Netherlands, Poland and the United Kingdom.

Party and Democracy questions why political parties today are held in such low estimation in advanced democracies. The first part of the volume reviews theoretical motivations behind the growing disdain for the political party. In surveying the parties' lengthy attempt to gain legitimacy, particular attention is devoted to the cultural and political conditions which led to their emergence on the ground' and then to their political and theoretical acceptance as the sole master in the chain of delegation. The second part traces the evolution of the party's organization and public confidence against the backdrop of the transition from industrial to post-industrial societies. The book suggests that, in the post-war period, parties shifted from a golden age of organizational development and positive reception by public opinion towards a more difficult relationship with society as it moved into post industrialism. Parties were unable to master societal change and thus moved towards the state to recover resources they were no longer able to extract from their constituencies. Parties have become richer and more powerful thanks to their interpenetration into the state, but they have paid' for their pervasive presence in society and the state with a declining legitimacy. Even if some changes have been introduced recently in party organizations to counteract their decline, they seem to have become ineffective; even worse, they have dampened democratic standing inside and outside parties, favouring plebiscitary tendencies. The party today is caught in a dramatic contradiction. It has become a sort of Leviathan with clay feet: very powerful thanks to the resources it gets from the state and to its control of the societal and state spheres, but very weak in terms of legitimacy and confidence in the eyes of the mass public. However, it is argued that there is still no alternative to the party. Democracy is still inextricably linked to the party system.

What is the role and influence of European integration in affecting and confirming post-Communist democratization in applicant states of Central & Eastern Europe? Drawing on theories of regime change and of European integration, Geoffrey Pridham focuses on the development and application of the EU's strategy of democratic conditionality and the patterns and dynamics of domestic politics in these new democracies and how these affect motivation towards accession. Making intensive use of elite interviews, the study proceeds by examining three levels of these countries: governance, intermediary actors and the socio-economic arena.

Referendums and Democratic Government is the most systematic analysis of the referendum so far. The referendum phenomenon is approached from different perspectives: social choice theory, theories of democracy, a comparative study on 22 democracies, and in-depth case studies of Sweden, Denmark and Switzerland. The referendum is not a unitary phenomenon but it serves various functions and different normative goals in the political systems studied. This variation may largely be explained by the differences in the initiating and agenda-setting procedures.

This book examines the status of village democracy, studies the achievements and the problems, explains its dynamics, and investigates the prospects of China's democratization. It challenges the skeptics with a nuanced assessment of village democracy in its variety and diversity. It develops an understanding of how three key factors - township, economy and kinship-- shape village democracy and account for the variations of rural democracy. The extension of village to township elections has been examined and an idea of mixed regime being formulated with an examination of its key features and implications for our understanding of political development in China.

Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond features a collection of original essays that represent the first extended treatment of political philosopher John Rawls' idea of a property-owning democracy. * Offers new and essential insights into Rawls's idea of "property-owning democracy" * Addresses the proposed political and economic institutions and policies which Rawls's theory would require * Considers radical alternatives to existing forms of capitalism * Provides a major contribution to debates among progressive policymakers and activists about the programmatic direction progressive politics should take in the near future

This book is about Bangladesh's first female prime minister, Begum Khaleda Zia, who served three terms in office and achieved enormous popularity. Her charisma inexorably emanates from her sense of dignity, integrity, uncompromising principles, and commitment to freedom, independence, and sovereignty of Bangladesh--a new and small country bordering the larger India, which is always up to its hegemonic designs. Begum Zia (and her husband, President Ziaur Rahman) were able to foreign conspiracies at bay. Begum Zia's incredible success in government and overwhelming struggle for democracy, against the dictatorship of Ershad in the 1980s and the fascism of Hasina since 2009, have made her into a national political leader of true greatness. Khaleda Zia received little respite from her enemies while in office but was able to make great accomplishments for the country. Uncomfortable with her prominence and outspokenness, Hasina orchestrated, in collaboration with partisan prosecutors and judges, to send the aging and ailing former Prime Minister to jail terms in a solitary cell. Nevertheless, she remained greatly revered by dint of her devotion and dedication to her people and the nation and to her insurmountable sufferings at the hands of her enemies.

"Values and Weapons" looks at the determinants of legitimacy for using military force in the US and Europe. The non-intervention norm is weakened by the advent of terror groups in failed states as well as by so-called humanitarian intervention. The development of a norm that calls for a 'duty to protect' has paved the way for intervention also into so-called 'failed' states. Sovereignty has been redefined to be conditional on democratic government, and this makes it much easier to intervene into non-democratic states.

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the impact of populism on the European democratic polity. In the last two decades, European democracies have come under strain amid growing populism. By asserting the superiority of the majority over the law, of direct democracy over representation, and claiming the necessity to defend national sovereignty against foreign interferences, the populist conception of democracy is in stark contrast with the longstanding Western notion of liberal democracy. This volume investigates populist attempts to radically change what Bobbio called the "rules of the game" of democracy from an eminently legal perspective. Weaving together normative and empirical analysis, the contributions focus on the institutions that have suffered the most from the rise of populism as well as those that have better resisted the populist tide. Special attention will be paid to the Venice Commission's opinions and documents, as they represent the best European standards to evaluate the extent to which populism deviates from constitutional democracy requirements. The book also considers the responses of European States to the explosion of the COVID-19 pandemic. The COVID-19 pandemic has indeed been an accelerator of known and studied trends in most constitutional systems, such as the concentration of powers in the executive hands and the consequential loss of parliament's centrality. Various forms of populism across Europe have thus found an ideal breeding ground to implement their agenda of granting the executive broad regulatory and decision-making powers while loosening parliamentary and judicial checks. Against this backdrop, the book analyses how European democracies should adapt to the challenges posed by the pandemic, as this reflection can help respond to populist threats and propose a way forward for liberal democracy.

The rise and spread of feminism should be at the center of the world historical narrative, but feminism is often treated as a sub-heading. For specific cultural reasons, feminism grew out of democratic ideals right after the Protestant Reformation and developed into the most powerful force currently shaping the world. Traditional "Western-Civ." narratives often connect the Protestant Reformation to the Enlightenment and the Enlightenment to the development of participatory governments. However, given that democratic ideals also produced feminism, maybe it is time to recognize that the most impressive outcome of the Declaration of Independence was not that it produced an American Revolution and a Constitution, but that it inspired the genius of Mary Wollstonecraft. It is true that democratic ideals created both the American Congress and feminism, but which is more important? Femocracy: How Educators can Teach Democratic Ideals and Feminism is an indispensable work for teachers of history, sociology, and women's studies.

This book investigates whether the theory of "deliberative democracy"--developed in the West to focus democratic theory on the legitimation that deliberation can afford--has any application to Chinese processes of democratization. It discovers pockets of theory especially useful to guide Chinese practices and pockets of Chinese practice that can, in turn, educate the West on possibilities for innovative uses of deliberative democratic theory.

When he passed away in July 1999, Federica Mancini had served for seventeen years at the Court of Justice of the European Communities, first as an Advocate General and then as a Judge. As such, he participated in some of the most important judicial developments in European Community law to date and witnessed the transformation of the Community into a monetary and, to a certain extent, political union. Throughout this time, he also contributed widely to academic debates and literature on the role of the Court in the process of European integration, the changing nature of the European Union and on specific areas of law such as the protection of fundamental rights and labor law. This collection of essays brings together his most important writings in English, which concentrate largely on the issues of democracy, constitutionalism and individual rights in the European Union. The book presents the unique perspective of someone who witnessed the birth of European integration, contributed to

Hancock and Logue, along with their contributors, seek to explicate the achievements, problems, and prospects of simultaneous processes of economic and political transitions from communism to contrasting forms of market economies and democracy in Russia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, and eastern Germany. Contributors include 14 American and European scholars with intimate professional and personal familiarity with the various case studies.

The contributors draw on process analysis and transition theory to explore different national approaches to privatization. This includes individual voucher schemes, the use of investment funds, the direct sale of former state owned enterprises, employee buy outs, direct foreign investments and their consequences for parallel processes of marketization and democratization. A quarter of the volume is devoted to comparative analyses of contrasting modes of privatization, the role of public opinion and law in the transition process, and the international economic and political context of postcommunist transformation. An important analysis for scholars, students, and other researchers involved with postcommunist economic and political change.

This book offers a concise and accessible introduction to debates about expertise, policy-making and democracy. It uniquely combines an overview of recent research on the policy role of experts with discussions in political philosophy and the philosophy of expertise. Starting with the fact that well-functioning democracies require experts and expert knowledge, the book examines two types of objections against granting experts a larger role in policy-making: concerns that focus on the nature and limits of expert knowledge, and those that concentrate on tensions between expertization and democracy. With this, the book discusses how expert arrangements can be organized to ensure the epistemic qualities of policies and democratic credentials, at the same time. The book will be of interest to scholars and students of political theory and democracy, public policy and administration, and to anyone interested in the role of expertise in society.

Building on the concept of depoliticization, this book provides a first systematic analysis of International Organizations (IO) apolitical claims. It shows that depoliticization sustains IO everyday activities while allowing them to remain engaged in politics, even when they pretend not to. Delving into the inner dynamics of global governance, this book develops an analytical framework on why IOs "hate" politics by bringing together practices and logics of depoliticization in a wide variety of historical, geographic and organizational contexts. With multiple case studies in the fields of labor rights and economic regulation, environmental protection, development and humanitarian aid, peacekeeping, among others this book shows that depoliticization is enacted in a series of overlapping, sometimes mundane, practices resulting from the complex interaction between professional habits, organizational cultures and individual tactics. By approaching the consequences of these practices in terms of logics, the book addresses the instrumental dimension of depoliticization without assuming that IO actors necessarily intend to depoliticize their action or global problems. For IO scholars and students, this book sheds new light on IO politics by clarifying one often taken-for-granted dimension of their everyday activities, precisely that of depoliticization. It will also be of interest to other researchers working in the fields of political science, international relations, international political sociology, international political economy, international public administration, history, law, sociology, anthropology and geography as well as IO practitioners.

The history of democracy, in addition to being a tale of social movements and political and economic developments, is also a story of ideas. In Toward Democracy, James T. Kloppenberg explores this story of ideas, focusing on the evolution of democracy in Britain's North American colonies and then in the United States. By concentrating on historical figures whose pivotal texts and framed arguments helped form the concept of democracy, he examines how American ideas and practices both descended and diverged from earlier European, and particularly English, models. Kloppenberg also shows how American thought, in return, profoundly influenced European ideas about democracy-both negatively and positively. Toward Democracy presents the history of democracy from the perspective of those who helped to form its principles. Kloppenberg neither condemns nor endorses these thinkers, but rather offers a fresh look at how these initial democratic ideals have shifted over time. He argues that democracy has remained an ethical model rather than a mere set of institutions, and sheds light on the many failures faced by democracy and its advocates. This discrepancy-between intentions and results-constitutes the tragic irony of democracy. From the beginnings of democracy in the ancient world, through the Enlightenment, and past the French Revolution, James T. Kloppenberg's authoritative work traces the transformation of democracy over centuries, and reveals how nations have repeatedly failed in their attempts to construct democratic societies based on the autonomy and reciprocity they so prized.

In addition to being one of the fastest growing organized crimes in the world, human trafficking is a ruthless and thriving business. This industry, with billions of dollars in net worth, pushes millions of adults and children into commercial sexual servitude, forced labour, and bonded labour. In this book, Joshua Nathan Aston studies the severity of human trafficking, its transnational networks, and the impact of international criminal and humanitarian laws in dealing with the crime. Analysing global statistics in detail, he provides a perspective on the effectiveness of the UN protocols and examines the role of the International Criminal Court, with a focus on Article 7 of the Rome Statute. Aston proposes various measures for effectively countering human trafficking, with the most significant recommendation of setting up a Convention on Prevention of Crimes against Humanity to combat this form of modern-day slavery.

Trumplandia: Populist Nationalism in America is a collection of essays about the transformation of America, which has turned from a united nation to one more divided than ever under the presidency of Donald Trump. Some pundits predict that if things don't change another civil war could occur. Have we reached a point of no return? Author and attorney Tiberiu Dianu writes in the hope that America is mature enough to learn from its mistakes and avoid further scars along its evolving history.

This book analyses the Europeanization of the Portuguese political system in the context of globalization and the so-called Third Wave of Democratization. It pursues the thesis that democratization and Europeanization are two intertwined processes in the case of Portugal. Inte gration into the European Union has changed considerably the rationalities within the political structures of the Portuguese political system. Furthermore, the author stresses the necessity to encourage greater political participation of the population and to evolve towards a project of sustainable democracy.

In recent years, there has been a rise in social movements and organizations that challenge the very foundations of liberal democracy on a global scale. Discrepancies of interests, ideological or worldview contradictions, and identity differences are more likely now to transform into destructive conflicts, and violence is used as a legitimate method for attaining political and economic goals. Drawing on the knowledge accumulated in social and political psychology, this book scrutinizes these phenomena and provides an even deeper understanding of the nature of these conflicts. The book also addresses the imperfections of liberal institutions, which can exacerbate these divides, providing crucial context for understanding contemporary political tensions and their effects on the world's democracies.

This book examines the defence and security challenges facing the new South Africa in the context of development and nation-building priorities. The transformation of security policy during the transition from apartheid and since the April 1994 elections is examined. Challenges facing the defence force and the police service are examined and the relationships between defence, development and domestic and external security are explored in an integrated way which points to a policy framework for security in the developing world.

Several democratic countries have used emergency powers to restrict or suspend individual liberties in order to fight terrorism more effectively. Emergency powers are controversial in their potential to undermine democracy and civil liberties. Freeman challenges popular arguments of both the supporters of emergency powers, who focus on their expected effectiveness, and the critics, who focus on the dangers. In reality, the recent experiences of four different democratic states that have invoked emergency powers show that a positive outcome is just as likely as negative outcome.

As the United States fights its war against terrorism, it should heed the lessons learned by other democracies in similar struggles, particularly Great Britain's relationship with Northern Ireland in the 70s and 80s, Uruguay's response to the Tupamaros in the late 60s and early 70s, Canada's dealings with the FLQ in 1970, and Peru's conflict with the Shining Path movement in the 80s and early 90s.

One of the key shifts in contemporary politics is the trend towards greater personalization. Collective actors such as political parties are losing relevance. Citizens are slowly dealigning from these actors, and individual politicians are therefore growing in importance in elections, in government, within parties, and in media reporting of politics. A crucial question concerns how this new pattern could be restructuring politics over the long run - notably, whether the personalization of politics is changing the institutional architecture of contemporary democracies. The authors show that the trend towards personalization is indeed changing core democratic institutions. Studying the evolution of electoral systems in thirty-one European democracies since 1945, they demonstrate that, since the 1990s, there has been a shift towards more personalized electoral systems. Electoral systems in most European countries now allow voters to express preferences for candidates, not just for political parties. And the weight of these voters' preferences in the allocation of seats has been increased in numerous countries. They examine the factors that appear to be driving this evolution, finding that the personalization of electoral systems is associated with the growing gap between citizens and politics. Politicians and legislators appear to perceive the personalization of electoral systems as a way to address the democratic malaise and to restore trust in politics by reducing the role of political parties in elections. The book also shows, however, that whether these reforms have had any success in achieving their aims is far less clear. Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The Comparative Politics series is edited by Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Universite libre de Bruxelles; Ferdinand Muller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University; and Susan Scarrow, Chair of the Department of Political Science, University of Houston.

Combining theory with compelling case studies, this book examines the globalizing world of democracy. Noted critical scholars Stephen J. Rosow and Jim George argue that democracy must be understood not as a unified concept but as a diversity of political responses to specific conditions and political struggles. Doing so reveals how democracy is taking multiple forms around the world in response to neoliberal globalism and the increasing pace and complexity of everyday life. The authors show how the current phase of globalization is destabilizing the dominance of Western democracy promotion as resisters challenge common understandings and forms of democracy. Explaining the theory behind neoliberal globalization and democracy promotion, they consider its impact and struggles against it in South Africa, post-Soviet Russia, India, and Venezuela and other "pink tide" states in Latin America. Rosow and George also examine how digital communications networks, the centralization of security, and the fluid movements of people and ideas are destabilizing traditional democratic theories. At the same time, they give rise to concepts of democracy that focus on new forms of citizenship and democratic participation, a cosmopolitan democratic constitutionalism, cross-boundary political activism, and local and community-based economic and democratic practices.

The 2020 US presidential race was one of the most hotly contested and contentious in recent American history. While the election produced the greatest turnout in American history and the highest percentage turnout in 60 years, the election still came down to a handful of swing states that ultimately decided the election. In their third edition of Presidential Swing States, Rafael Jacob and David Schultz examine the 2020 presidential election, keying in on the few critical states that actually decided the election and why. With cases studies written by prominent political scientists who are experts on these swing states, Presidential Swing States also explains why some states were swing states but no longer are, why some continue to be swing states, and what states beyond 2020 may be the future swing states that decide the presidency. The book contains in-depth case studies of the swing-states and swing-counties that decide presidential elections in the United States. Students in classes on American Politics and Government, Parties, Campaigns and Elections, State Politics, and the Presidency will all be well-served by the analyses in this volume, as will journalists reporting on presidential elections, and the general public.