The author examines the relationships between the social problems of the mass age, developments in late 20th century capitalism, the growth of a mass media advertising system, and the operation and assumptions of liberal democracy.;The changing structure of capitalism, where production so easily outstrips consumption, demands that an increasing share of resources be absorbed, not in the creation of new wealth, but in supporting the marketing process. Advertising must sell, not only goods and services, but also definitions of life and of status, images, hopes and feelings. In turn, the very universality of advertising, and its acceptance as a mode of communication, have forced the political system into the same mould. The consequences, examined here, have on the whole been unfortunate, although not actually fatal. The institutional arrangements of modern liberal democracy and the selling of images demean democracy and obstruct the realizations of its own ideals.

A new appraisal of the relationship between the Presidency and Congress in Argentina over the first two decades of its democratic regime. Mariana Llanos uses the processes of privatization and state reform in Argentina to reassess the performance, functions, and stature of these institutions as the country embarked on a program of change. This is a valuable contribution to the debate on the development of political institutions in Latin America.

Building on the concept of depoliticization, this book provides a first systematic analysis of International Organizations (IO) apolitical claims. It shows that depoliticization sustains IO everyday activities while allowing them to remain engaged in politics, even when they pretend not to. Delving into the inner dynamics of global governance, this book develops an analytical framework on why IOs "hate" politics by bringing together practices and logics of depoliticization in a wide variety of historical, geographic and organizational contexts. With multiple case studies in the fields of labor rights and economic regulation, environmental protection, development and humanitarian aid, peacekeeping, among others this book shows that depoliticization is enacted in a series of overlapping, sometimes mundane, practices resulting from the complex interaction between professional habits, organizational cultures and individual tactics. By approaching the consequences of these practices in terms of logics, the book addresses the instrumental dimension of depoliticization without assuming that IO actors necessarily intend to depoliticize their action or global problems. For IO scholars and students, this book sheds new light on IO politics by clarifying one often taken-for-granted dimension of their everyday activities, precisely that of depoliticization. It will also be of interest to other researchers working in the fields of political science, international relations, international political sociology, international political economy, international public administration, history, law, sociology, anthropology and geography as well as IO practitioners.

Are the global trends toward democratization and neoliberal economic development also providing enhanced protection for human rights? In this edited collection of theoretical essays and case studies, the contributors assess the often glaring contradiction between democratization trends in developing countries in the face of continuing human rights violations. The volume begins by asking whether we need to rethink our conceptualizations of democracy, human rights, and development, and particularly the causal relationships between these areas. An analysis of the changing nature of the international norms associated with these concepts illustrates some of the inherent contradictions. Next, an assessment of the status of women in the new democracies demonstrates the fallacy of assuming that all citizens progress equally, and underscores the necessity for including gender considerations and needs. Case studies based in Latin America and Africa examine further the relationships between democracy and human rights, with particular emphasis on the issue of consolidation in the future. The contributors conclude that democracy and development will only be sustainable with the active participation of civil society, especially nongovernmental groups. This collection will be important for students, scholars, and policy makers involved with issues of human rights and democratization in developing countries.

Ethnic democracy is a form of democratic ethnic conflict regulation in deeply divided societies. In "The Challenge of Ethnic Democracy, "Yoav Peled argues that ethnic democracy is constituted by the combination of two contradictory constitutional principles: liberal democracy and ethno-nationalism, and that its stability depends on the existence of a third, mediating constitutional principle of whatever kind.

This central argument is supported by an analysis of the history of three ethnic democracies; Northern Ireland under Unionist rule, where ethnic democracy was stable for almost 50 years (1921-1969), then collapsed; The Second Polish republic (1918-1939), where ethnic democracy was written into the constitution but was never actualised; and Israel within its pre-1967 borders, where ethnic democracy was stable for 35 years (1966-2000) but may now be eroding. This book examines the different trajectories of the case studies, demonstrating that Poland lacked a third, mediating constitutional principle, while Israel and Northern Ireland did have such a principle civic republicanism in Israel, and populism in Northern Ireland. The collapse of ethnic democracy in Northern Ireland resulted from the weakening of populism, that depended on British monetary subsidies for its implementation, whilst the erosion of ethnic democracy in Israel resulted from the decline of civic republicanism since the onset of economic liberalization in 1985.

Dealing with ethnic democracy in a comparative framework, this book will appeal to students, scholars and researchers of Sociology, Political Science and Middle East Studies.

This volume introduces the reader to a collection of empirical research findings and scholarly syntheses of quantitative and qualitative research efforts, all of which focus on the themes of democracy, authority, pluralism, nationalism, internationalism, and minority rights.

The chapters in this volume analyse issues relating to political governance, national identity, economic development and regional security that have preoccupied the states of South Asia in the fifty years following independence. India has been faced with the challenge of developing effective democratic structures in the world's most diverse and populous society. It confronts tensions in its efforts to carry out economic reforms in a competitive resource-scarce context, and to maintain its commitment to secularism in the face of the growing influence of Hindu nationalism. The role of the military and of religion have complicated the task of stabilising democratic structures and socio-economic development in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Sri Lanka's political problems have escalated due to the failures of its leadership, unsuccessful constitutional experiments, and unresolved ethnic differences. The transition of Nepal from a centralised monarchy to a participatory political system has generated stresses in its traditional social relations and group rankings.The essays by an international groups of scholars explore these themes with a view to highlighting the complex processes of political change and development that are underway in the South Asian states.

"Rethinking Popular Representation" starts out from the deep concern with contemporary tendencies towards depoliticization of public issues and popular interests. It is argued that the root cause of this is flawed representation, due to both elitist institution building and fragmented citizen participation. Hence the book makes a case for the need to rethink more democratic popular representation. Towards this end, the book outlines an overarching analytical framework for popular representation, examines key theoretical issues and empirical experiences of popular representation, and provides a policy-oriented conclusion.

Upturning the typical view of Turkey's democratic trajectory as a product of authoritarian assault or unfortunate circumstances, this book argues that the AKP, first elected in 2002, has consistently advanced a narrative of democracy as the work of an elite working for the 'National Will'. Beginning with an analysis of the historical processes that led to the AKP's rise at the beginning of the 21st century, the book then focuses on the AKP since 2002. Though Turkey's democratic transition was originally characterised by Western co-operation, the author outlines the gradual deterioration of these relations since the 2010s, as well as the decline of political rights, freedom of expression and the rule of law. However, bringing in theoretical perspectives of democracy, it is argued that the AKP has adopted an alternative definition based on the 'National Will' throughout its rule, resistant to the Western essentialist view. As such, the AKP's story highlights that the root of this crisis lies within democracy itself. The book will appeal to historians and analysts of Turkish politics, as well as to political scientists interested in theories of democracy. Moreover, for those interested in the global contemporary crisis of democracy, the book provides an important case-study.

The first in-depth look at U.S. relations with the founder of the Somoza family dynasty in Nicaragua, Clark's book breaks new ground in diplomatic history. Based solidly on the diplomatic record, this work takes a strong revisionist stance, arguing against the commonly accepted view that the United States created the Somoza regime and kept the first Somoza in power as a surrogate to protect U.S. interests in Central America. To the contrary, the author reveals that U.S. officials--principally foreign service officers--fought tirelessly for democracy in Nicaragua during most of the long Somoza Garcia era. Clark's work shows that throughout the 1930s and 1940s there was a consistent effort by the U.S. government to oppose dictatorship in Nicaragua, an effort not diminished until Cold War obsessions finally overtook--and eventually consumed--Washington's Latin American policymakers.

Clark demonstrates that Somoza's continuance in power was clearly due to his own political brilliance, dark as it surely was, and not to U.S. support for his regime. Somoza simply outlasted American opposition to his dictatorship. By the 1950s, the Cold War had driven Washington to embrace the most reprehensible of allies as long as they joined the anti-communist crusade. Clark's diplomatic history will be useful for scholars and students of U.S. foreign relations, U.S.-Latin American relations, and U.S. diplomacy.

The volume at hand contains invited papers addressing the normative is sues of democracy and the European Union. Most papers were fIrst discussed at the conference "Democracy and the European Union," held in Oslo on Au gust 8-10, 1996, with the support of the Norwegian research programme Ad vanced Research on the Europeanisation of the Nation-State (ARENA). The editors wish to thank the organisers and participants of the Oslo con ference. They are grateful to Kristin Johansen and Simen Brrein for managing the conference, to Anna Maria Hauk and Victoria Pogosian for professional assistance with the manuscript, and to Andreas Holm Bakke and Torstein Buggeland for generating the index. Hannover, Germany, and Oslo, Norway, May 1997 Peter Koslowski Andreas F011esdal Contents Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V PETER KOSWWSKI, ANDREAS F0LlESDAL Democracy and the European Union: Challenges ANDREAS F0LlESDAL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Part A EU Institutions Chapter 1 Is it Really Possible to Democratize the Euro-Polity? PHILIPPE C. SCHMITTER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Chapter 2 Democracy and Governance in the European Union MARKUS JACHTENFUCHS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Chapter 3 Democratic Legitimacy and the Role of the Commission JANNE: HAALAND MA'ILARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 CONTENTS Chapter 4 The EU Intergovernmental Conference 1996/97: The Moment of Constitutional Choice for a Democratic Europe? MICHAEL NENTWICH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Chapter 5 Double Asymmetry as Normative Challenge SVERKERGUSTAVSSON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 PartB Historical and Comparative Perspectives Chapter 6 Democracy in Multicultural Societies and Multinational Settings RUSSELL L. HANSON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Chapter 7 How to Create Supra-National Institutions Democratically."

Traditional perceptions of centre parties stress their moderating factors, but their opposite tendency of contributing to party system polarization has generally been treated as if it were of lesser consequence. This study seeks to settle an age-old debate by claiming that what has become acceptable almost universally by political scientists, and has achieved the status of an axiom when politics are discussed, is dubious, if not outright incorrect. Examining this important aspect of European parliamentary democracies, this book reassesses the perception of centre parties as a force of moderation, arguing that the centre has the capacity to cause polarization. An examination of contemporary centre parties is provided to prove this maxim.

This book is a fascinating survey of nineteenth-century republicanism, the first of its kind this century. It investigates why it was that although France was one of the first countries in modern Europe to become a republic in 1792, it was nearly a hundred years before a republic was acceptable to the majority. Pamela Pilbeam suggests that republicanism was a witch's brew of Enlightenment rationality, bloody memories and conflicting socialist expectations. The book concludes that the successful republic of 1871 used the rhetoric of democracy to conceal persistent elitism.

South Africa in Transition utilises new theoretical perspectives to describe and explain central dimensions of the democratic transition in South Africa during the late 1980s and early 1990s, covering changes in the politics of gender and education, the political discourses of the ANC, NP and the white right, constructions of identity in South Africa's black townships and rural areas, the role of political violence in the transition, and accounts of the democratization process itself.

The dramatic and meticulously researched new book from former criminal defence attorney and criminal investigator Seth Abramson into the complex web of ties surrounding Donald Trump, showing how Proof of Collusion was only the beginning of the story. In late 2015, international dealmaker and current cooperating witness in Special Counsel Robert Mueller's Russia investigation George Nader convened a secret meeting aboard a massive luxury yacht in the Red Sea. Nader pitched to several Middle Eastern leaders a plan for a new pro-US, pro-Israel alliance of Arab nations that would fundamentally alter the geopolitics of the Middle East while marginalising Iran, Syria and Turkey. To succeed, the plan would need a highly placed American politician willing to drop sanctions on Russia so that Vladimir Putin would in turn agree to end his support for Iran. The gathered leaders agreed their perfect American partner was Donald Trump, who had benefited immensely from his Saudi, Emirati and Russian dealings for many years, and who had, months earlier, become the only US presidential candidate to argue for a unilateral end to Russian sanctions. So begins New York Times bestselling author Seth Abramson's explosive new book Proof of Conspiracy: How Trump's International Collusion Threatens American Democracy, a story of international intrigue whose massive cast of characters includes Israeli intelligence operatives, Russian oligarchs, Saudi death squads, American mercenary companies, Trump's innermost circle and several members of the Trump family - all part of a clandestine multinational agreement that takes us from Washington, DC and Moscow to the Middle Eastern capitals of Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, Jerusalem, Cairo, Tehran and Doha. Proof of Conspiracy is a chilling and unforgettable depiction of the dangers the world now faces.

This edited volume assesses the quality of democracy in the Republic of Korea three decades after its formal democratization in 1987. It has been argued that Korea's two subsequent power turnovers prove that its democracy has been successfully consolidated, despite its tremendous progress; however, recent developments show signs of deterioration and retreat. Therefore, drawing on the recent quality of democracy literature this volume sets out to answer the question: Where does Korea's democratic quality stand today? The three chapters in first section of the book focus on aspects related to the presidency, political parties, and organized labor, also including the perspective of governance and human security as well as on the rule of law regarding the role and function of the prosecution. This is followed by a set of four chapters in section two that address the dimensions of democratic quality such as participation, freedom, equality, and responsiveness. The final, third section includes contributions on related inter-Korean policy issues. This book is an invaluable resource for political and social scientist working on democratic quality, and at the same for scholars in Asian or Korean Studies at faculty level as well as on graduate student level.

Through critical analysis of Turkey's transformation under the AKP, this book explores the relationship between domestic transformations and global/regional dynamics. It also discusses the relationship between the Turkish transformation and the Arab uprisings and the implications of the Turkish case for regime transitions in the Arab world.

International Discourses of Authoritarian Populism provides 15 cutting-edge chapters probing into the diversity of present-day populist discourse from across the world. Not adhering to any particular school, the volume explores populism from a variety of disciplines and perspectives, with contributions characterized by heuristic openness as called for by the manifold manifestations of populism. The chapters balance theoretical and empirical studies, as well as quantitative and qualitative surveys and case studies, to offer readings on historical and new types of populism, and the politicians associated with these variates. Authors draw on a variety of print, digital, textual, and visual source materials to provide a close examination of the phenomena interconnected with populism including separatism (Catalexit), human rights and legal issues, debate rhetoric, and journalism, with many authors writing as insiders about the situation within their own country. Through its multi-disciplinarity, International Discourses of Authoritarian Populism provides fresh insights into the existing and potential dangers of populism, and a basis for further critical assessment and discussion. It will be a key resource for scholars and students across a range of disciplines, including sociology, political science, linguistics, media and communication studies, literary studies, and history. Moreover, it will be of special interest to professionals who deal with both national and international issues of populism.

This lucid and original work argues for a new style of political leadership, one which pays deliberate and sophisticated attention to the emotional dynamics of the public. In exploring this basic idea of 'emotional governance', Barry Richards also examines the often unhelpful contributions of the news media to the 'emotional public sphere'. A case study of terrorism, as a highly emotional topic and as a key political issue in many liberal democracies, grounds the book's ideas in today's political landscape.

This book examines the role of nonformal education (NFE) in African languages in promoting democracy in Senegal. Using data from a survey of rural Senegalese citizens, this is the first study to empirically test the effects of NFE on political participation and attitudes. The results indicate that NFE stimulates community and political participation and appears to have a stronger effect on participation than formal education. Both NFE and formal education increase the likelihood that people will embrace democratic, tolerant attitudes. Thus, NFE could be a potent force in the promotion of civic orientations in the emerging democracies.

This study is about new media, the crisis of democracy and political renewal. It asks: What is the political? How can we understand politics in a network age? Can we talk sensibly about generational change? Analysing four international case studies, this book gives an optimistic assessment of how digital media supports new forms of politics

Whoever controls technology controls the future. While that prospect stings, it has a bright side. America's preeminence stems from a remarkable intertwining of technology and democracy. The Constitutions set the course. Technology provided the means. As we recognize that technology is about power, physical, economic and political, business is facilitated but principles of liberty and justice may be at risk. This book examines causes and offers remedies to strengthen self-government and restore politics as the public life of a people.

Contemporary Mexico faces a complex crisis of violence and insecurity with high levels of impunity and the lack of an effective rule of law. These weaknesses in the rule of law are multidimensional and involve elements of institutional design, the specific content of the laws, particularities of political competition and a culture of legality in a country with severe social inequalities. This book discusses necessary institutional and legal reforms to develop the rule of law in a context of democratic, social and economic transformations. The chapters are organized to address: 1) The concept of the 'rule of law' and its measurement; 2) The fragility of the 'rule of law' in Mexico; 3) Structural reforms and implementation challenges; 4) Social exclusion and the culture of legality. The book addresses decision-makers, civil servants, consultants, scholars, lecturers, and students focusing on public policy, rule of law, sociology of law, legislative studies and practice, impunity, and areas of political philosophy. * The book presents an interdisciplinary and integrated approach for understanding the rule of law in Mexico, taking into account national particularities, the regional context and global comparisons. * Chapters discuss recent institutional reforms in Mexico from a critical point of view and explore possible next steps to achieve effective implementation. * This book addresses the links between a weak rule of law and social phenomena like insecurity, violence, corruption and democratic deficits.