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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Democracy
As recent events in the Far East have demonstrated, China is a nation that is in the midst of a massive social and political upheaval. The Chinese leadership is as uncertain as the populace on the future course for modern China, and remains dramatically split over capitalism and communism, pragmatism and realism, and democracy and despotism. In this work, Ronald Glassman analyzes the remarkable changes that are occurring in China, and examines the country's difficult movement from state-run economics to free enterprise, and from Communist Party dictatorship to electoral democracy. The book focuses on the emergence of a modern middle class in China, illuminating their political and economic desires and their impact in a postcommunist society. Glassman provides a Weberian analysis of the recent radical changes, using the concepts of rationalization, the bureaucratic middle strata, the greater degree of efficiency of capitalism over socialism, the independent power of the state, and charismatic leadership to help explain China's transition to modernity. His study is divided into four sections, covering the majority middle class and democracy, free enterprise and democracy, the transition to a legal democratic state, and political culture, legitimacy, and charisma. The book concludes with the thesis that China will make the transition to democracy when the new generation of leaders comes to power and the middle class becomes the mediating stratum. Students of sociology, political science, and Chinese history will find this work to be a valuable resource, as will both public and academic libraries.
In this volume, each chapter reflect on the phenomenon and concept of populism in relation to democracy and the humanities from the multiple vantage points of various disciplinary backgrounds: philosophy, history of ideas, media and communication, journalism, political science, gender studies, organization science, education theory, popular culture, and literary studies. While the study of populism seems to have become a subfield within political science, this topic has been rarely explored by scholars in the humanities. Rather than contribute to the already established area of populism studies in social and political sciences, our authors take a more open and exploratory stance through which they attempt to open up new fields and directions for inquiry from an interdisciplinary humanistic perspective. Struggling with problems of relevance, impact, and visibility, the humanities have a special responsibility to address this topic, not only because it is relevant for their multidisciplinary domain, but also because the humanities stand for the values of thoughtfulness, in-depth reflection, critical thinking, weighty and thorough analysis. The humanities' very existence constitutes a guaranty against what is usually described as populism.
The creation of temporary, independent advisory bodies that give advice to Congress, is an important yet under-investigated area of congressional delegation. With variations to fit the circumstances, lawmakers entrust commissions to accomplish diverse goals, such as coping with increases in the scope and complexity of legislation, forging consensus, drafting legislation, finessing institutional obstacles, coordinating strategy, and promoting party unity. Campbell investigates why and when Congress formulates policy by commissions rather than by the normal legislative process. He shows that many variables go into the decision to entrust those bodies to render non-partisan recommendations. According to lawmakers and their staff, the three primary justifications for choosing to delegate to commission include expertise, workload, and avoidance. Which of these three dominates depends in large part on the politics surrounding a particular issue and the nature of the policy problem. The logic of delegation to each of the three commission types is different. Which reason dominates depends in large part on the politics surrounding the issue and the nature of the legislative policy problem. Scholars, students, and other researchers involved with Congress, American government, and public policy will find the study of particular interest.
"Politics Without Democracy" provides an entertaining and highly original view of how Britain made a peaceful transition to representative democracy - a change characterized in other countries by convulsive and bloody civil strife. Professor Bentley takes the reader into the minds of the politicians of the day, men such as Wellington, Peel, Disraeli, Salisbury and Asquith, as they and their colleagues did their best to control, manipulate (and often retard) the onset of "democracy." Combining a deep personal knowledge of political history with the latest research he presents a highly original account of how Britain was transformed from a society governed by the landed gentry to one responsive to the pressures of the newly-industrialized masses.
Shining a light on how Iraqi Kurds used the opportunity created by the aftermath of the 1991 Kurdish uprising to hold elections and form a parliament, and on how Kurdish officials later consolidated their regional government following the 2003 Iraq War, Iraqi Kurds and Nation-Building considers the political and economic shortfalls of the government and the obstacles facing Iraqi Kurds in a country still struggling to emerge from eight years of internal conflict and foreign occupation.
MCKINSEY TOP 5 RECOMMENDED READ 'An underground hit' – Best Politics Books, Financial Times 'Jon has one of the few big ideas that's easily applied' – Sam Conniff, Be More Pirate 'A wonderful guide to how to be human in the 21st Century' –  Ece Temelkuran, How to Lose a Country: the Seven Steps from Democracy to Dictatorship Citizens opens up a new way of understanding ourselves and shows us what we must do to survive and thrive as individuals, organisations, and nations. Over the past decade, Jon Alexander’s consultancy, the New Citizenship Project, has helped revitalise some of Britain’s biggest organisations including the Co-op, the Guardian and the National Trust. Here, with the New York Times bestselling writer Ariane Conrad, he shows how history is about to enter age of the Citizen. Because when our institutions treat people as creative, empowered creatures rather than consumers, everything changes. Unleashing the power of everyone equips us to face the challenges of economic insecurity, climate crisis, public health threats, and polarisation. Citizens is an upbeat handbook, full of insights, clear examples to follow, and inspiring case studies, from the slums of Kenya to the backstreets of Birmingham – and a foreword by Brian Eno. It is the perfect pick-me-up for leaders, founders, elected officials –and citizens everywhere. Organise and seize the future! Reviews 'Society is like an out of control house party – eating, drinking and consuming everything. Jon is the organiser of the campfire gathering behind the party. It’s calm and welcoming and you won’t want to leave. In Citizens, Jon and Ariane show how to leave the burning house of the Consumer Story and join the campfire that is the Citizen Story.' – Stephen Greene, CEO of RockCorps and founding Chair of National Citizen Service UK 'The belief that every single one of us has both the potential and the desire to make the world better drives me every day, in everything I do. In Citizens, Jon shows how taking that belief as a starting point really could transform our world. This is a truly powerful book, in every sense of the word.' - Josh Babarinde, Forbes 30 Under 30 Social Entrepreneur 'Every great transformation requires a new story. A story that reveals new possibilities and points toward an optimistic alternative to the current situation. Citizens presents just such a story.' – Tim Brown, Chair of IDEO and author of Change By Design 'The shift from consumer to citizen is a truly big idea. If you’re in a position of strategic influence, I strongly recommend you engage with this and consciously explore what it might mean for your organisation.' – Dame Fiona Reynolds DBE, Former Director General, National Trust, and Trustee, BBC 'There is such a thing as an idea whose time has come. This is that idea.' – James Perry, Board Member, B Lab Global, and Founding Partner, Snowball Investment Management
The central argument of this book explores the disillusionment that Australians feel with regard to the way politics is conducted. The book explores causes of that disillusionment, and argues that because these are ultimately traceable to defects in the constitution, it is only through constitutional reform that government can be improved. This book argues that the current approach to constitutional debate suffers from the flaw of being anti-theoretical, in the sense that it is not grounded in any set of values, and is afflicted by a tendency to consider practical objections to reform before considering the moral case for it. This book argues that instead of accepting the constitution as it is, it is time we began to discuss how it ought to be, taking human dignity as the fundamental value upon which a constitution should be based. It then puts the case for change in a number of areas, including reform of the electoral system, enhanced parliamentary scrutiny of the executive, the inclusion in the constitution of a full bill of rights, the abolition of the federal system, realisation of the rights of Indigenous people, codification of constitutional conventions either in conjunction with or separately from an Australian republic, reform of the rules of standing in constitutional matters and, finally, the need to improve civics education. This book is designed to be provocative in the way that it directly challenges current academic orthodoxy. This book also outlines a proposed draft new constitution. This book will be of interest to anyone who is concerned about how Australia is governed and why it has been so difficult to achieve constitutional reform.
In spite of the conspicuous lack of normatively plausible alternatives to liberal democracy, it is now widely held that the age of globalization has ushered in serious challenges to the democratic legitimacy of the nation state. This alleged crisis of the western nation state seems to be compounded by the legitimacy deficits of newly emerging governance structures at the international and supranational level. The contributors to this book explore the frontiers of normative and empirical legitimacy research, whilst drawing upon a range of pertinent conceptual and methodological issues.
Democratic Government and Constitutional Jurisdiction brings together a series of articles produced in recent years and contains elements that can provide a panoramic view of the most prominent discussions in constitutional law in our time. The book is divided in five main parts, each of them is an article and addresses issues related to constitutional law, democracy and institutions. It brings about the challenges that Brazil must confront as part of the process of constructing a free, just and compassionate society, this book is intended to be an additional tool for improving the country's institutions. In the inevitable presence of doubts and dreams, we seek to offer alternatives in order to ensure that this project continues.
This book focuses on the evaluation of delegated and implementing rule-making, based on Articles 290 and 291 TFEU. These articles have attracted considerable attention since their introduction in 2009, and their implementation is one of the most hotly debated questions in European Administrative Law. The book takes up this timely topic, discusses it in an innovative way and offers valuable new insights. Delegated and implementing acts are the most common form of EU legal acts. However, despite their ubiquity and relevance, it is unclear how the Commission's powers to adopt these important acts relates to subjects' democratic rights. Accordingly, the book explores the question of how the Commission's powers to adopt delegated and implementing acts can be justified. The relationship between the Commission and the persons within the Member States who are directly affected by its rule-making should be seen, the book argues, as one of institutional trust, and as a result as a fiduciary relationship. The book begins by defining the theoretical conditions for a justificatory approach, before explaining the background and foundations of fiduciary law. It then links this theoretical perspective with the realities of delegated and implementing acts, describing how the various roles in fiduciary relationships map onto the rule-making process that produces delegated and implementing acts, and explains how the fundamental tenet of fiduciary relationships - loyalty - can be included in the rule-making process.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, liberal democracy
appears as the only valid form of democracy. Nonetheless, the
well-established parliamentary regimes are facing serious threats
to both their liberal and their democratic values. Among these
threats are economic globalization and the growing assertion of
cultural difference and nationalism. This book examines some key theoretical and practical problems
for democracy today, such as the nature of citizenship and forms of
inequality and exclusion based on poverty, gender and ethnic or
cultural difference. It also explores the challenges posed by
nationalism and by claims for group rights and indigenous
autonomy. The authors discuss recent theoretical responses to the problems
of political apathy and inequality, as well as globalization and
identity politics. These various approaches accept the basic
institutions of liberal democracy but look for ways of revitalizing
political debate and participation, promoting greater equality and
responding to the erosion of national sovereignty by global
forces." Democratic Theory Today "will provide a lively and accessible
guide for students of political science, political theory and
political philosophy. It will also be of interest to those engaged
in current debates about democracy. .
From Tunisia to Egypt and from Israel to Iran, the debates surrounding the concept of democracy in the Middle East are never straightforward. This has been particularly evident since the events of 2009 in Iran and the uprisings across the Arab world in late 2010 and 2011. Against this backdrop, Democratic Peace across the Middle East critically analyses the prospects for democracy throughout the region, specifically asking whether political and social modernisation are absolute preconditions for democratic peace to take hold in the region, or whether democracy without modernisation might be enough. It explores the dynamics between neo-patriarchy and Islam on the one hand, and democratisation and modernisation on the other, and also considers the prospect of the political accommodation of opposition groups. Incorporating an analysis of a variety of key dynamics which affect each Middle Eastern country in turn, such as tribal and sectarian identity, Islamism and the structure of political party systems, this book will appeal to those researching the Middle East and its patterns of rule.
Although the field of deliberative civic engagement is growing rapidly around the world, our knowledge and understanding of its practice and impacts remain highly fragmented. Democracy in Motion represents the first comprehensive attempt to assess the practice and impact of deliberative civic engagement. Organized in a series of chapters that address the big questions of deliberative civic engagement, it uses theory, research, and practice from around the world to explore what we know about, how we know it, and what remains to be understood. More than a simple summary of research, the book is designed to be accessible and useful to a wide variety of audiences, from scholars and practitioners working in numerous disciplines and fields, to public officials, activists, and average citizens who are seeking to utilize deliberative civic engagement in their communities. The book significantly enhances current scholarship, serving as a guide to existing research and identifying useful future research. It also has promise for enhancing practice, for example by helping practitioners, public officials, and others better think through and articulate issues of design and outcomes, thus enabling them to garner more support for public deliberation activities. In addition, by identifying what remains to be learned about public deliberation, practitioners and public officials may be inspired to connect with scholars to conduct research and evaluations of their efforts.
Devised to accompany and complement International Organization and Global Governance this title will engage advanced undergraduate and graduate students taking more specialized courses in international relations generally, and those pursuing coursework in international organization, law, and political economy. Offers a comprehensive overview of all the current 'hot topics' - Food, Climate, Covid-19, Cities, Cybersecurity, Human Rights. Pushes beyond the traditional fare of global governance studies and invites readers to adopt both a backward- and forward-looking view of global governance, to think through the future trajectory of world order. Chapters are situated in deep and rich historical contexts. The historicism prevalent throughout is a key strength because it forces readers to consider whether the present era is a historical breaking point between world orders. The editors remind readers of the value of taking the long view, and challenge contributors (and by extension, students) to come up with new theories or ideas for continuity and change in global governance.
'For those of us who have to live with terrorism, when we leave home in the morning there is no guarantee that we will come back.' Thus Lakshman Kadirgamar, Sri Lanka's Foreign Minister, foreshadowed his own assassination in 2005. He was an astute and brave thinker and practitioner on many key issues in international politics. Long before 9/11 he warned Western democracies that they were too passive about the activities on their soil of foreign terrorist movements and their front organizations. He was a strong advocate of democracy and human rights, conducting the first-ever Amnesty investigation into the problems of a particular country - Vietnam. He was uniquely effective in countering the propaganda campaigns of the separatist Tamil Tigers in his native Sri Lanka - the movement which ultimately took his life. This definitive work explores the continuing relevance of his ideas for the modern world. Democracy, Sovereignty and Terror presents Kadirgamar's distinctive voice in his major speeches. It also offers a convincing picture, by those who knew him, of a scholar-statesman who was both a realist and an idealist. He showed that these approaches can be combined in both thought and action.
Africa beyond Liberal Democracy: The Quest for Indigenous Models of Democracy for the Twenty-First Century addresses the fate of liberal democracy in Africa. At the dawn of political independence in the late 1950s and early 1960s, many countries in Africa set out with liberal democratic constitutions. However, these were quickly dismantled by civilian regimes that turned their countries into one-party autocracies, or by military coups that set aside the constitutions altogether. The 1990s saw an attempt at reverting to competitive multi-party politics through the so-called second-generation constitutions, but these are again being dismantled by civilian autocracies and military juntas. In this collection, edited by Reginald M. J. Oduor, African and Africanist scholars point out that what has failed in Africa is liberal democracy rather than democracy as such, because liberal democracy arose in an individualist socio-political Western context that is significantly different from the communalist milieu of African societies. They call for alternative trajectories of democratization that are responsive to the socio-political realities on the continent. The contributors, who come from South Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Nigeria, Ghana, India, Sweden, and Finland, present a range of perspectives on possible directions for context-relevant models of democracy in the various countries of Africa in the twenty-first century.
The theories of justice developed by Rawls, Sen and Nussbaum are examined in this book, which sets a goal to perform a comparative analysis of these theories and to demonstrate their mutual relationships. All three liberal theories significantly enrich the set of fundamental principles of morality that concerns the sphere of political action. The novelty of the Sen's and Nussbaum's capability approach in comparison with Rawls is that they discuss the problem of social justice on a global scale in their own original way. They do not try to extend and adjust the two principles of justice to the whole mankind nor they treat the difference principle as to be applied everywhere. Instead, they present their own cosmopolitan ways to apply their theories of justice to take into account issues which are neglected or insufficiently developed by Rawls, such as global inequalities, the discrimination of women, the rights of people with disabilities and animal rights. These theories can be described as answer to this crucial objection towards the Rawls' work that this theory of justice does not solve these important global problems.
Majority-minority group relations are central to the proper functioning of any organization, but these relationships are especially important in democratically-elected legislatures. In legislatures, for example, group dynamics affect how the legislature operates, who is valued enough to play a critical decision-making role, and what voices matter in determining policy outcomes. In The Diversity Paradox, George Krause and Kristin Kanthak explore the nature of these relationships, particularly their effect on both the valuation of minority group legislators and the ideological stability of the legislature in general. Interestingly, they demonstrate that an increase in a minority group's size within a legislature actually leads to the devaluation of individual minority group members. They call this the 'diversity paradox': In fact, representative institutions such as legislatures face a 'diversity paradox': when the size of a minority group increases beyond mere 'tokenism' in representative institutions such as legislatures, it tends to create an unintended backlash toward the minority group's members that emanates from both majority and fellow minority group members. Representative institutions, therefore, can only fulfill the promise of adequate representation of minority group interests only by conquering this paradox. They can accomplish this through jointly attaining sufficient 'numbers' and overcoming the coordination problems those numbers create. This is no small task and no small issue: the inclusion of minority group voices in representative institutions is critical in a wide range of political decisions, ranging from legislative gender quotas in the new Iraqi constitution to attempts in the U.S. to increase minority representation through redistricting. The question of whether or not an increase in descriptive representation (numbers) has an impact on substantive representation (policy) is central to such efforts, and therefore The Diversity Paradox has important ramifications for all students interested in democratic representation.
This book examines the governance and democratization process in Africa, its history, trends, and prospects. Written by a diverse panel of experts, the book provides an intersectional and interdisciplinary analysis of Africa's democratic environment. Chapters cover topics such as the evolution of democracy in Africa, electoral politics, gender, activism, human rights, and cultural diversity. Critically assessing the fit of democracy for African countries and offering strategies for the Africanization of democracy, this volume will be important for researchers and students interested in African politics, postcolonial theory, democracy, and governance.
What is democracy? How does it work? What are its strengths - and its shortcomings? Two-thirds of the world's population, in over 100 countries, live under governments that claim to be democratic. Yet few of those governments live up to the ideals of democracy, or respect its key principles and institutions. Here, author Eamonn Butler defines democracy, explains its purposes, and shows the difference between genuine democracy and the many sham versions that currently exist. He outlines the history of democracy and the benefits it brings. But he also points out the many myths about it that blind us to its limitations. And he explains why it's important to have a clear understanding of democracy - and how easily it can be lost or abused when people do not properly understand it. Importantly, he asks why so many people today have become disillusioned with democratic politics - and what, if anything, can be done about it.This lucid and fascinating book provides a straightforward introduction to democracy, enabling anyone to understand it - even if they've never experienced it.
This book is an up-to-date analysis and review of the trends and events which marked the slow and uncertain progress of Britain towards representative parliamentary democracy from 1830 to 1918. Set in the general context of world democratic development, the book deals with debates, popular participation and achievements in regard to franchise extension, the secret ballot, female suffrage, elimination of electoral corruption, proportional representation and restriction of the veto powers of the House of Lords. The book concludes by raising questions about the adoption, in the future, of a more directly democratic system of government.
Since 2006, Venezuela has witnessed an explosion of different forms of popular power and participatory democracy. Over 47,000 grassroots neighborhood-based communal councils and 3,000 communes have been constructed. In Communes and the Venezuelan State: The Struggle for Participatory Democracy in a Time of Crisis, Anderson Bean offers a critical analysis of these experiments in popular and workers' power and their potential for societal transformation within and beyond Venezuela. Drawing on extensive ethnographic research, Bean demonstrates how workers and peasants, through networks of popular power, exercise agency over their own development while facing challenges from the capitalist state. Most importantly, this book connects with the far-reaching implications that the communal movement in Venezuela has for building a society responsive more to the needs of ordinary people than to the desires of the elites.
'Witty, rigorous, and as urgent as a fire alarm' Dorian Lynskey 'Cooly prosecutorial' Guardian Nobody meant for this to happen. Facebook didn't mean to facilitate a genocide. Twitter didn't want to be used to harass women. YouTube never planned to radicalise young men. But with billions of users, these platforms need only tweak their algorithms to generate more 'engagement'. In so doing, they bring unrest to previously settled communities and erode our relationships. Social warming has happened gradually - as a by-product of our preposterously convenient digital existence. But the gradual deterioration of our attitudes and behaviour on- and offline - this vicious cycle of anger and outrage - is real. And it can be corrected. Here's how.
The book provides the historical setting of Turkey related to the development of democracy, human rights issues, the treatment of cultural and ethnic minorities, and the short- and long-term consequences of the crackdown including impacts on individuals, institutions like education and the media, the criminal justice system, the economy, and Turkey's standing in the international community. Since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey, the military and the media have been the main traditional powers of oppressive, secularist, and nationalist regimes in the country. After a period of initial reforms, rather than eliminating the structures of the authoritarian state, Recep Tayyip Erdogan seized the levers of power and used them aggressively against his political enemies. He turned Turkey into a one-man regime after the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016, and his actions included the widespread violation of human rights. This book tells the tale of the consequences of the measures taken after the failed coup attempt that have adversely impacted the development of democracy and human rights in Turkey, altering the nation's course of history. Beginning with a State of Emergency that was declared in July of 2016, Turkey has moved to a more authoritarian state. Among the consequences of the actions taken have been imprisonment of hundreds of thousands, the shuttering of media, the dismissal of public employees, the dismissal of academics, jailed elected Kurdish politicians, and the misuse of the criminal justice to victimize the population. Adverse effects have included widespread violations of human rights, torture, and mistreatment of prisoners, false imprisonment, and the absence of the right to a fair trial. This book examines some of the thorniest questions of Turkish democratization and human rights, including the underlying reasons for the decay of democracy and what has happened as a result of this decay. Among these is a deterioration of the educational system, a reduction in economic stability, the absence of the rule of law and due process, a radical transformation of the country, and violations of universal human rights. Endorsements: As one who knows people who have been victimized by the authoritarian regime in Turkey, "Human Rights in Turkey" provides unique insights and perspectives on the changes that have befallen his wonderful country. It is truly insightful. David L. Carter, Ph.D., Michigan State University Human Rights in Turkey: Assaults on Human Dignity fills a major gap in contemporary political scholarship. Its elucidation of Turkey's democratic backsliding into a one-man authoritarian regime is insightful and unique. Absolutely required reading for anyone who cares about this beautiful country, its wonderful people, and its uncertain future. Kati Piri, Member of the European Parliament and Delegation to the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee Aydin's and Langley's book addresses critical issues in a critical case. Turkey had been regarded as a rising democracy in a troubled region, but in recent years the country has experienced troubling signs of democratic erosion. Central to that decline is the precarious status of basic human rights of expression, association, religion, and due process. This book explores what has happened and how it affects individuals and the Turkish polity more broadly. John M. Carey, Ph.D.. Wentworth Professor in the Social Sciences, Dartmouth College, NH, USA Turkey was once a poster-boy of the league of modernizing countries - a staunch ally of the West, an almost-democracy that would become better soon enough. It might even be the first Muslim country to join the European Union. That image now lies shattered under the erratic one-man-show of Tayyip Erdogan. The police state reigns supreme, opposition is cowed, the courts are in shambles, and more journalists are jailed for their opinions than in any other country. How did it all come to this pass? This collection of essays examines the visible and obscure causes of the catclysmic events that have transformed Turkey. They question the long-established state of semi-freedom under secular rule, as well as the "Islamic" challenges that have arisen since Erdogan's rise to power. Sevan Nisanyan, Historian, Linguist, and Political Refugee, Greece Situated right at the border between East and West, Turkey and its volatile political development continues to attract attention from people interested in the prospect for democracy. This book offers an impressive and thorough account of the recent democratic backsliding and reveals that not only the hope for a consolidation of liberal democracy but also large sections of the population are victims of rising authoritarianism. Jacob Torfing, PhD., Professor in Politics and Institutions, Roskilde University, Denmark A fascinating book detailing the rapid deterioration of human rights in Turkey, involving false imprisonment, job dismissals, media restrictions, and due process violations. A careful examination of the swift decline of democracy, transforming a prospering country into one where economic, educational, and social stability, and the operation of the justice system were impacted by a government declaration of a State of Emergency. A comprehensive analysis of the ways in which a society changes when human rights are not enforced in accord with the principles of due process and the rule of law. Jay Albanese, PhD., Virginia Commonwealth University, Wilder School of Government & Public Affairs As a human rights activist and a victim of severe human rights violations in Turkey, I recognize the value of the chapters, as they provide a thorough examination and analysis of subjects regarding Human rights violations in Turkey. The book comprehensively chronicles the events pertaining to the steady rise of political authoritarianism. The relevancy of the issues addressed in each chapter make the book important in regard to the emerging civil society movement in Turkey. Furthermore, the descriptions of the severe decline of human rights and the democratic backsliding towards authoritarianism and facism during the last decade in Turkey, highlights the significance of the book. Haluk Savas, PhD., Professor of Psychiatry, Psychotherapist And Editor in Chief of KHK TV (Voice of Rights), Turkey Human rights violations are a world-wide phenomenon, occurring in various capacities and to varying degrees in each country. However, unique to Turkey, is the rapid increase in violations that are not the result of deeply rooted social practices, but rather are contingent upon political decisions. Therefore, the cases of these violations are worthy of study. Hercules Millas, PhD., Political Scientist, Greece We are living in a "Geography of Genocide."Historically, Unionists (committtee of union and progress) who committed the 1915 Armenian Genocide, established the Republic of Turkey. As a result, a distorted history and official ideology for the state was established. Furthermore, "redlines" in the country, such as the Kurdish Question, the Armenian Genocide, and the Cyprus Issue, were fabricated. Until today, the Turkish Republic remains in denial of the problems that have caused major human rights violations. This book chronicles a very important reality that evaluates the "core state structure" in Turkey, which remains intact even though rulers have changed, through human rights violations. Eren Keskin, Lawyer and Human Right Activist, The Vice-president of the Human Rights Association, Turkey
This edited volume offers new insights into the populist wave that is affecting democratic politics in a large number of countries. The authoritarian populist turn that has developed in the US and various European countries in recent years both reflects and exacerbates the polarization of public opinion that increasingly characterizes democratic politics. The book seeks to explain how and why authoritarian populist opinion has developed and been mobilised in democratic countries. It also explores the implications of this growth in authoritarian, anti-immigrant sentiment for the operation of democratic politics in the future. It concludes that liberals may need to abandon their big-hearted internationalist instinct for open and unmanaged national borders and tacit indifference to illegal immigration. They should instead fashion a distinctively liberal position on immigration based on the socially progressive traditions of planning, public services, community cohesion and worker protection against exploitation. To do otherwise would be to provide the forces of illiberal authoritarianism with an opportunity to advance unparalleled since the 1930s and to destroy the extraordinary post-war achievements of the liberal democratic order. |
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