This book, first published in 1989, is a comprehensive examination of the profound impact of World War II on Soviet military affairs. It systematically assesses the costs and lessons of the war and their substantial impact on Soviet military and Party leaders in the Cold War era and particularly in the 1980s. Starting with the experiences of the war and its influence on the development of Soviet military thinking, the book addresses the relationship between the military and the Soviet political system, threat perception, decision making, and crisis and risk assessment. Also discussed are the war's influence on the structure and operations of the military in the 1980s, focusing on doctrine, conventional forces, the defence industry and historiography.

This collection examines the extent to which nuclear weapons modernization has become a significant point of concern and consideration in international security. Recent statements and substantial investments by nuclear weapon possessor states in the upkeep and modernization of their nuclear postures - particularly the United States, Russia and China - illustrate a return of primacy and the salience of nuclear forces in international politics. The upgrading of systems, the introduction of new capabilities, the intermingling of new technologies, and the advancement of new strategic models, are all indicative of their elevation in importance and reliance. With contributions from leading thinkers in the nuclear weapons domain, this book elucidates the global strategic and policy implications such modernization efforts by the above-mentioned states will have on international security. In unpacking and conceptualizing this developing source of potential (in)security and tension, the collection not only provides a technical context, but also frames the likely effects modernization could have on the relations between these nuclear weapon powers and the larger impact upon efforts to curb nuclear weapons - both in terms of horizontal and vertical proliferation. The chapters have been arranged so as to inform a variety of stakeholders, from academics to policy-makers, by connecting analytical and normative insights, and thereby, advancing debates pertaining to where nuclear modernization sits as a point of global security consternation in the 21st century.

Foreign and security policy have long been removed from the political pressures that influence other areas of policymaking. This has led to a tendency to separate the analytical levels of the individual and the collective. Using Lacanian theory, which views the subject as ontologically incomplete and desiring a perfect identity which is realised in fantasies, or narrative scenarios, this book shows that the making of foreign policy is a much more complex process. Emotions and affect play an important role, even where 'hard' security issues, such as the use of military force, are concerned. Eberle constructs a new theoretical framework for analysing foreign policy by capturing the interweaving of both discursive and affective aspects in policymaking. He uses this framework to explain Germany's often contradictory foreign policy towards the Iraq crisis of 2002/2003, and the emotional, even existential, public debate that accompanied it. This book adds to ongoing theoretical debates in International Political Sociology and Critical Security Studies and will be required reading for all scholars working in these areas.

Accessing human rights and justice mechanisms is a pressing issue in global politics. Although an understanding of justice is inherent in broad human rights discourses, there is no clear consensus on how to develop adequate means of accessing them in order to make a difference to people's lives. Further, expansions of the boundaries of both human rights and justice make any clear and settled understanding of the relation difficult to ascertain. This volume tackles these issues by focusing on the dilemmas of accessing and implementing human rights and justice across a range of empirical contexts while also investigating a range of conceptual approaches to, and understandings of, justice, including issues of equality, retribution, and restoration, as well as justice as a transnational professional project. The contributors, representing a range of disciplinary backgrounds and diverse voices, offer empirical examples from Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Syria, Tunisia, and Uganda to explore the issues of accessing and implementing human rights and justice in conflict, post-conflict, and transitional settings. This work will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, human rights, international criminal justice, and conflict response.

The notion of 'silence' in Politics and International Relations has come to imply the absence of voice in political life and, as such, tends to be scholastically prescribed as the antithesis of political power and political agency. However, from Emma Gonzales's three minutes of silence as part of her address at the March for Our Lives, to Trump's attempts to silence the investigation into his campaign's alleged collusion with Russia, along with the continuing revelations articulated by silence-breakers of sexual harassment, it is apparent that there are multiple meanings and functions of political silence - all of which intersect at the nexus of power and agency. Dingli and Cooke present a complex constellation of engagements that challenge the conceptual limitations of established approaches to silence by engaging with diverse, cross-disciplinary analytical perspectives on silence and its political implications in the realms of: environmental politics, diplomacy, digital privacy, radical politics, the politics of piety, commemoration, international organization and international law, among others. Contributors to this edited collection chart their approaches to the relationship between silence, power and agency, thus positing silence as a productive modality of agency. While this collection promotes intellectual and interdisciplinary synergy around critical thinking and research regarding the intersections of silence, power and agency, it is written for scholars in politics, international relations theory, international political theory, critical theory and everything in between.

This book, first published in 1982, examines the crisis of detente in Europe and between the superpowers, the crisis in arms control, and the heightening of tensions within NATO, and analyses the central precepts of Western policy and thought in these areas. These crises are examined in terms of the trends, thought and action in the area of Western security. In particular, the concept of strategic stability, the assumptions behind arms control, and between arms control and security policy, are critically analysed.

This book, first published in 1985, is the first full-length study of the Soviet Armed Forces as a social institution. Using military manpower as a substantive focus, it identifies those characteristics that the Soviet military shared with counterparts in non-communist systems and those that were unique to the society and political culture in which it was embedded. The discussion encompasses defence policy-making as a whole and focuses on conscription policy, the characteristics of the professional military, the role of the political officer, the mechanics of political socialization within the Red Army, and the experience of ethnic minorities in the armed forces. This analysis provides a window through which we can observe the broader military system at work; how that system affects, and in turn is affected by, the economic, social and political life of the Soviet Union. It contributes to our understanding of civil-military relations in communist systems and to our knowledge of Soviet political and social trends.

This book, first published in 1986, is a major study of semialignment and a review of the individual nations within NATO to which the model could be applied. Towards the end of the Cold War, there arose within NATO this intermediate category between alignment and nonalignment, whereby a member state enjoyed the status and facilities of NATO membership while disassociating itself from certain NATO programmes. This book analyses the phenomenon, and the possibility that it weakened the credibility of NATO deterrence and the defence posture versus the Soviet Union.

This book, first published in 1987, examines the defence forces of Western Europe and assesses Europe's capacity to defend itself as the 1980s saw the Cold War balance of power shift towards the Soviet Union. Soviet forces were greatly superior to NATO's in terms of tanks, artillery and combat divisions, and this book analyses the NATO response and capabilities.

This book, first published in 1981, offers an analysis of the ways in which one strategic situation in Cold War politics impinged on another, and the interplay of historical forces and trends shaping national policies and the world pattern of power. Bringing together a wealth of factual and analytical material about the alliance systems built around the two superpowers, it examines the areas that seem most dangerous to the peace of the world, particularly in the Middle East, Asia and Latin America.

This book, first published in 1975, analyses the three tools which the Russians used for attaining their political objectives: war, peace and neutrality. This study shows how they have evolved a clear-cut view, based on Marxism-Leninism, of the origins of war, the categories of war, the ways in which it can be made to serve the Marxist revolutionary interest, and the circumstances in which it is profitable to use it. As for peace, both Lenin and Khrushchev described it as a 'temporary, unstable armistice between two wars'. In the Leninist view, peace is a tool for attaining political objectives just like war, while neutrality is essentially ridiculous: 'he who is not with me is against me'. Nevertheless, there are occasions when neutrality is a concept acceptable to the Soviet leaders, and this study examines instances of this, alongside war and peace.

This book, first published in 1988, analyses the interests and activities of the Soviet Union in the northern Atlantic. It gives particular attention to the growth in exploration and exploitation of resources and to the problems presented by jurisdictional disputes. The responses of NATO, the United States and the Nordic countries to the expanded Soviet military presence are examined in detail.

This book, first published in 1983, analyses the technical and political developments in the two decades after the 1972 Soviet-American ABM treaty. It signposts the route for discussion of the antiballistic missile question - with its shared tacit assumption that nuclear war is for deterring and not fighting - and examines the dangerous tendency to conduct the ABM debate of the 1980s with the technical and political assumptions of the 1960s.

This book, first published in 1985, examines the questions of European security that lie at the heart of the confrontation between the superpowers. It concentrates on ways of achieving defence by conventional means rather than a reliance on nuclear or chemical weapons, and at the same time focuses on possible force reductions.

This book, first published in 1986, analyses a number of emerging, enduring and neglected issues that affected European security and the stability of the Atlantic Alliance at the end of the Cold War. It provides a comprehensive review of the major political, social and economic issues that shaped the course of European security. It offers a thorough assessment of such critical questions as European views of the US Strategic Defense Initiative, the contribution of new technologies and tactics to NATO's conventional defence capabilities, and domestic factors that influenced security policy. It also provides original analysis of a number of issues, such as economic dimensions of security, the quest for a European defence identity, and protection of Western interests outside the NATO area. It provides a review of the nuclear question and of the German security debate in the aftermath of the initial US INF missile deployments.

This book, first published in 1985, analyses the polarization of popular opinion over NATO defence policies during the latter years of the Cold War. In many countries, the domestic consensus that once supported Allied policies came close to collapsing, and this study examines the question of the democratization of defence policy. It explores four themes for each of the Allied countries: views of the Soviet Union; deterrence; security; and the Allies. A rigorous and systematic analysis of the raw data allows for easy cross-national comparisons.

This book, first published in 1985, analyses the choices made by NATO's northern allies during the 1970s and 80s, as well as the factors that produced these choices. Each country study investigates the historical background of the decision to align, the existence of specific enduring security preferences, and the way in which these have - to the extent they have - been reconciled in policy. The studies then examine defence policy priorities during tranquil periods, detail the factors responsible for promoting change in the way each country has formulated security priorities, and look at the way in which disputes have been played out in domestic political life. Finally, the studies analyse the broad outline of future priorities at the end of the Cold War.

This book, first published in 1954, is a key analysis of the guiding policies, basic assumptions, fundamental principles and methods of the Red Army, in many respects the most powerful force in the Cold War. This analysis examines the strategy and tactics, weapons systems, training, discipline and political doctrine of the Red Army, as well as focusing on the political control of the USSR and its satellite states.

This book, first published in 1989, analyses the effect that interdependence has had on the defence industrial base, concentrating upon those defence industries situated at the hi-tech end, and paying particular attention to the procurement decisions that affect the production of sophisticated military aircraft. Interdependence raises questions of importance to international relations, strategic studies and defence economics, and Western industrialised states have an ongoing dilemma over the degree to which they should subject their defence industrial bases to the forces of economic interdependence. Despite worries over strategic vulnerability, most Western states have been showing increased interest in arms collaboration, with the aim of maximizing the amount of weaponry available for defence. As this book shows, such a goal becomes increasingly important s the technological sophistication of weapons grows.

This book, first published in 1975, is a comprehensive examination of specialised strategic studies, and deals with the theoretical and policy aspects of the topic. It argues that military power is an intrinsic part of the international system, with strategy being the means by which military power may be used to achieve political objectives. Hence, given the destructiveness of modern weapons it is the prime aim of the strategic doctrines of the major powers not to wage war, but to use their military potential to further their interests by less catastrophic means. However, outside the Cold War superpower confrontation, strategy exhibits many of its traditional aspects. This book analyses both types of strategy variations.

This book, first published in 1997, examines the forced merger between national security interests and environmental policy makers arising from the Chemical Weapons Convention and its requirement to safely dismantle the world's chemical weapons stockpiles. The two groups had to find a way to intersect and work together, and this book analyses the problems and politics involved.

This book, first published in 1980, is a close analysis of Britain's defence policy in the latter years of the Cold War. It examines the factors that limited the choices available to the governments of the day, including technological advances, costs, changes in the balance of power, strategic thinking in both West and East, and the consequent implications for the development of forces and arms.

This book, first published in 1981, examines the influences affecting Soviet military thinking planning and theory in the later Cold War. It offers for the first time an insight into the range of premises and calculations surrounding the Soviet conception of power, and makes the connection between Soviet studies and military strategy, a link often missed in the West. It discusses comparative doctrines, cultural differences, arms control and specific security challenges between East and West.

This book examines the United States neoconservative movement, arguing that its support for the 2003 invasion of Iraq was rooted in an intelligence theory shaped by the policy struggles of the Cold War. The origins of neoconservative engagement with intelligence theory are traced to a tradition of labour anti-communism that emerged in the early 20th century and subsequently provided the Central Intelligence Agency with key allies in the state-private networks of the Cold War era. Reflecting on the break-up of Cold War liberalism and the challenge to state-private networks in the 1970s, the book maps the neoconservative response that influenced developments in United States intelligence policy, counterintelligence and covert action. With the labour roots of neoconservatism widely acknowledged but rarely systematically pursued, this new approach deploys the neoconservative literature of intelligence as evidence of a tradition rooted in the labour anti-communist self-image as allies rather than agents of the American state. This book will be of great interest to all students of intelligence studies, Cold War history, United States foreign policy and international relations.

This book, first published in 1990, examines the origins and evolution of the security police, considering the continuities as well as changes in its function as guardian of the regime's security. It analyses the KGB's involvement in Kremlin politics, the structure and organisation of the KGB, its formal tasks and legal prerogatives as set forth by the Party leadership, and the actual functions it performs on behalf of the Soviet regime. Underlying this analysis is an attempt to assess the power and authority of the KGB relative to other political institutions and to explain the crucial dynamics of the Party- KGB relationship.